
Class 
Book„M_SJL 



COPYRIGHT DEPOSm 



s a 



^ 



OUTLINES 



/ 

OF 



Ai^CIENT HISTOEY 



FOR THE USE OF 
HIGH SCHOOLS AND ACADEMIES 




BY 
WILLIAM C. MOREY, Ph.D., D.C.L. 

PROFESSOR OF HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE, UNIVERSITY 

OF ROCHESTER 

AUTHOR OF "outlines OF ROMAN HISTORY," "OUTLINES OF ROMAN LAW,' 

"outlines OF GREEK HISTORY," ETC. 



NEW YORK • : • CINCINNATI • : • CHICAGO 

AMERICAN BOOK COMPANY 



LIBRARY of CONGRESS 
Two CoDles Received 

JUL 2 1906 

pi Copyright Entry 



(a. KXc. no. 

COPY B. 



(^JClass <^' 



Copyright, 1906, p.v 
WILLIAM C. MOUEY 

ANCIENT HISTOI T 
W. P. 1 



PREFACE 

This book has been prepared to meet the wants of those 
teachers who have expressed the desire for a text-book of 
ancient history in a single volume, constructed on the plan of 
the author's " Outlines of Greek History " and " Outlines of 
Roman History." Such a text-book, of course, requires some- 
thing more than the mere bringing together of separate ac- 
counts of the different countries of the old world. It should 
be so arranged as to indicate the historical relation of these 
countries to one another, and the contributions which each has 
made to the progress of mankind. The significance of each 
country should be estimated by the permanent elements of 
its civilization, or those elements which, have survived after the 
nation has passed away. The purpose of this book is, there- 
fore, not simply to describe the growth of separate countries, 
but to indicate in a general way the continuity of ancient his- 
tory. The subject-matter contained in the author's previous 
volumes has been used so far as it is available for this purpose. 

The usual division of ancient history into Oriental, Greek, 
and Koman, has been followed not only as the most convenient 
arrangement, but as affording the means to illustrate in a sat- 
isfactory way the progressive stages in the growth of ancient 
civilization. The Oriental countries are described to show the 
beginnings of man's industrial life and the initial stages in the 
development of government, literature, art, science, and re- 
ligion. The Greek world is viewed as the historical field espe- 
cially distinguished for the growth of political liberty and the 
development of a high intellectual and assthetic culture. In 
describing the Eoman world, the attempt has been made to 
keep clearly in view that which has given to Rome its distinct- 
ive place in the world's history — the genius for organization, 

3 



4 PEEFACE 

the growth of an imperial dominion, and the development of a 
universal system of government and law. 

It has been especially the desire of the author to reduce his- 
tory to the simplest terms consistent with the importance of 
the subject-matter. But it has also been his desire to develop 
in the pupil's mind a scientific spirit, not only by emphasizing 
the continuity of history, but by indicating the relation of 
special facts to general movements, and the relation of 
these general movements to the growth of the national charac- 
ter and institutions, as well as the relation of each nation's 
career to the general progress of mankind. Irrelevant matter 
has been excluded; and facts have been selected and arranged 
with reference to their historical significance. The at- 
tention of the teacher is called to the " Progressive Maps," 
which are intended to indicate in outline the most important 
changes in the geographical history of the ancient world. 
Each chapter is followed by a " Synopsis for Eeview " which 
presents at a glance the order of the general and special 
topics treated in the text. This is followed by a list of " Ref- 
erences for Eeading." The attempt has been made not to 
collate an extensive bibliography, which can be of little prac- 
tical value to the ordinary pupil, but rather to direct atten- 
tion to certain chapters — with their exact titles — in books 
which are readily accessible. The classified list of books in 
the Appendix will give to the teacher and advanced student 
further bibliographical aid. 

W. C. M. 

University of Rochester, 
Rochester, N. Y. 



CONTENTS 

CHAPTER . PAGE 

I. Introduction — General Character of Ancient History . 7 

THE ORIENTAL WORLD 

II. Tlie First Empires — Early Babylonia and Egypt . 19 

III. Tlie Syrian States — Phoenicia and Judea ... 41 

IV. The New Semitic Empires — Assyria and Later Babylonia 51 
V. The Aryan Empires — Media and Persia .... 61 

THE GREEK WORLD 

PERIOD I. The Beginnings of Greece (-776 b. c. ) 

VI. Greece, its People and Early Legends .... 75 
VII. The Earliest Ages of Greece 87 

PERIOD II. Development op the Greek City States 
(776-500 B. c.) 

VIII. Political Growth and Expansion of Greece . . . 103 

IX. The Typical City States— Sparta and Athens . .114 

X. The Beginnings of Hellenic Culture .... 129 

PERIOD III. The Athenian Ascendency ; its Growth 
AND Decline (500-359 b. c.) 

XI, The Persian Wars— Growing Power of Athens . . 143 

XII. Tlie Atiienian Empire ; Age of Pericles .... 160 

XIII. The Struggles for Supremacy in Greece .... 178 

XIV. The Attic Period of Hellenic Culture . . .197 

PERIOD IV. The Union op Greece and the Orient 

(359-146 B. c.) 

XV. Macedonia and the Empire of Alexander . . . 225 

XVI. The New GraecoOriental, or Hellenistic, Culture . . 245 

5 



6 CONTENTS 

THE ROMAN WORLD 

PERIOD I. Beginnings of the Roman State 
(753-343 B. c.) 

CHAPTER PAGE 

XVII. Italy and the Traditional Origin of Rome . . . 259 

XVIII. Tlie Early City State— Regal Rome . . . .271 

XIX. The Development of the Republican Constitution 286 

PERIOD II. The Expansion of the Roman Republic 
(343-133 B. c.) 

XX. The Consolidation of Italy 299 

XXI. The Struggles with Carthage ; tlie Punic Wars . .315 

XXII. The Conquest of the Mediterranean Lands . . . 332 

XXIII. Rome as a World Power 344. 

PERIOD III. Transition from the Republic to the 
Empirk (133-31 B. c.) 

XXIV. Tlie Revolution under the Gracchi . . . .354 
XXV. The Leadership of Marius and Sulla . . . .364 
XXVI. The Growth of Imperialism — Pompey and Ctesar . 375 

XXVII. The Last Struggle for the Empire — Antony and 

Octavius 393 

PERIOD IV. The Roman World under the Empire 
(31 B. C.-395 A. D.) 

XXVIII. The Empire under Augustus (31 b. C.-14 a. d.) . . 407 

XXIX. The Development of the Early Empire . . .419 

^ XXX. The Later Empire of Diocletian and Constantine . 455 

yXXXI. Distinctive Features of the Roman Empire . . . 470 

PERIOD V. The Dissolution of the Roman Empire 

(395-800 A. D.) 

XXXII. The German Occupation of the West . . . .482 

XXXIII. The Roman Empire in the East 498 

XXXIV. The Growth of the Carolingian Empire . . .508 

Appendix — A Classified List of Books on Ancient History . . 525 
Index 537 



ANCIENT HISTORY 



CHAPTER I 

INTKODUCTION— GENERAL CHARACTER OF ANCIENT 
HISTORY 

I. Or History in General 

Meaning of History. — We may perhaps define history in 
the briefest way by saying that it is the record of human 
progress. The study of history enables us to see how the 
world in which we live to-day has come to be what it is. By 
this study we learn that the ideas, the customs, and the institu- 
tions which we possess in the present, have grown out of what 
men already possessed in the past. Hence we study the ages 
which have gone before us, in order that we may understand 
the age in which we live. It has been said that "to know 
what man is we must know what man has been.'' History, 
therefore, in the broadest sense of the word, deals with the 
progress of mankind — ^the successive stages of human develop- 
ment. We must not think that it is chiefly a story of wars 
and battles; it is rather a record of the steps by which men 
have advanced from barbarism to civilization — by which they 
have been raised from a lower to a higher plane of existence. 

Sources of Historical Knowledg-e. — As we begin our study 
of history, we may ask the question. How can we know the 
past — how can we find out anything about the men who lived 
ages ago? We may perhaps best answer this question by first 



8 INTRODUCTION 

asking a simpler one. How, for example, do we know any- 
thing about our own ancestors, whom no person now living 
has ever seen? In the first place, we may have heard stories 
about them, which have been handed down from generation to 
generation. In the next place, we may have pictures or heir- 
looms or other relics which they once possessed and which re- 
veal something regarding their looks, their tastes, and their 
character. Finally, we may have in our possession letters or 
other documents which they themselves have written, or which 
others have written about them. By such means we are able 
to learn something about the persons who have lived in the 
past and whom we have never seen. It is in fact by methods 
quite similar to these that we get our knowledge of the past 
ages of mankind. We may in a similar way group the sources 
of our historical knowledge as follows: 

■J|i) Oral traditions, or stories, myths, folklore, and legends 
which have been handed down from generation to generation. 
These are valuable as evidences of what people have believed; 
although we cannot place much reliance upon them as evidence 
of what has really happened. 

(2) Material remains, or relics of the past, such as stone 
and metal weapons and other implements, buildings, sculp- 
tures, vases, coins, and other works of art which bear the im- 
press of the character of the peo])le that produced them. 

(3) Written records, such as inscriptions, manuscripts, and 
books, written either by those living at the time of the events 
described, or by those living at a later period but having 
knowledge of such events. 

Stages of Human Progress. — From the study of such sources 
it has been found that mankind has passed through various 
stages of development — from savagery to barbarism, and from 
barbarism to civilization. Our knowledge of the earliest stage 
of human progress is derived somewhat from traditions, but 
more largely from material relies. These reveal a very prim- 
itive condition, in which men evidently lived in caves or in the 



GENERAL CHAHACTER OF ANCIENT HISTORY 



9 



shelter of rocks and trees; in which they obtained their food 
by hunting and fishing, and made tlieir implements from 
rougli or polished stone. This primitive stage has been called 
the Age of Savagery, or the Age of Stone. 

The discovery and use of the metals — such as copper, tin, 
silver, gold, and iron — mark a higher stage of progress. Now 
men began to show greater mechanical skill, to manufacture 
many new articles, both for use and for ornament, which added 
to their comfort and hapj^iness. They began to live in artifi- 
cial dwellings, such as touts and hovels of wood or clay, and 
to obtain their living bv the domestication of animals and the 




Early Stone Implements 



cultivation of the soil. Tliis stage has been called the Age of 
Barbarism, or the Age of Metals — including the Bronze Age 
and the Iron Age. 

The use of a well-defined written language may be said to 
mark the dawn of civilization. From this time men have 
gradually advanced in industry and commerce, in the arts and 
sciences, in language and literature, in government and laws, 
and in all those things which belong to the higher physical, 
intellectual, and social life. 

Divisions of General History. — In studying the facts and 
movements of history, it is customary to arrange them in cer- 



PROa-RESSIVE ISIJ^T* JSTo.l. 




w 9 

o Pi 


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-IS 








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5lS 


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o H 


o ^:J. 






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GENERAL CHARACTER OF ANCIENT HISTORY 11 

tain divisions or periods. This is well enough, if we do not 
suppose that there is any sharp dividing line which separates 
one period from another. In spite of revolutions and the rise 
and fall of nations, the course of history has been continuous. 
The " periods " of history are not separated by gaps or breaks, 
but rather are successive phases of development merging grad- 
ually one into another. Bearing this in mind, we may first 
arrange the general history of the world into two great divi- 
sions — ancient and modern. Ancient history begins with the 
dawn of civilization, and traces the progress of mankind among 
those nations which have now ceased to exist — or at least have 
ceased to contribute anything to the world's progress. Modern 
history, on the other hand, deals with the origin and growth 
of those nations which still exist and are still working out 
the problems of a higher world life.^ 

In making this division between ancient and modern history 
we must remember that these two great periods of history are 
closely related to each other. Indeed, the' great interest which 
we have in ancient history is due to the fact that a large part 
of our present ideas, customs, and institutions have descended 
to us from the peoples who flourished in ancient times. 

II. The Field oe Ancient Histoey 

Geography and History. — It is a fact familiar to us all 
that men are influenced to a large extent by their surround- 
ings — ^that is, by the localities in which they are placed. s/One 
of_the_cpn^di1dons^ tiie_^^^ proui-c:^^ is a favorable 

enviromuent. yTTence the study of geography is closely related 
to the study of history. We know, for example, that men are 
greatly affected by the climate in which they live. Too much 

1 The term "mediaeval history," or the "middle ages," is often applied to 
the formative period of modern nations, extending from the fall of the 
Western Roman Empire in the fifth century, or from the establishment of 
the Empire of Charlemagne in the eighth century, down to the fifteenth or 
the sixteenth century. 



13 INTRODUCTION 

heat, or too much cold, tends to weaken or benumb their 
powers. A temperate climate is most favorable to progress. 
Moreover, men are most likely to advance in those places 
where they can obtain the best means of living — where the 
soil is most fertile, and where the earth furnishes the largest 
amount of natural resources, and also where peoples can most 
easily exchange their products with one another by land or by 
water routes. 

On the other hand, the progress of man may be obstructed 
by unfavorable surroundings. A barren soil tends to keep men 
in poverty and misery. Mountain barriers often hem them in 
and narrow their lives. And so in the early periods of history, 
especially, man is largely the creature of his environment. 
But with the growth of a higher civilization he may rise above 
nature, and become to a certain extent its master. 

The Historical Zone of the Ancient World. — It is in the 
Old World that we find the first traces of civilization; and the 
field of ancient histiu-y comprises those parts of Af ncaj^ Asia, 
and Europe tluit have temperate climates and are drained by 
great rivers or border upon the sea. -jTo bring more clearly 
before our minds the geographical limits of ancient history, 
let us mark out on the map that strip of territory which was 
best fitted for human progress and upon which the old civiliza- 
tions flourished. This strip we may call " the historical zone 
of the ancient world " (see colored portions of the map on page 
10). Beginning at the Yellow Sea on the coast of China, let 
us follow along the line of the Iloang River, then westward 
along the mountain chains of the Hima'layas, the Hindu-Kush, 
and the Cau'casus, and finally along the banks of the Danulie 
and the Rhine rivers to the North Sea — and the line thus 
traced will mark the northern boundary of this historical zone. 
Its southern boundaries are, in general, the shores of the 
Indian Ocean and the deserts of Arabia and Africa. The 
lands within this zone, in respect to climate and soil, present 
the conditions most favorable for human development; and 



GENERAL CHARACTER OF ANCIENT HISTORY 13 

they became in ancient times the homes of civilized peo- 
ples. These peoples, liowever, were not equally progressive, 
and they did not reach the civilized stage at the same time. 

The Centers of Ancient Civilization. — This strip of terri- 
tory, stretching from the Pacific to the Atlantic, we may sep- 
arate into different areas, which formed to a certain extent 
distinct centers of civilization. Farthest to the east is China, 
drained by two great rivers, the Hoang and the Yangtze. Its 
remote situation and the barriers on the west formed by the 
spurs of the Himalayas, combined to make this land the most 
isolated of the civilized lands of the Old World. To the west 
of China lies India, also drained by two great rivers, the Indus 
and the Ganges, which rise among the slopes of the Himalayas 
and flow in different directions to the sea. These two coun- 
tries — China and India — stood nearly alone in ancient times, 
separated from the peoples of western Asia by the wide, diy 
plateau of Iran', and hence these countries did not exercise a 
great influence upon the ancient world. 

As we leave the Far East and pass to the West we come to 
two of the most remarkable valleys of the world — that formed 
by the Tigris and Euphra'tes rivers and that formed by the 
river Nile — the one pouring its waters into the Persian Gulf 
and tlie other into the Mediterranean Sea. Both of these val- 
leys were gifted with a rich alluvial soil, which favored the 
early development of industry among the inhabitants. These 
two centers were at first separated from each other by the in- 
tervening desert of Arabia, but after a time their inhabitants 
were brought into contact by way of Syria, so that the cur- 
rents of their history often flowed together. 
\/ J But the most important center of ancient civil ization was 



the^ Mediterranean Sea. VThis body of water formed the 
world's greatest highway. It was taken possession of succes- 
sively by the Phoeni'cians, the Greeks, and the Romans, and 
became an important factor in the development of a wider 
world commerce and a higher world culture. 



14 INTRODUCTION 

III. Races and Peoples of the Old World 

Race Characteristics. — The progress of mankind has been 
influenced not only by geographical conditions; it has also 
been influenced by the traits and qualities which peoples 
have inherited from their ancestors. The physical and men- 
tal peculiarities, the ideas and customs, which are trans- 
mitted from age to age, have contributed much to human 
progress. These inherited cjualities we may call " race char- 
acteristics." 

There have been many attempts to find a scientific distinc- 
tion among the ditt'erent races of mankind. They have, for 
example, been classified according to color, into the white or 
Caucasian race, the black or Negro race, and the yellow or 
Mongolian race. They have also been classified according to 
the shape of the head, the texture of the hair, and other physi- 
cal features. Science has attempted in this way to discover the 
pure, or original, races of mankind. But, as a matter of fact, 
the various peoples of the world have become so intermingled 
that it is difficult to determine what are the pure, or original, 
races, and to distinguish them from the mixed, or secondary, 
races. History deals not simply with the original races, but 
with the secondary races as well. It looks upon a " race " as 
any people, whether pure or mixed, having the same inherited 
characteristics — a common language, common customs and 
institutions, which are transmitted from generation to gen- 
eration, and which furnish the basis of a distinct tvpe of 
civilization. 

Classification by Color and Language. — The most usual 
and perhaps convenient way of classifying the various peoples 
of the world is to group them first by color. Thus we have 
(1) the black or Negro race, (2) the yellow or Mongolian race, 
and (3) the white or Caucasian race. The black race, which 
is found chiefly in Africa, in Australia, and in the neighbor- 
ing islands, stands lowest in the scale of human beings and 



GENERAL CHARACTER OF ANCIENT HISTORY 15 

has made no real contributions to the civilization of the world. 
The yellow or Mongolian race, which has occupied the central 
and eastern parts of Asia, has made some advance in the arts 
of civilized life. But it early became stationary and its con- 
tributions to human progress have been few. Of this race the 
most important in ancient times were the Chinese. The most 
progressive peoples of the world have belonged to the white or 
Caucasian race. y These peoples in ancient times occupied the 
most favore d lands of tlie Old World — the valleys of the 
EupKrates and the._Isrile, and the coasts of the Mediterranean 
Sea. Ancient history is , for_the most part, the record of the 
progress .ofJhese^geoplgSjv/ 

\\lien we attempt to arrange the C*aucasian peoples into 
distinct groups, we find it difficult, because they came into con- 
tact with one another and were often intermingled, so as to 
form mixed or secondary races. It is, therefore, usual to 
group these peoples, not according to their physical character- 
istics, but according to their language. The study of lan- 
guage, or philology, thus becomes an aid to the study of his- 
tory. Peoples who speak the same language, although they 
may be " mixed," are closely related to one another in their 
culture and their historical development. By the study of 
their different languages, we are able to group the white peo- 
ples in subdivisions which are not only convenient but also 
useful for historical purposes. "< The Cauc asian race is thus 
subdivided into the Hamit'ic, the Semitic, ancPEEe~Ar yan or 
Indii-lviiiopean peoples — or "races," if we wish so to call 
them. , 

The Hamitic Race. — In early times, the Ham'ites probal^ly 
occupied all the northern coasts of Africa. But it was only in 
Egypt, on the fertile banks of the ISTile, that they found the 
conditions most favorable to their development. In this re- 
stricted habitat they put to the highest use the resources of 
nature and attained to a high place among the nations of 
antiquity. 



16 INTEODUCTION 

The Semitic Peoples. — The original home of the Seni'ites 
was probably in Arabia. This remarkable race furnished some 
of the most important historical peoples of the ancient world. 
The Babylonians and the Assyrians settled in the Tigris- 
Euphrates valley ; and the Hebrews and the Phoenicians found 
a home on the eastern shores of the ]\Iediterranean.yU£ro in the 
Ph_cenicians__sprang the Carthaginians, who founded a com- 
mercial empire on the nortliein coasts of Africa. y' In later 
times, the Arabians built up a great ]\Iohammedan empire, 
which covered the western part of Asia and the northern part of 
Africa and encroached upon tbe southern countries of Europe. 

The Aryan or Indo-European Peoples.-z£Tlj§--P6ople jthat 
1 carried ancient civilization to its highest stage were the 
i Aryans"" or"Tndo-Europeans. / Where was 'the original home 
of this people is a matter of doubt — perhaps in central Asia, 
but quite as likely in southeastern Europe. In ancient times 
they spread to the eaM and to the west until they extended 
from the Ganges Biver to the Atlantic Ocean. In their 
progress they mingled with other peoples whom they con- 
quered and absorbed. /But wherever they Avent tliey preserved 
tlie marks of their common language and of their common 
primitive culturcw'^ro this i)co])l(' Ix'long the Hindus of India, 
the Medes and Persians of central Asia, and the Greeks and 
the'Eomans of southern Europe. ,The Indo-European peoples 
alsolnclude the Slavs, the Germans, and the Celts of northern 
and western Europe, whose history, however, is not so im- 
portant in the ancient period.^ / 

Phases of Ancient Culture. — We have thus pointed out the 
various lands in the ancient world most favorable to progress, 
and the chief races and jieoples which occujued these lands. 
Now, as we look over the development of these various peoples, 
we may distinguish three great types or phases of civilization, 

1 The !?eneral progress of the great historical nations has heen from the 
East to the West, or from the Orient to the Occiden tTTLAjici£|itjaLy.ilization _ 
first appeared in Asia, and reached its highest development in BuKge. 
But tlie student will note exceptions to this rule as we proceed. y(^ 



GENERAL CHARACTER OF ANCIENT HISTORY 17 

namely, the Oriental, the Greek, and the Eoman.^ By study- 
ing these phases of ancient culture, we shall see the successive 
steps by which men emerged from barbarism and entered 
upon a higher physical and intellectual existence. 

In the Oriental world we shall see the beginnings of civi- 
lized life — the first successful efforts of man to subdue the earth 
and to utilize the resources of nature; the beginnings of sci- 
ence and of a well-defined written language; the first evidences 
of architectural skill in the construction of great buildings; 
and the first marked tendency in the direction of great em- 
pires and of centralized governments. 

In the GreeJc world we shall see a finer type of humanity: 
a versatile intellect, expressed in exalted works of philosophy 
and literature; a refined sesthetic taste, embodied in the most 
beautiful specimens of architecture and sculpture;, and a strong 
love of free dom, shown in the de velopment ^ of democratic 
i nstitut i ons. ) ^ 

In the Eoman world we shall see a more practical genius 
and a more vigorous manhood; a great capacity for military 
and political organization; a broad sense of civil justice, ex- 
pressed in an enduring system of law; a wide cosmopolitan 
spirit, capable of appropriating the ideas of other peoples — in 
short, a civilization which expressed the highest unity and 
broadest culture of the ancient world. 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. Of Histoky in General. — Meaning- of History. — Sonrces of 
Historical Knowledge. — Stages of Human Progress. — Divisions of 
General History. 

II. The Field of Ancient History. — Geography and History. — 
The Historical Zone of the Ancient World. — The Centers of 
Ancient Civilization. 

^ These successive phases of civilization furnish the basis of our divisions 
of ancient history. Other divisions, however, niisjht be adopted. For 
example, since the earliest civilization was developed by the Oriental 
nations, fUid^Jlns__was__tal,ififljiE„ by the c/ass/co? nations of Greece and 
Ro me, v^'hose cu l, tj rff-aLa^ ^fter.wni-d transmilted to the drniHiii peoples, we 
mlgnt divide ancient history into' tlir (irii'iital, i lassii al. and Germanic 
periods. - ■'-*'»'~.»«.-a«„ 



18 INTRODUCTION 

III. Races and Peoples of the Old World. — Race Character- 
istics. — Classification by Color and Language. — Tlie Hamitic 
Race. — The Semitic Peoples. — The Aryan or Indo-European Peo- 
ples. — Phases of Ancient Culture. 

REFERENCES FOR READING 

Fisher, pp. 1-16, "Introduction" (1).' 

Bourne, Ch. 5, "The Value of History" (3). 

Diesterweg-, Ch. 1, "Meaning- of History"; Ch. 2, "Uses of His- 
tory"!;:^). 

Ducoudray, Ancient Civilization, Ch. 1, "The Beginnings of Civ- 
ilization" (1). 

Hoernes, Sec. 3, "Characteristics of Human Culture" (2). 

Tylor, Anthropology, Ch. 1. "Man, Ancient and Modern" (2). 

Keary, Ch. 5, "The 'Nations of the Old World" (2). 

Clodd, Primeval Man, Ch. 3, "The Ancient Stone Age" (2). 

Starr, Ch. 3, "Food-Getting" (2). 

Joly, Part II., "Primitive Civilization" (2). 

Encyclopaedia Britannica, Art. "Geography" (for geographical 
ideas of the ancients). 

Ravsdinson, Ancient History, pp. 24-35, "The Geography of 
Asia" (1). 

iThe figure In parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the 
Appendix, where a fuller title of the bools will be found. 



THE ORIENTAL WORLD 



CHAPTER II 

THE FIRST EMPIRES— P:AELY BABYLONIA AND EGYPT 

I. The Early Babylonian Empire 

The First Centers of Civilization. — In beginning our study 
of the Oriental world, we may ask, In what part of the East 
did men first rise from barbarism to a civilized life — in other 
words, where did civilization first appear? We cannot answer 
this question with certainty. We may be quite sure, however, 
that it was either in Babylonia in the lower Euphrates valley, 
or in Egypt in the valley of the Nile. It has long been sup- 
posed that Egypt was the oldest civilized country. But the 
most recent excavations have brought to light some indications 
that the people who lived in the Euphrates valley used a writ- 
ten language and reached a condition which might be called 
civilized, even before these results were attained by the Eg)^p- 
tians. However this may be, these two valleys — that of the Eu- 
phrates and that of the Nile — formed at first two distinct cen- 
ters of civilization. Separated as they were by an intervening- 
desert, the Egyptian and Babylonian peoples took the first 
steps in the direction of a more civilized life, each unaided by 
the other. For a long period of time they were isolated from 
each other. It was only when they had each broken through 
their early boundaries and extended their conquests along the 

19 



PROGRESSIVE jVLAP ISTo.S. 




EAELY BABYLONIA AND EGYPT 21 

eastern coast of the Mediterranean Sea — that is, in Syria — 
that their civilizations met and were mingled together. The 
first to extend their conquests to this middle land of Syria were 
the Babylonians. Whether or not they were the first to emerge 
from barbarism, the Babylonians, or the peoples of the Tigris- 
Euphrates valley, were the first to extend their culture to lands 
beyond their own, and to obtain importance as a civilizing 
people. 

The Tigris-Euphrates Valley. — The Tigris and Euphrates 
rivers, rising in the mountains of Armenia, flow southward 
and pour their united waters into the Persian Gulf. The val- 
ley formed by these rivers may be divided into two parts — 
the southern or the lowlands, and the northern or the high- 
lands. The southern part, which has received the name of 
Babylonia, has its chief historical center at Babylon on the 
Euphrates. Its most marked features are its soft climate and 
its rich alluvial soil. The northern part of the valley, called 
Assyria, had its chief center first at Assur on the Tigris, and 
afterward at Nin'eveh on the same river. Its climate was more 
rugged than that of the south; and its land, though less fertile, 
furnished large supplies of minerals and precious stones. 

It was the people who found their way into tlie southern 
part, or the lower valley, that first developed a civilized state. 
It is probable that this lower valley was in very ancient times 
settled by an earlier, non-Semitic race — usually known as the 
Acea'dians — who laid the basis of the Babylonian culture. ^JBut 
^le te r ritory became a t last the home of a Semitic people^Vho" 
probably cameT fom Aval)!:!, ^^]lo coikiikm-im] aiid ahsoilicd flic 
earlier peoples, i:a1aiig u] ) their customs and institutions, and 
Jjgconi ing the dnrrnT|flTif rnn> \[ is this mixed ])eople that we 
call the Babylomans.xNir hi' date of tlic earliest occupation of 

i^ountry bylhe Si^fhites cannot he accurately fixed; but 
it can hardly be iaterj han odoo n. c. 

Not many years ago our knowledge of this ancient people 
was derived chiefly from the Greek historian Herod'otus and 

MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 2 



22 THE ORIENTAL WOELD 

the Chaldffi'an priest Bero'sus. The accounts of these writers, 
so far as the earliest history was concerned, were based upon 
traditions, which were of course not very trustworthy. In re- 
cent years, however, our knowledge has been greatly increased 
and made more definite by the large number of excavations 
made among the ruins of ancient cities. The remains of pal- 
aces and temples have been brought to light, and inscriptions 
have been deciphered which show the great antiquity of this 
people, and reveal much regarding their history, their arts, and 
their institutions. 

The Early City States : Sargon I.— The first light that falls 
upon the Eu|)]irat('S valley reveals the existence of many cities 
of more or less iuiportance, each under its own government 
and ruled by its own king.^ At a very early day tlic rulers of 
some of these cities sought to establish something like an impe- 
rial government, by bringing other cities und(>r their power. So 
far as we know the first successful attempt to create an empire 
was made by 8argon I., king of Accad (or Agade), who flour- 
ished in 3800 B. c. — the first autlientic date, it is said, in the 
world's bistory. With Accad as his capital Sargon extended 
his authority to the upper part of thcMesopotamian valley and 
as far west as the Mediterranean Sea. Other cities, like Ur and 
Babylon, afterward vied with one another in taking the lead. 
But the early cities of Babylonia finally (about 2300 b. c.) 
passed under the foreign dominion of the E'lamites — a people 
who came from east of the Tigris. 

Hammurabi and the Old Babylonian Empire.- — Although 
the earliest empire of Babylonia was really established l3y Sar- 

1 A few of these ancient cities were Sippar. Accad, Babylon. Nippnr, 
Tello (ancient Laiiash), and Ur (see map, p. 20). 

= The old Babylonian empire is sometimes called the "Chaldsean," 
becanse it arose in the lower valley, near the home of the Chaldtrans. But 
it is quite certain that the ("hald.Tans (Kaldl) did not appear in Babylonia 
until after the fall of the old empire, and durins the time of the Assyrian 
ascendency. See Coodspeed, History of the Babylonians and Assyrians, 
pp. 181, 211, 23G, :'.r)l ; also Philip Smith, Ancient History of the East, 
p. 242. 



, EAELY BABYLONIA AND EGYPT 23 

gon I., the most prosperous period of what is usually called 
the " Old Babylonian Empire " began with Hammura'bi, one 
of the greatest of ancient kings. He not only drove out the 
Elamites, but he again brought the whole territory under a 
single rule (about 2350 b. c). He made the city of Babylon 
his capital, and labored for the welfare of his people. He con- 
structed dikes to prevent the overflow of the Euphrates, and 
built a network of canals to irrigate the arid lands. The most 
remarkable monument of this king is the " Code of Ham- 
murabi," which has been but recently discovered, and is re- 
garded as the oldest code of laws in the world. During this 
most prosperous period of its history, the early Babylonian em- 
pire was not devoted to the arts of war so much as to the arts 
of peace. The people were more active in subduing nature 
than in conquering their neighbors; and hence we find that 
they made great progress in the development of a civilized 
life. 

The Kassite Conquest. — In later years (about 1700 b. c.) 
Babylonia fell under the foreign rule of the Kassites — a bar- 
barous people from the east of the Tigris, of a race kindred 
to the Elamites. During the long period in which Babylonia 
was ruled by foreign kings, it is well to notice that the civiliza- 
tion already developed was not destroyed. On the contrary, 
the Kassites adopted the culture which they found in the Eu- 
phrates valley, and became themselves civilized. They took up 
the customs of the Babylonians, tlieir laws, their religion, their 
science and arts, and preserved them for future generations. 

Babylonian Industry and Art. — The life and progress of 
the Bal)ylonians were greatly influenced by the country in 
which they lived. Their civilization was based upon the char- 
acter of their soil, which was made fertile by the waters of the 
Euphrates. They were primarily a pastoral and agricultural 
people, grazing their flocks and herds upon the natural pas- 
tures of the valley, or raising Ijy artificial means the grains and 
fruits necessary for food. They dug canals to irrigate the out- 




24 THE OEIENTAL WOKLD 

lying fields. In the absence of stone and timber they built 
their houses of clay which became hardened in the sun.-^vjhey 
soon learned Jo manufacture _briclj§3.lirned in the kiln, from 

which lliry cDiistrueted their morejmixirtaiit l)uildings.\j^Jhe 

wool shorn from thoir flocks thcv wove into i-lnth> and'rusrs. 
■■■■-■- " ■ " " '^ ^ 

As they extended their territory up the valley they oljtained' ' 

supplies of wood, metals, and precious stones, 
and from these tliey wrought new articles for 
use as well as for ornament. There thus arose 
a class of traders and merchants, who ex- 
changed the native products of the lower Eu- 
Seal phrates with the products of other lands. The 

Babylonians developed remarkable skill in the 
working of clay and metals, and also in the carving of precious 
stones — which acquired the character of a fine art. This is 
seen in their vases of alabaster, of terra-cotta. and of silver., 
their statuettes of copper and bronze, and especially in their 
fine intaglio work cut in on3^x, jasper, and other precious 
stones. The intaglio work was often cut upon cylinder seals, 
which revolved upon a metallic axis and were used to authen- 
ticate legal documents. 

Babylonian Government and Laws. — The government of 
Babylonia centered about the king. From the time of the early 
city kings to the imperial monarchy of Hammuralu we do not 
find that the people had any share in the government, ^he 
king was the source of all authority. He was supposed to de- 
rive his authority from the gods.^^'He was the one to determine 
wliat was necessary for the welfare of the^jgeople.vlt was under 
his direction that the wars were carried on, the public works 
were constructed, the lands were irrigated, the palaces and tem- 
ples were built, and the laws were administered. 

The character of the Babylonian laws is seen not only in the 
recently discovered code of Hammurabi, which we have referred 
to, but also in the legal documents inscribed on In-ick tablets. 
These show the rules relating to marriage and divorce, property 



EARLY BABYLOXIA AND EGYPT 



25 




and inheritance, partnership and loans, and also the pen- 
alties for theft, assault, housebreaking, and other crimes. 
The advanced character of these laws is evident from the 
fact that nearly all business transac- 
tions required the use of written con- 
tracts. 

Babylonian Writing and Litera- 
ture. — The ^\Titing employed by the 
Babylonians was peculiar to this part 
of the Orient. It is what is called 
" cune'iform." because expressed in 
wedge-shaped characters (from cuneus, 
a wedge). The writing took this shape 
because the only writing material of 
the lower valley was the clay tablet, 
and because the instrument used in 
writing was a three-cornered stylus, 
a sort of gouge, which made a 
wedge-shaped mark on the surface of the moistened clay. The 
cuneiform characters were probably first used by the Accadi- 
ans; but they were employed by all the peoples of the middle 
Orient: not only I^y the Babylonians, but afterward by the 
Assyrians, and by the Medes and the Persians. 

The clay tablets, thus inscribed with cuneiform characters, 

were baked in a peculiar 
way, making them almost 
indestructible. Thousands 
of the tal)lets have been 
unearthed, revealing the 
thought and spirit of this 
ancient people. They con- 
tain writings on religion 
and science, history and 
law, also hymns, penitential psalms, and epic poems. They 
show the beliefs of tlie people in the form of myths and 



Ax IXSCKIPTIOX IN 

Cuneiform 




Babylonian Cylinder 

(Supposed to represent "The Fall.") 



26 



THE ORIENTAL WORLD 




legends. Some of these stories bear a striking likeness to the 
stories preserved in the Hebrew Scriptures — such as the ac- 
counts of the Garden of 
E d e n, the Deluge, the 
Tower of Babel, and the con- 
fusion of tongues. 

Babylonian Relig^ion and 
Science. — The Babylonians 
wore deeply imbued with a 
religious spirit, tainted with 
-• — .^ a large amount of supersti- 
Babylonian Goddess, Ishtar tion. Their religion was a 

(Prom an Assyrian cyHnder) t i i n p , 

com])iicated form ot nature 
worship. Their supreme deities were the gods of the heaven, 
the earth, and the sea {Ann, Bel, and Ea). Other olijects of 
worship were the sun, the moon, and the several planets. 
Ishtar, wlio corresponded to the planet Venus, was the favorite 
goddess, and was sometimes called " the Queen of Babylon." 
The people believed that every ol^ject has its spirit, good or 
evil, and that these spirits can be appeased only by the priests 
and sorcerers through charms and magic rites.V- JTlie future 
jife^^ accoi-ding to their belief, is in a dark and gloomy abode, 
.witliout happiness or hope. N^J^ 

As the greater gods were sup- 
posed to dwell in tlie heavens, 
the temples (which were con- 
structed of brick) were built in 
the form of towers, with a num- 
ber of receding stories, reaching 
toward the sky. Upon the sum- 
mit of the temi)le tower was an 
image of the god to whom the 
temjilo was dedicated. The temples were presided over by the 
priests, who, on account of their su]iposed nearness to the gods, 
were able to exercise a great influence over the people. 




Form of the Temple Tower 



EARLY BABYLONIA AND EGYPT 27 

The science of the Babylonians was closely connected with 
their religion. As the gods were supposed to preside over the 
movement of the heavenly bodies, the position and motion of 
these bodies were matters of deep concern. From their obser- 
vations the priests developed a system of astrology, by which it 
was thought that the will of the gods could be determined and 
human events could be predicted. As they discovered the reg- 
ular movement of the heavenly bodies, they acquired some 
knowledge of astronomical science. They marked out the con- 
stellations and the signs of the zodiac. They di- 
vided the year into months, weeks, days, hours, 
minutes, and seconds. They measured the hours 
of the dayJ iy the sundial, and the hours of the 
night by the water clock . In their mathematics 
they adopteTl the decimal notation; but they als o 
introduced the '" soxnL;isiin:il "" sy>t(Mii. tliat is. tln^ 
system based on tlir niiinlicr >ixiy. wliicli we liavi' 
imTei'ltecTTrom lliciii in our division of tlir linui' 
and the minute into sixty parts.sjTlie accompany- 
ing diagram shows the Babylonicin numerals from 
one to ten, expressed in cuneiform characters. Be- 
sides acquiring considerable knowledge of mathe- 
matics, this people were the first to devise a reg- 
ular system of weights and measures. 

The progress made by the early Babylonians 
in architecture, science, and the mechanic arts ex- 
ercised a great influence upon later nations. In- 
deed, it would 1)0 difficult to overestimate the importance of 
these early steps in the world's civilization. 

II. AxciE.xT Egypt 

The Valley of the Nile. — The second great people of the 
Oriental world were the Egyptians. Although far removed 
from the Babylonians, and for a long time unacquainted with 



1 


I 


2 


rr 


3 


ITT 


4 


m 


5 


W 


G 


'^ 


7 


T 


8 


YY 


9 


YTY 


10 


< 


CrxEiFORii: 


Numerals 



38 THE OEIENTAL WORLD 

them, the ancient Egyptians were not behind their distant 
rivals in developing the arts of civilized life. The early prog- 
ress of Egypt was due to the favoi'able conditions furnished by 
the river Nile. What the Euphrates was to Babylonia, the 
Nile was to Egypt. 

The N^ile is one of the longest rivers of the world; rising in 
the distant lakes of central Africa, it pursues a course of about 
•iOOO miles on its way to the sea. But the part of the valley 
occupied by the Egyptian people extended only about six hun- 
dred miles from the mouth of the river — to the rapids called 
the " first cataract," on the borders of Ethiopia. The valley 
is inclosed on either side by low ranges of mountains, which 
furnish stone suitable for building; and it is well to notice 
that this abundant supply of stone gave to the Egyptians a 
great advantage over the Babylonians, who were obliged to 
use the less durable materials, clay and brick, for building. 
The valley of the Nile is only about seven or eight miles in 
width — except at the Delta, where it spreads out into an open 
plain.'/ Not only has this valley hem cut l)y the Nile, but its 
fertilitj is due to the annual overflow of the river, for the cli- 
mate is dry and rain rarely falls. ■)4'his river is also the great 
highway of Egypt, affording a ready means of communication 
from one part of the country to another. The fertile soil of 
Egypt was especially suitable for the raising of vegetables and 
grain. Kice, oats, barley, and wheat grew there in great 
abundance, so that the country became the granary of the 
ancient world. 

Egypt may be divided into two principal parts. (1) The 
lower, or northern, part includes the extended plain about the 
Delta, where the soil is most fertile, and where the earliest 
civilization was developed. It was here that the first empire 
was established, with its center at Memphis. (2) The upper, 
or southern, part includes the rest of the valley as far as the 
" first cataract." This formed a second area of civilization, 
with its center at Thebes. In either direction from these two 



EAELY BABYLONIA AND EGYPT 29 

centers the banks of the Nile became dotted with a multitude 
of towns and villages, each one of which was a seat of industry 
and art. 

The People of the Nile. — As to the origin of the Egyptian 
people we have very little definite knowledge, except that they 
belonged for the most part to the Hamitic race. It is supposed 
that in the earliest times — during the Stone Age — the land 
was inhabited by an uncivilized black people^v ho wer e con- 
quered by t he Hamites co mi ng from the lands ^Iong the souH? 
ern co asts of the Ked iJea, eith er from eastern'~\"f rica "or from 
souihwestern ArabiatVl^t ^^qalso siij)pnse(1 liy some writers that 
the early Hamites, bei bre com ing into I'-gypt, were ;ic(|u;iiiitri] 
with the primitiv e cultureof llu' jicopic li\iiig in the Tigris- 
Euphrates_ v alley. But whatcNcr may ])v said I'cgnrdingthe" 
origin of th e l\g\ptiaii ])c(iplc is very largt'l\- a matter of 
jCfinjeeiurg^ 

Periods of Egyptian History. — Formerly the chief sources 
of our knowledge of Egypt were, first, the Greek historians, 
especially Herodotus, who visited Egypt in the fifth century 
B. c. ; and, second, the Egyptian priest Man'etho. who lived in 
the third century b. c, and who wrote a history containing a 
list of the various dynasties and kings, but whose work has 
reached us only in fragments. Since the beginning of the 
nineteenth century, however, a vast amount of additional in- 
formation regarding Egypt has been derived from the inscrip- 
tions which have been deciphered and the monuments which 
have been brought to light. With these sources many attempts 
have been made to reconstruct the chronological history of 
Egypt. But scholars do not yet agree in regard to the dates of 
the early Egyptian history. The general divisions of Egyp- 
tian history and the most important dynasties may be briefly 
indicated as follows: 

(1) The Old Empire (about 4000-3700 b. c.) extended from 
the first dynasty to the tenth inclusive, with the capital at 
Memphis. The founder of the first dynasty was Me'nes, who 



30 



THE ORlEiXTAL WORLD 



is supposed to be the first monarch to bring the whole coimtry 
under a single government. --^uring tlie time of the old empire 
the most important dynasty was the fourth, when the great 
pyramids and the sphinx were built at Gizeh, and the vast 




Sphinx and Pyramid at Gizeii 



necropolis, or rock cemetery, was laid out at Sakka'rah^ near 
Memphis; /The kings of the fourth dynasty are known as the 
"pA'ramid l)uiklers," the most noted of whom was Khufu (or 
Cheops). 

(2) The Middle Empire (about 2700-1670 b. c.) extended 
from the eleventh to the seventeenth dynasty, with the capital 
first at Thebes and afterward at Tanis. The most important 
dynasty was the twelfth, when Egypt reached a high degree of 
prosperity and many important pul)lic works were constructed, 
like reservoirs and canals for irrigating the lands not reached 
by the overflow of the Nile. This dynasty was followed l\y the 
conquest of Egypt by foreign l)arbarian kings, called the 
" Hyksos " or Shepherd Kings, who prol)al)ly came from Asia. 
The rule of the Shepherd Kings extended from the thirteenth 



EARLY BABYLONIA AND EGYPT 31 

to the seventeenth dynasty, and this was the darkest period of 
Egyptian history. 

(3) Tlie New Empire (1070-525 b. c.) extended from the 
eighteenth to the twenty-sixth dynasty (to the time of the Per- 
sian conquest), the capital being again at Thebes and afterward 
at Tanis and Sais. During the eighteenth dynasty Egypt recov- 
ered her independence by driving out the Shepherd Kings. 
Under Thothmes III. she extended her power over Ethiopia 
and over Syria as far as the Euphrates and the borders of Asia 
Minor. This period marks the greatest extent of the Egyptian 
empire (map, p. 20). By these conquests Egyi^t was brought 
into contact with tlie culture of the Euphrates valley, and de- 
rived from the Babylonians a taste for the 
finer mechanical arts, for Oriental luxury, and 
for a more palatial architecturevv During the 
nini'tccntli dyrinsiy, under the ivimw ncd kind's 
Sofi T. and liis sou Rninc'scs II.. I'lgypt reaped 
tlie gl(U'ious I'esidts of her j)re\ ions conquests 
and reached ilie hi-hesi stage of her civiliza-.. 
tion. «^rom tliis time Kgypt l)egan to decline. 
In the twenty-fifth dynasty she was conquered 
by the Ethiopians and afterward by the Assyr- 
ians. In the tAvent^^-sixth dynasty she reeov- pamfses II 
ered her independence under the king Psam- 
met'ichus L, but after a century she was finally reduced to the 
condition of a Persian ]U'ovince. 

Egyptian Society and Government. — Egypt, at the dawn 
of history, had already become a united empire. There 
is evidence that this first empire, under Menes, had grown 

^ The great influence of Babylonia upon Egypt during the eighteenth 
dynasty is shown in the now famous Tel-el-Amarna Tablets discovered near 
the Nile in 1887 — about three hundred in all, written in Babylonian char- 
acters — containing correspondence between the Egyptian king (Amen- 
ho'tep IV., the "heretic king") and the kings of Assyria and Babylonia; 
also letters between Egyptian officials, showing that the Babylonian 
was the official diplomatic language in Egypt at the time. See Goodspeed, 
Babylonians and Assyrians, p. 134. 




32 THE OEIENTAL WORLD 

u|) from a union of towns and villages which were pre- 
viously independent, each under its oM'n ruler and priests. 
These towns became grouped into districts, or " nomes," under 
local governors; and these in turn were gradually brought 
under the common authority of a king who ruled over the 
whole country. The people were not ecjual, but were divided 
into classes. The upper classes included the priests, whose of- 
fice was hereditary, and the warriors, who were devoted exclu- 
sively to military pursuits. The lower classes comprised the 
common people, including the artisans, the farmers, and the 
herdsmen. The land was generally owned by the upper classes, 
and let out to the peasants, who paid their rent in the products 
of the soil. Above all these classes was the king, or Pha'raoh, 
who was looked upon as a divine person. He was the fountain 
of all authority; and the labor, the property, and the lives of the 
people were at his disposal. The king was assisted in his gov- 
ernment by a body of councilors, who carried out his will. 
The highest offices of the state were held by the priests, who 
were exempted from all taxes and held the best parts of the 

land. The government 
was supported by the 
army, or warrior class, 

which was also exempt 
Egyptians Sowing ^^^^^^ ^^^gg ^^^^1 held 

large landed estates. The great body of government officials 
preyed upon the common people, who were obliged to furnish 
their tribute and labor. The government of such a body of 
taxgatherers and taskmasters necessarily Ix'came corrupt and 
oppressive. We read of workmen, goaded by tyrannical mas- 
ters, rising in revolt in the manner of a modern " strike " and 
refusing to continue their work. Sometimes their tasks were 
lightened, but quite as often they were made more heavy — as 
in the case of the Israelites in the time of Moses. 

E^ptian Industry and Industrial Arts. — The Egyptians, 
like the Babylonians, were first of all an agricultural people. 




EARLY BABYLONIA AND EGYPT 



33 




Egyptian Shoemaker's Shop 



For regulating and distributing the water supply of the Nile 
they built canals and reservoirs. The most remarkable of these 
artificial reservoirs was 
Lake Moeris, by which a 
large outlying district 
was transformed from a 
desert waste into fertile 
fields. After their con- 
tact with the Babylo- 
nians, the Egyptians acquired great skill in the industrial arts, 
working in clay, stone, and glass; in wood, ivory, leather, and 
the textile fabrics; in the coarser metals bronze, lead, and iron; 
and in the precious metals gold and silver. They exchanged 
these products with one another, by boats plying the waters of 
the Nile, which became an artery of commerce. Their com- 
merce with foreign countries, however, was small. 

Egryptian Religion and Science. — The religion of Egypt was 
a strange mixture of various kinds of worship. The lowest 
form of religion was animal worship, such as 
was prevalent among the primitive tribes of 
Africa. The crocodile, the serpent, the hawk, 
the cow, the cat, and many other animals were 
held as sacred. For many centuries the bull 
Apis was worshiped as an important god at 
Memphis. This Ioav form of worship survived 
in Egypt even after the development of higher 
religious ideas. Besides this animal worship 
we find a complex form of nature worship. 
The forces of nature were worshiped as gods, 
and represented in human forms. The mix- 
ture of these two forms of religion — animal 
worship and nature worship — is seen in the 
representation of the gods with human bodies and the heads of 
animals. The animal features came afterward to be regarded 
as simply symbolical of spiritual qualities. In the higher 




Serapis 



34 



THE OKIENTAL WOELD 



gods, however, human heads 
were joined to human bodies. 
The chief object of nature 
worship was the sun, the source 
of light and life, whose journe}^ 
through the heavens was the 
cause of day and night and an 
emblem of life and death. The 
sun god was worshiped under 
different names at different 
places — as Ptah at Memphis, as 
Amun-Ea at Thebes, as Osi'ris at 
certain other cities. The gods 
were often joined in " triads " — 
the most noted of which was that of Osiris the father, Isis the 
mother, and ITorus the son. With the recognition of a supreme 
god, the most learned men of Egypt attained an idea which ap- 
proached that of monotheism. We sometimes find in the old 
records such statements as this : " Before all things which 





Am UN 



Ptah 




Judgment of the Soul before Osiris 



actually exist, and before all beginnings, there is one God, un- 
moved in the singleness of his own Unity." 

The Egyptians believed in the continued existence of the 
soul after death. This belief led to the practice of 'embalming 
the body of the deceased, that the mummy might be preserved 



EAKLY BABYLONIA AND EGYPT 



35 



for the return of the spirit. The Egyptians also believed in a 
system of future rewards and punishments, and that every soul 
must be judged before Osiris for the deeds done in the body. 
The priests of Egypt, who had charge of the religion, were also 
the learned class. They cultivated philosophy and the various 
sciences — astronomy, geometry, arithmetic, and medicine — 
whicli here attained a considerable degree of development. 




An Egyptian Temple 

Egyptian Architecture and Monuments. — The religious 
spirit of the Egyptians was strongly impressed upon their archi- 
tecture, which consisted mainly of tombs and temples. The 
buildings for the dead are seen in the rock-sepulchers cut in the 
sides of the hills which flanked the Nile — for example, the 
extensive necropolis at Sakkarah (near Memphis). )<ilSgp::^ 
nrntc monumental tombs took the form of pyramids, and 
reuelu'd the most gigantic proportions^ at Oizoli. In these arti- 
ficTal mountains of stone rested the remains of kings. The" 
most impressive specimens of architecture are seen in the mass- 
ive temples, which were often made up of a combination of 
columns and sculptured walls. Noted examples of these tem- 
ples were those of Luxor and Karnak and the Ramesse'um 
near Thebes, the ruins of which are among the most imposing 
in the world. Egyptian architecture is distinguished by sim- 
plicity of general design, but especially by grandeur of propor- 
tions and great elaborateness of decoration. It is also distin- 



36 



THE ORIENTAL WORLD 



guished, in some cases, by the use of columns as a means of 
supporting the roof — a feature which was afterward adopted 
by the Greeks. 

Egyptian Sculpture. Painting, and Music. — The other arts 
were also cultivated by the Egyptians. This people was prob- 
ably the first to make sculpture an independent art, — ^that is, 
not joined to architecture. Some of the best of their statues 
belong to a very early period. >Q^he^olo.ssal spliinx is perhaps 
the most ancient example of independent sculpture existing 




Colossal yTAj'i:K.s of Ramesks 11. 

jnjlifi-jaiiarldj,^ But a less pretentious form of statuary grew up 
in the form of portrait statues, which were placed in the tombs 
to preserve the image of the deceased. Many of these portrait 
statues show a considerable degree of artistic skill. But Egyp- 
tian scul])ture came to lose its independent character and to be 
used for the decoration of buildings. It appears in imnionse 
figures affixed to tomljs and temples, and also in the multitude 



EARLY BABYLONIA AND EGYPT Z7 

of bas-reliefs which adorned the walls of buildings. These 
sculptured designs were almost always colored ; and this addi- 
tion of color to carving was probably the earliest step in the 
growth of painting. The subjects of these paintings are almost 
infinite in variety, from the representation of the gods to 
scenes of domestic life. , The I^]wv|^)tians^also attained some 
skill in music; they possessed such instruments as the guitar, 
t"Ke hai-p^and the pipe, and the drum and the trumpet inspired 
llTe Egyptian sofdieFon hiS^arch'.^T" 

'TEgyptlaii Writing and Literature. — The great number of 
inscriptions cut upon the buildings and monuments indicate 
the peculiar character of the Egyptian writing, and one of the 
ways in which records were kept. On account of these inscrip- 
tions and designs the buildings are veritable books in stone. 
But they remained practically sealed books until a key was 
found by which the inscriptions could be deciphered. The 
" Eoset'ta stone," discovered near one of the mouths of the 
Nile (1T99), contained a royal decree written in three kinds of 
characters, the hieroglyphic, the demotic, and the Greek. With 
this key the French scholar Champollion deciphered the lan- 
guage (1821), and may be said to have unlocked the treasure- 
house of Egyptian learning. This line gives an example of 
the hieroglyphic characters : ^ 

The written language of Egypt had its origin in picture 
writing. The most ancient form is the hieroglyphic^ made up 
of pictures of things and symbols of ideas. The next form is 
the hieratic, which was used by the priests for executing long 
records, and hence is a more cursive, or running, form. The 
final form is called the demotic because it was used by the 

1 The line is read from right to left, and is translated thus : "Raising | 
statue I of king of Egypt | Ptolemy eternal beloved of Ptah." 

MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 3 



38 



THE OEIENTAL WORLD 



people. The Egyptian writing contains not only ideographic 
but also phonetic elements, — that is, the symbols represent 
not only ideas but sounds, containing the germs of a phonetic 
alphabet by which words could l)e represented. The Egyptians 
did not confine their writing to stone; they also used a kind 
of paper prepared from the papyrus plant. Their literature 
contained many books upon science and religion; the most re- 




MUMMY AND -MUilMY CASE 



markable of these is the so-called "Book of the Dead," which 
contains descriptions of the future life. 

The Influence of Egypt. — Egypt held a place in the valley 
of the Nile somewhat similar to that held by Babylonia in 
the Tigris-Euphrates valley. Tliey 1)oth represent the early 
stages in the world's civilization, and contributed much to the 
progress of later nations. r>ut the culture of Egypt was not 
at first so widely diffused as was that of Babylonia. Egypt, 
however, formed one of the great sources of Oriental culture, 
from which Europe and modern countries have received valu- 
able materials. Egypt taught the world the principles of a 
durable architecture. Vlt is true tliat the Babylonians built 
elabo rate structures of l)i'ick. l)iit ilicsc have Avell-nigh per- 
ished, while the stone buildings of Egypt have withstood in 
a wonderful manner the destructive influences of time.>^ In- 
deed, we nnght say tliat one great difference between the mate- 
rial civilization of Babylonia and that of Egypt was the fact 
that one was wrought in clay and the other in stone.si'X^. 



EAELY BABYLONIA AND EGYPT 39 

Greeks, no doubt, derived much of their early knowledge of ar^^ 
chitecture from the Egyptians. /The Egyptians have also exer- 
cised a strong intellectual influence upon the world. The 
progress made by them in some of the sciences — especially in 
geometry and astronomy — was appreciated by later nations, 
and formed a basis for further scientific achievements. Their 
higher religious ideas — for example, their idea of a Supreme 
Being and of a future life — may have had some influence 
upon the religion of the Hebrews and even upon that of Chris- 
tian nations. We may, therefore, look upon Egypt as one of 
the sources of modern thought and culture. 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. The Eatily Babylonian Empire. — The First Centers of 
Civilization. — The Tigris-Euphrates Valley. — The Early City 
States: Sargon I. — Hammurabi and the Old Babylonian Em- 
pire. — The Kassite Conquest. — Babylonian Industry and Art. — 
Babylonian Government and I^aws. — Babylonian Writing- and 
Literature. — Babylonian Religion and Science. 

II. Ancient Egypt. — The Valley of the Nile. — The People of 
the Nile. — Periods of Eg-yjjtian History. — Eg-yptian Society and 
Government. — Eg-yptian Industry and Industrial Arts. — Egyptian 
Religion and Scieiice. — Egyptian Architecture and Monuments. — 
Egyptian Sculpture. Painting, and Music. — Egyptian Writing and 
Literature. — The Influence of Egypt. 

REFERENCES FOR READING 

Murison, Babylonia, Ch. 1, "Ancient Babylonia"; Ch. 2, "United 
Babylonia" (5).' 

Egypt, Ch. 1, "Introductory"; Ch. 2, "The Ancient King- 
dom"; Ch. 3, "The Middle Kingdom"; Ch. 4, "Eighteenth 
Dynasty"; Ch. 12, "The Book of the Dead" (6). 

Goodspeed, Introduction, Ch. 2. "Excavations in Babylonia and 
Assyria"; p. 64 (Ur of the "Chaldees") ; also Index, "Ur" CA. 

Encycloptedia Britannica, Tenth Ed., Vol. 29, "Irrigation" (an- 
cient and modern). 

Rawlinson, Vol. T., pp. 67-69, 70-7.1, 82, 86, 279, 340, 384 (uses of 
clay and brick in the Tigris-Euphrates valley) (4). 

Ragozin, Chaldea, Ch. 5, "Babylonian Relisrion" V.")). 

Ducoudray, Ch. 5, "The Monuments and Arts of Egypt" (1). 

'The figure in nni-pritlTPSis refers to the number of the topic in the Ap- 
oendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. 



PROGRKSSIVE MAF No. 3. 




PHCENICIA AND JUDEA 41 

Lenormant, Vol. I., Bk. III., Ch. 5, "Civilization, Manners, and 

Monuments of Egypt" (4). 
Broughton, pp. 211-250, "The New Empire— XVIIIth and XlXth 

Dynasties"; pp. -128-450, "The Mesopotainians" (4). 
Rawlinson, Story of Egypt, Ch. 4, "The Pyramid Builders" (G). 
Sayce, Ancient Empires, Part I., "Egypt" (4). 
Maspero, Egyptian Archaeology, Ch. 5, "The Industrial Arts" (6). 
Smith, P., Ch. 1, ss. ;>, 8 (sources and inundations of the Nile); 

Ch. 2 (authorities for the history of Egypt); Ch. 3, s. U 

(the sphinx) ; Ch. U, "Industry, Keligion, and Arts of 

Egypt" (4). 
Newberry and Garstang, Ch. 2, "The Archaic Period [of 

Egypt]" (6). 
Breasted, Ch. 3, "Earliest Egypt"; see also Index, "Obelisk" (6). 
Herodotus, Bk. II., Chs. 35-99 (manners and customs of the 

Egyptians) ; Bk. III., Chs. 147-152 (accession of Psam- 

metichus) (17). 



CHAPTER III 

THE SYRIAN STATES— PHCENICIA AND JUDEA 
I. PHCENICIA AND AnCIENT COMMERCE 

Phoenicia and its People. — On the eastern coast of the 
Mediterranean Sea was a land which, as we have seen, was 
the meeting ground of the Babylonians and the Egyptians. 
For the want of any other common name we call this land 
Syria. The most important peoples living here were the 
Phoenicians and the Hebrews, both of whom belonged to the 
Semitic race. Of these the first to reach an important 
position in the Oriental world were the Phoenicians. Their 
home was a narrow strip of territory bordering on the 
shores of the sea, about one hundred and fifty miles long and 
from ten to fifteen miles in width, and shut off from the inte- 
rior of the country by the range of the Leb'anon Mountains. 
This country, having been conquered in succession by Baby- 
lonia and Jigjpt, became the common heir of the two older civ- 



42 



THE ORIENTAL WORLD 



ilizations. For example, the religion of the Phcenicians was a 
form of nature worship quite similar to that of the Babylo- 
nians. Their architecture was, in its main features, modeled 
upon that of the Egyptians. In their mechanic arts they also 
showed the same refined skill as their older neighbors. The 
Phoenicians were distinguished for their glass and metal work, 
their pottery, their textile fabrics, and especially for their 
purple dyes, which they obtained from a sea snail that was 
found along the Mediterranean coasts. Besides obtaining 
manv scientific ideas from Babylonia and Egypt, they are 
said to have discovered the relation between the tides of the 
sea and the motions of 
the moon. In their 
limited territory they 
had no passion for mili- 
tary glory or political 
dominion; they pre- 
ferred to pay tribute to 
others, and pursue their 
industry. Their govern- 
ment was mainly a Shells of the Sea Snail from which 

II? ' . the Purple Dve avas made 

government ot separate 

cities, but sometimes these were grouped into loose confeder- 
acies. (/Their greatest__cities_were Sidon and Tyre, which were 
in succession the chief seats of Phoenician civilization, v 

Plicenician Commercel^^Tire great distinction of this people 
was their genius for trade and commerce. Upon the sea the 
Phoenicians established an empire perhaps equal in importance 
to that which any other Oriental people had established upon 
the land. The cedars of Lebanon furnished timber for their 
ships; and with these they became the first masters of the Medi- 
terranean, and the greatest commercial nation of ancient times. 
Their fleets established the first commercial intercourse be- 
tween Europe, Asia, and Africa. They not only exported their 
own products to other countries, but they became the common 




PHCENICIA AND JUDEA 



43 



carriers for the known world. From India they hrought ivory, 
jewels, spices, and scented wood. From Arahia they brought 
gold, precious stones, incense, and myrrh. From the coasts of 
Ethiopia they added to their cargoes of gold and ivory supplies 
of ebony and ostrich feathers. They brought from the shores 
of the Baltic yellow amber; from Spain, silver, iron, lead, and 
copper; from Africa the precious metals; and from Britain tin. 
Thus the different parts of the world were brought into relation 
with one another by the Phoenician mariners and merchants. 

Phoenician Colonies. — To aid in extending their commerce 
the Phoenicians established trading posts, or colonies, in all 
the countries visited by their ships 
and merchants. Not only were 
these established in the civilized 
countries of the East for the pur- 
chase and exchange of wares; they 
were also established among the 
uncivilized peoples of the West for ^-7-,_,w_.-- 
fhe development of the resources ®^^ 

of new lands. The coasts of ^ Ph(enician Bireme 
the Mediterranean became dotted with Phoenician colonies. 
The most famous of these colonies was Carthage (founded 
about 850 b. c), which itself established a commercial empire 
on the northern coast of Africa, and which in later times came 
into a bitter conflict with Rome. The colonies on the Medi- 
terranean were largely mining stations, where the metals were 
extracted from the earth for the use of eastern factories. By 
thus coming into contact with the barbarous people on the 
European coasts, the Phoenicians diffused among them a taste 
for the arts of civilized life. They carried not only commodi- 
ties but culture. They have on this account been called the 
first "missionaries of civilization." 

The Phoenician Alphabet. — Perhaps the greatest gift of the 
Phoenicians to the world was a true phonetic alphabet. It is 
said that the Phoenicians invented their alphabetical writing as 




44 



THE ORIENTAL WORLD 



a common language of commerce. Wher- 
ever they sailed and carried their cargoes, 
they also carried their alphabet, which 
Eenan aptly calls one of their " exports." 
The alphabet was, however, the result of 
a long process of growth. The earliest 
writing was .in the form of pictures to 
represent material objects, and then in 
the form of symbols to represent abstract 
ideas. The Egyptians made great prog- 
ress by using signs to represent syllables, 
and afterward to represent elementar}^ 
sounds {]). ;>S). This was the beginning 
of alphabetic writing; but the signs used 
by the Egyptians were very indefinite and 
largely pictorial ; for example, the sound 
of .1 was represented l)y the picture of a 
feather or by that of an ?agle. -<It_was 
reserved for the Phoenicifins to develop a 
true phonetic alphal)et, in which the thief 
elementary sounds were represented by 
separated and well-defined characters. 
TlTiFalpliabeTwas adopted by many peo- 
ples, especially by the Greeks, who gave it 
to the Eomans, by whom it was given to 
modern~TiationsTy'ThTm''the Phoenicians, 
by the development of commerce and the 
invention of a true phonetic alphabet, and also by their diffu- 
sion of Oriental culture over tlie Mediterranean coasts, must 
be regarded as one of the most important of ancient nations. 



1 


c5 
o 


c 
E 

-o 
O 


c 

a: 'S 
c j£" 


^ 


/\ 


A 


A 


i 


& 


B 


B 


> 


C 


<C 


C 


A 


>D 


D 


D 


^ 


.^ 


E 


E 


-< 


C 


F 


F 






C 


G 


e,H 


CH 


H 


H 


i 


1 


1 


1 
J 


^ 


Jc 


K 


l< 


1 


U 


l^L 


L 


W\ 


Al 


M 


M 


^ 


r/ 


N 


M 


o 


o 











P 


PP 


P 


9 


9 


9Q 


Q 


q 


PR 


R 


R 


sA/ 


^8 


^S 


S 


r 


T 


T 


T 



(;j{OWTII OF TUK 
Al.PIIAliET 



II. JUDEA AND THE HEBREWS 



Tli3 Hebrew Nation. — Not far from Ph(enicia in Palestine 
there grew up another Semitic nation, which was in many re- 



PHCENICIA AND JUDEA 45 

spects different from every other Oriental people (see map, p. 
40). This was the Hebrew nation. Having no great river like 
that of the Egyptians and that of the Babylonians, and not tak- 
ing to the sea like the Phoenicians, they did not attain distinc- 
tion in the industrial or commercial arts. Their greatness did 
not depend upon art or science, or upon their capacity for po- 
litical organization. Yet they have perhaps done for civiliza- 
tion as much as any other people of the East, for they became 
the moral and religious teachers of the world. 

Periods of Jewish History.- — No other ancient nation pos- 
sessed so complete a record as did the Hebrews of the way in 
which a people has passed from the primitive to the civilized 
stage. From these records, we learn that their ancestor, 
Abram, was a Babylonian, tliat he came '(about 3000 b. c.) 
from Ur, a " city of the Chaldees," that he visited Egypt, and 
finally settled in Jude'a. His descendants, in the time of a 
famine, took refuge in Egypt, and became subject to the Shep- 
herd Kings, who assigned to them a home in lower Egypt 
(Goshen). Being oppressed by a king of a subsequent dynasty, 
they were delivered from their bondage by their great leader 
and lawgiver, Moses, a man skilled in all the learning of 
Egypt. From this time tlic history of the Jews may be divided 
into the following periods: 

(1) From the Exodus to the Establish ment of the Monarchy 
(1300-1095 B. c). — During this time the people were welded 
into a nation, with a national law and a national religion, 
under the statesmanship of Moses. They crossed the Jordan- 
under their leader Joshua, captured Jer'icho, conquered the 
surrounding country in Palestine (or Canaan, as they called 
it), and established a theocratic commonwealth under the rule 
of officers called " judges." 

(2) From the EstahUshment of the Monarcliy to the Divi- 
sion of the Kingdom (1095-975 B. c). — During this period the 
nation was ruled liy three distinguished kings. The first of 
these was Saul, who carried on war with the neighboring tribes, 



46 



THE ORIENTAL WORLD 



the Am'monites, the Philis'tines, and others. The second king 
was David, who captured Jerusalem and made it the capital of 
the kingdom, building a royal palace, with the aid of Phoeni- 
cian architects. By his conquests he established an empire 
extending from the Euphrates on the north to the Eed Sea on 
the south. The third and last king of the united monarchy 
was Solomon, who gave to the kingdom an air of Oriental mag- 
nificence. He built a splendid temple at Jerusalem, and 




,i ^ 



^-*^ ^^fjl [ fll"f 






ir 



fmwwwmw w 




Temple at Jerusalem (Restoration) 



adorned the city with sumptuous palaces. He formed an 
alliance with the kings of Tyre, and carried on an extensive 
commerce with Egypt and tlio East. He amassed enormous 
wealth and surrounded his throne with pomp and splendor. 
He married an Egyptian princess, and established a luxurious 
court like that of the eastern kings. But his glory was pur- 
chased at the expense of justice and his nation's honor. He 
laid heavy burdens upon his subjects and impoverished them. 
He disregarded the laws of Moses, and the Hebrew kingdom 
became practically an Oriental monarchy like that of Babylon. 



PHCENICIA AND JUDEA 47 

(3) From the Division of the Kingdom to the Babylonish 
Captivity (975-586 b. c.).— During this time the Hebrew na- 
tion formed two distinct kingdoms. Ten tribes revolted and 
formed tlie kingdom of Israel, with its capital at Sama'ria; the 
remaining two tribes formed the kingdom of Judah, with its ' 
capital at Jerusalem. The kingdom of Israel was finally con- 
quered by the Assyrian king Sargon II. (722 b. c), and the 
people were removed to Nineveh, where they were " lost " as a 
separate people (see p. 53). The kingdom of Judah was de- 
stroyed by the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar (58G b. c), 
and the inhabitants were carried away as captives to Baby- 
lon (see p. 58) ; but they were afterward allowed to return 
to Jerusalem (537 b. c.) as subjects of Cyrus, the Persian 
king. 

The Hebrew Commonwealth. — Before the Hebrew nation 
passed under a monarchical form of government, their society 
is of special interest to us, because it was patterned upon a 
pure democratic type. The Hebrew commonwealth presents 
the best, and perhaps the only, example of a true democracy 
among ancient civilized nations before the time of the Greeks. 
The society was based upon the patriarchal family. The 
father was head of the family group and priest of the family 
worship. Parental, marital, and filial duties were the sacred 
ties of social life. The families were grouped into tribes, each 
under a patriarchal chief, a council of elders, and a general 
assembly. The tribes were united into a larger federal com- 
monwealth, with its judge, who was a patriarchal and military 
chieftain; its san'hedrim, which was a national senate, or fed- 
eral council; and its "congregation," which was a popular as- 
sembly of the tri1)es.% >Each tribe retained the right of l ocal 
sejf-government, and all its people were equal before the law — 
except the slaves, who were, however, generally well treated>^ / 
The decay of the Hebrew commonwealth was due to the influx^ 
of Oriental ideas, and to the breaking down of the primitive 
customs of the Hebrew nation. 



48 



THE ORIENTAL WOKLI) 



The Hebrew Religion; Monotheism. — In spite of the fact 
that the people and tlie rulers were often led astray by the 
influence of foreign religious ideas, still the highest and most 
distinctive feature of the Jewish civilization was the growth 
of monotheism. We must judge of the real character of the 
Jewish religion, not by tlie practices of those who departed 
from it, but by the teachings of those who were its highest ex- 
pounders — Moses and the prophets. In these great teachers 
we find the true idea of monotheism. This is not simply the 
idea of the Egyptians, that there is one god higher than other 
^-.„ gods; it is the idea that there is 

TJ^^ only one Supreme God. Another 

" ' '- feature of the Jewish religion was 

the fact that it was closely linked 
to morality. Religious worship and 
moral duty were regarded as two 
sides of a complete life. The his- 
tory of the nation was a constant 
struggle against false ideas of re- 
ligion and false ideas of morality. 
When the priests were carried away 
with the idea that religion con- 
sisted simply in rites and ceremo- 
nies, and the kings were seeking 
the pomp and luxury of the East, and the people were falling 
into wickedness and idolatry, it was left to the later prophets 
to become the true expounders of religion and the moral law. 
The Hebrew Literature; the Bible. — The idea of monothe- 
ism was the ins] tiring idea of the Heltrew literature, as it was 
of the Hebrew religion. This literature is contained in what 
we call the Old Testament, and comprises (1) the Pentateuch, 
or the legal books; (2) the historical books; ('^) the poetical 
books; and (4) the books of the prophets. In their literary 
genius the Hebrews surpassed all other Oriental nations. In 
the writings of their poets and prophets we find the highest 




High Priest 



PHCENICIA AND JUDEA 4^ 

examples of religious fervor and imaginative description. The 
Psalms of David, the Book of Job, and the Prophecy uf 
Isaiah, considered merely as literary compositions, are unsur- 
passed in the literature of any people. When we consider the 
writings of the Hebrews and their religious influence upon the 
civilized world, we must assign to this nation a high place 
among the historical peoples of ancient times. 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. Phcentcia and Ancient Commerce. — PhcBnieia and its Peo- 
ple. — Phoenician Commerce. — Phoenician Colonies. — The Phoeni- 
cian Alphabet. 

II. JuDEA AND THE Hekrews. — The Hebrew Nation. — Periods 
of Jewish History. — The Hebrew Commonwealth. — The Hebrew 
Religion; Monotheism. — The Hebrew Literature; the Bible. 

REFERENCES FOR READING 

Encyelopsedia Britannica, Art. "Phoenicia." 

Rawlinson, History of Phoenicia, Ch. 18, "Phoenician Manufac- 
tures" (7).' 
Lenormant, Vol. II.. Bk. VI., Ch. 4, "Civilization and Influence of 

the Phoenicians" (4). 
Sayce, Ancient Empires, Part II., "Phoenicia" (4). 
Ducoudray, Ch. 4, "Religion and Social State of the Jews"; Ch. 

5, "Phoenician Commerce" (1). 
Broughton, pp. 291-344, "The Phoenicians"; pp. 393-406, "Israel- 

itish Institutions" (4). 
Souttar, pp. 191-276, "The Hebrews"; pp. 277-306, "Phoenicia" (1). 
Milman, History of the Jews, Bk. III., "The Desert" (en passant, 

idolatry among the Jews) ; Bk. VII., "The Monarchy" (with 

its Oriental features) (7). 
Edersheim, Ch. 12, "Sickness and Death" (sanitary features of 

the Mosaic law) (7). 
Josephus, Wars, Bk. VI. (siege of Jerusalem by Titus) (9). 
The Bible, Numbers, Ch. 4 (the Levites and their duties) ; 

Ezekiel, Chs. 26-28 (exaltation of Tyre). 

'The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Ap- 
pendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. 



•PROOrtESSTA^E MAF No. 4. 




CHAPTER IV 

THK NEW SEMITIC EMPIRES— ASSYRIA AND LATER 
BABYLONIA 

I. Assyria, the First World Empire 

The Rise of Assyria. — We are now brought to a new period 
in Oriental history, in which all the previous nations of the 
East — not only the Phoenicians and the Hebrews, but also the 
Babylonians and the Egyptians — lose their independence, and 
become parts of one great world empire. The people who es- 
tablished this emjjire were the Assyrians. They belonged to 
the Semitic race, like the Babylonians, and dwelt in the npper 
part of the Tigris-Euphrates, or Mesopotamian, valley. In the 
rugged climate of the north they developed a hardy and war- 
like character. The Assyrians have been compared to the Ro- 
mans as a military and conquering people. They cultivated 
the arts of war, having well organized bodies of infantry, cav- 
alry, and war chariots. 

The center of Assyrian power was at first the city of As- 
sur; this was a colony of Babylonia situated on the upper 
Tigris River and the seat of the worship of the god Assur. The 
city obtained its independence from Babylonia, and gave the 
name " Assyria " to the whole surrounding country. After a 
time, the Assyrian capital was transferred from Assur to Nine- 
veh (l)y Shalmane'ser I., 1320 b. c); and this new capital be- 
came the permanent seat of the empire. The external history 
of Assyria is a history of almost dontinual wars, resulting in 
the partial success of the Assyrian arms under the first empire, 
and the final triumph of the Assyrian power under the second 
empire. 

51 



THE ORIENTAL WORLD 




Assyrian War Chariot 



The First Assyrian Empire (1120-745 b. c). — The founder 
of the first Assyrian empire was tlie great warrior king of 
Nineveh, Tiglath-Pile'ser I. (1120 b. c), who suhdiiecT the sur- 
rounding cities, and 
carried his arms to 
the west until after 
many wars he finally 
reached the coasts of 
the Mediterranean. 
That he looked with 
satisfaction upon his 
own acliievements is 
evident from his in- 
scription (now pre- 
served in the British Museum), in which he calls himself " the 
king of kings, the lord of lords, the ever victorious hero." The 
merciless character of Assyrian war- 
fare is seen in the career of another 
noted king, Assur-nazir-pal (885 b. c), 
whom, in spite of his fame, we may re- 
gard as one of the most cruel of con- 
querors. The lands which he con- 
quered, he desolated, ravaging the 
fields and killing the people. In his 
own words, which have come down to 
us, we may read his boasting of the 
pyramids he has built of human heads, 
of tlie ca])tives flayed alive, and of the 
children burned to death. The con- 
quests of these early kings were contin- 
ued by Shalmaneser II. (8(j0 b. c), 
whose deeds are recorded on the famous " black obelisk," 
which he built. On one side of this obelisk we may 
see a procession of subjects bringing their gifts and trib- 
ute to the king. The many wars of the period were intended 




ASSUR-NAZIR-PAL 
ReHef in British Museum 



ASSYKTA AND LATER BABYLONIA 



53 



to bring into subjection the neighboring countries^especially 
Babylonia to the south, and Syria to the west But these 
conquests were not permanent, and the 
first empire fell into a state of decline. 

The Second Assyrian Empire (745- 
606 B. c). — The failure of the first em- 
pire was due to the lack of an efficient 
mode of governing the subjects. When a 
people were once conquered and made 
tributary, they were left to themselves; 
and consequently they were tempted to 
rise in rebellion against the king when 
he demanded further tribute. This pol- 
icy was changed by a distinguished king 
who is regarded as the founder of the 
second Assyrian empire^ — Tiglath-Pileser 
III. (745 B. c). This king adopted the 
policy of organizing the conquered cities 
into districts, or provinces, each subject 
to a governor of his own appointment. 
He also adopted the practice of " depor- Black Obelisk 
tation "—that is, of scattering rebellious ^^ Shalmaneser IL 
peoples into different parts of the empire, thus preventing any 
united efforts at revoltrsiLjnjaccordance with this practice, the 

next Vin'j:. Sai'uou IT. {]'!'! it. r.), 
Avhon he liad conquered Samaria, 
carried away the " Ten Trilies " 
of T>i'aol into cajjtiviiy and scat- 
tered them auiong the towns of 
]\redia, where they were forever 
"lost" a? a <c|iar:il<' |m'()]i1o;./ The 
success which attended the cam- 
paigns of Sargon in Israel led his 
successor, the more famous King Sennacherib (705 b. c), to- 
continue these expeditions. He accordingly subdued the cities 




e r3..'« 




Seal op Sennacherib 



54 



THE OEIENTAL WORLD 



empire.^ 

able monuments of this 



of Phoenicia; but his efforts against the city of Jerusalem 
failed, and his armies, smitten by a pestilence, were led back 
to Mneveh. The last years of this king were devoted to wars 
with Babylonia, resulting finally in the total destruction of 
the city of Babylon (688 b. c). The conquests of the three 
kings just mentioned resulted in bringing nearly the whole of 
western Asia under the Assyrian power. The completion of 
the empire was effected by the two following kings — Esarhad'- 
don (681 B. c), who brought Egypt under his control, and As- 

sur-bani-pal (668 b. c), who reduced 
the rebellious city of Tyre.'^X^nder 
these two monarchs the Assyrian em- 
l)ii'(' reached its greatest extent "and 
its greatest glory, and became, in 
fact, what we may call the first world 
One of the most remark- 
period is 
the Eoyal Library of Assur-bani-pal, 
which may be regarded as the first 
great library of the world. It was 
gathered from various conquered 
cities, a considerable part of it being 
])lundered from Babylon. It con- 
tained about 30,000 tablets, which 
have been brought to light in recent 
years, and have revealed to modern 
scholars the history and civilization of a people who flourished 
more than twenty-five centuries ago. 

Assyria the Heir of Babylonia. — A great part of the civili- 
zation of the Assyrians was inlierited from the early Babylo- 
nians. It is true that these two peoples belonged to the same 
race; yet they were quite different in spirit. "The Babylo- 
nians were peaceful in disposition, given to agriculture, fond 
of literature, well educated and comparatively humane in the 
conduct of their wars. The Assyrians cared little for agricul- 




AssYRiAx Clay Tablet 



ASSYRIA AND LATER BABYLONIA 



55 



ture, their wars were undertaken for plunder and were con- 
ducted with ferocity." Still, many of the arts of peace devel- 
oped hy the Babylonians were taken up by the Assyrians. The 
Assyrians, for example, adopted the method of writing used by 
their older neighbors, and showed something of the same taste 
for literature. They acquired the same, if not superior, skill 
in the mechanic arts, and adopted the same scientific ideas. 
Their religion was in all essential matters the same as that of 
the Babylonians; and they generally adopted the same strict 
methods in their legal transactions. The advancement which 
they made upon the Babylonians was principally in the direc- 
tion of a more highly developed imperial government, a more 
palatial style of architecture, and a greater appreciation of 
sculpture as a decorative art. 

The Assyrian Government. — The Assyrians seem to have 
been the first great people to develop 
a systematic government based upon 
the imperial idea. The monarch was 
the supreme source of all authority. 
He was surrounded by a court com- 
posed of officers of his household, 
such as the grand vizier, the royal 
cupbearer, the royal treasurer, the 
captain of the guards, etc. These of- 
ficers served the king and executed his 
commands. The provinces of the em- 
pire received a definite organization. 
They were divided into two classes — 
those under governors, or satraps, ap- 
pointed by the king, and those under 
native rulers approved 1w the king 
and subject to him. The provinces 
were all alike obliged to furnish trib- 
ute for the royal treasury and troops for the royal army. Ex- 
cept the priestly class, the subjects of the king possessed a cer- 




AssYRiAN King in 
Royal Robes 



56 THE OPvIENTAL WOELD 

tain degree of equality, there being no caste system, and no es- 
tablished aristocracy. There was, however, a class of slaves 
composed of captives taken in war and of persons nnable to 
pay their del)ts. 

Assyrian Architecture; Royal Palaces. — Tbe influence of 
the imperial idea, and the great dignity attached to the king, 
are seen in the character of the Assyrian architecture. The 
most important buildings were not the temples, as in Babylo- 
nia, but the royal palaces, upon which the wealth of the 
empire was expended. The temple was merely accessory to 
the palace, and was still built in the form of a terraced tower. 







.^.U 



Assyrian Palace at Nineveh (Restoration) 

But the palace assumed another form, and was Ijuilt over an 
extended area upon the flat surface of an artificial hill or ele- 
vation overlooking a plain or river. Although this country 
furnished stone suitable for building, the Assyrians continued, 
like the Babylonians, to use brick for architectural purposes. 
The royal palace consisted of a vast system of courts, corridors, 
and galleries. In spite of the fact that the Assyrians used the 
arch in sewers, the roof of the palace was generally supported 
by wooden beams placed upon massive brick w^alls. Slender 
columns, made of stone or of wood covered with metal, were 
often used for ornamental purposes; and these were sometimes 
surmounted with capitals of artistic designs. 



ASSYRIA AND LATER BABYLONIA 



57 



Assyrian Sculpture and Painting. — ^The Assyrians acquired 
considerable skill and proiicieney in the art of sculpture. This 
was chiefly employed in the way of ornamentation for the royal 
palaces. The most con- 
spicuous, but not the most 
pleasing, examples of As- 
syrian sculpture are seen in 
the enormous and gro- 
tesque figures which were 
usually placed at the en- 
trance of the palace. They 
consisted of winged bulls 
or lions with human heads, 
— symbolizing perhaps 
strength, swiftness, and in- 
telligence, — and were sup- 
posed to guard the palace from the intrusion of evil spirits. 
The highest examples of Assyrian art are seen in the bas- 
reliefs, cut on alabaster slabs and adorning the interior of the 
royal palaces. Here are represented scenes of war and events 




Winged Bull with Human Head 




Assyrian Bas-relief 

in the life of the king. In these sculptured reliefs are 
exhibited the best specimens of ancient drawing before the 
time of the Greeks. From the large number of these reliefs 

MORET'S ANCIENT HIST. 4 



58 THE ORIENTAL WORLD 

we have obtained much of our knowledge of Assyrian life and 
customs. The flat and strong colors — often a brilliant ver- 
milion — which are placed upon the reliefs (as upon the Egyp- 
tian bas-reliefs), show the first steps in painting, which had not 
yet reached the dignity of an independent art. 

II. The Later Babylonian Empire 

Recovery of the Empire by Babylon. — During the suprem- 
acy of Assyria, Babylon remained in the position of a depend- 
ent kingdom; but throughout this period she had preserved the 
memory of her former greatness, and frequently revolted 
against the Assyrian monarch. But in these attempts she was 
doomed to failure, until she found an ally in a people living 
east of the Tigris. This people was the Medes, who had them- 
selves l)een subject to Assyria for more tlian a century; they 
had now recovered their independence and established an em- 
pire of their own. AViili the aid of the JVI edes, the Babylonians 
sjic ceed ed in destroying Nineveh and overthrowing the Assyr- 
i^n^monarchy ((506 B. c.).vyThe domimons of Assyria were di- 
vided l)ri\\(M'ii the conquerors, — Media ruling the countries to 
the easi of the Tigris, and Babylon the countries to the west. 

Babylon under Nebuchadnezzar. — In this way Babylon re- 
covered her ancient power, and ruled with increased splendor. 

The great king Nebu- 
T >►! >T ^^ T ^T ^<'^ chadnez'zar (605 - 561 
The Name Nebuchadnezzar in ^; ^■) restored her fallen 
Cuneiform cities, and made her for 

a short time the center 
of Eastern civilization. His dominions extended over the val- 
ley of the Euphrates and the countries of Syria to the borders 
of Egypt (see map, p. 50). The Jews who refused to respect 
his auiliority were treated with severity. Jerusalem was taken 
and sacked ; and the tribes of Judah were carried away into 
captivity. The great king rebuilt the city of Babylon, sur- 



ASSYRIA AND LATER BABYLONIA 59 

rounded it with massive walls, and adorned it with sumptuous 
palaces. TLXo _i'ival the beauties of n ature andtoplease his 
queen, a Median princess, he built the tamous "han ging £a£- 
de ns," which were artifi cial hills built in the form of iminense 
terraces and covered witli luxuriant shrubs and fldwci's. l)ur- 
ing this brief period of bci- latrr su|)r('inacv i>nl)vliiii attained, 
in the highest degree, all the luxury and ^Jonip peculiar to 
Oriental civilization. But Babylon the Great finally fell before 
the rising power of Persia (538 b. c), which absorbed all the 
countries of western Asia. 

The Assyrio-Babylonian Civilization. — We have seen that 
the Tigris-Euphrates valley was the seat of three successive em- 
pires; but in their culture these empires may be looked upon 
as presenting three successive phases of one and the same civ- 
ilization. The early Babylonians had developed a form of re- 
ligion, science, and art which shoM^ed the evidence of intellec- 
tual growth and a certain degree of refinement. The Assyrians 
took up the culture of the Babylonians, and impressed upon 
it a political and imperial stamp, such as was naturally de- 
rived from a great and conquering people. And this imperial 
character was transferred back to Babylon with the establish- 
ment of the later empire. So the culture which was finally 
developed in the Mesopotamian valley was a mingling of Baby- 
lonian and Assyrian elements. 

From this brief review we can see that the Tigris-Euphrates 
valley was one of the great centers of ancient civilization. By 
its commercial and political relations its culture was extended 
to the shores of the Mediterranean Sea. The religious ideas 
of its people became the common property of the East; and 
their notions regarding the origin of the world and the early 
condition of mankind became entwined with the Hebrew ac- 
count of creation. Their progress in certain branches of sci- 
ence, especially in astronomy, formed a contribution to the in- 
tellectual development of the ancient world. Their skill in 
some of the industrial arts, such as weaving and the cutting of 



60 THE ORIENTAL WORLD 

intaglios, has scarcely been equaled by modern nations. Their 
political organization formed the basis of the later imperial 
systems of the East, which were afterward transferred to Eu- 
rope under the later Roman empire. 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. Assyria, the First World P^mpire. — The Rise of Assyria. — 
The First Assyrian Empire. — The Second Assyrian Empire. 
— Assyria the Heir of Babylon. — The Assyrian Government. — • 
Assyrian Architecture; Royal Palaces. — Assyrian Sculjiture and 
Painting. 

II. The Later Babylonian Empire. — Recovery of the Empire 
by Babylon. — Babylon under Nebuchadnezzar. — The Assyrio- 
Babylonian Civilization. 

REFERENCES FOR READING 

Murison, Babylonia and Assyria, Ch. 5, "Consolidation of the 
Assyrian Empire"; Ch. 14, "Writing- and Literature"; Ch. 15, 
"Civilization"; pp. 18-20, "The Tel-el-Amarna Tablets" (5).^ 

Ducoudray, Ch. .3, "The Babylonians and Asf-yrians" (1). 

Sayce, Ancient Empires, Ch. 2, "Babylonia and Assyria" (4). 

Goodspeed, Part IT.. Ch. 5, "Early Conflicts of Babylonia and 
Assyria"; Part III., Ch. 5, "The Assyrian Empire at its 
Height"; Part IV., Ch. 2, "Nebuchadrezzar and his Suc- 
cessors" (5). 

Lenormant. Vol. II., pp. 417-467, "Civilization, Manners and Monu- 
ments of Assyria" (4). 

Broughton, pp. 493-508, "Mesopotamian Institutions and 
Progress" (4). 

Smith, P., Ch. 17, "The Cuneiform Writing- and Literature" (4). 

Maspero, Life, Ch. 16, "Assiirbanipal's Library" (4). 

Rawlinson, Monarchies, Vol. II., 7ip. 516-520, 553 (the hanging 
gardens and walls of Babylon) (4). 

Josephus, Antiquities, Bk. X., Ch. 8 (capture of Jerusalem by 
Nebuchadnezzar) ; Bk. XL, Ch. 1 (return of the Hebrews 
from captivity) (9). 

Herodotus, Bk. I., Chs. l.;i-140 (Persian manners and customs); 
Chs. 178-1S3 (description of Babylon); Chs. 190, 191 (capture 
of Babylon by Cyrus) (17). 

The Bible, IT Kings, Chs. 18, 19 (Sennacherib and Hezekiah); 
Daniel, Chs. 1-4 (Nebuchadnezzar and Daniel); Ch. 5 (Feast 
of Belshazzar). 

'The figure in parentlipsis refers to the nnmher of the topic in the Ap- 
pendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. 



CHAPTER V 

THE ARYAN EMPIRES— MEDIA AND PERSIA 



I. The Akyans and the Median Empiee 

Beg^inning^ of Aryan Civilization. — We have thus far seen 
the beginnings and growth of civilization among the Hamitic 
people in Egypt, and also 
among the Semitic people 
who lived in the Tigris-Eu- 
phrates valley and on the 
eastern shores of the Medi- 
terranean Sea. We have 
noticed the rise and fall of 
the great empires estab- 
tablished by these peoples — 
the early Babylonian, the 
Egyptian, the Assyrian, 
and the later Babylonian. 

lie time has now come 



,^.,-. 



«t!ifllB^||s5>«»y«'Si» **i 



Statue of the Hindu Buddha 



tlic masters of the civi- 



^^iTlie 
when t he dominion of 1 1 h ■ 
Orient passes _ Jjom^ tjie 
Hamites and the Semites 
into the Hands o^ Aryan 

peoples, wild ;ir(.' ll('llccr()l't]l t( 

lized world. ^- 

It is true that a part of the Aryan people had already en- 
tered India, had settled upon the banks of the Indus and the 
Ganges, and had made some progress in civilization. Cjhese 
Aryans in .Ipdja were_calle d Hindus. VThey had developed the 
simple nature worship of their ancestors into a highlv philo- 
sophical religion called Brahmanism. This was followed by 

61 



62 THE ORIENTAL WORLD 

another and simpler form of religion called Buddhism, 
founded by the great religious reformer Buddha. The iVr- 
yan Hindus had also produced a literature in the so-called 
" Vedas " and in certain epic poems which show strong feel- 
ing and imagination. Finally, they had obtained some scien- 
tific ideas in astronomy and mathematics, which indicate a cer- 
tain degree of intellectual progress. But the Aryan Hindus, 
in spite of their progress in certain directions, were still a con- 
templative people, lacking the activity and vigor necessary for 
great political achievements; and hence they exercised little in- 
fluence upon the general progress of the East. 

The Medes and the Persians. — The first Aryan peoples who 
became a real factor in the progress of the ancient world were 
the Medes and the Persians. They were inspired with the im- 
perial spirit of the East, and changed the face of the Oriental 
world. These two peoples were closely related to each other, 
although they found homes in different regions. They both 
settled upon the western part of the great plateau of Iran, 
which lies between the Indus and Tigris rivers; but the home 
of the Medes was among the higher lands toward the north and 
west, while that of the Persians was farther south near the 
shores of the Persian Gulf. In the early periods of their his- 
tory they had both struggled against the aboriginal peoples of 
the plain and succeeded in establishing their dominion. Of 
these two peoples, the Medes were the first to obtain promi- 
nence by throwing off the yoke of the Assyrians, to whom they 
had been subject. Fighting for existence against the continual 
encroachments of Assyria on the west and of the barbarous 
Scythians on the north, they not only maintained their na- 
tional life, but developed the military strength which enabled 
them to conquer their neighbors and to establish an empire. 

The Median Empire; Cyaxares. — The founder, and in fact 
tlie only great ruler, of the Median empire was Cyax'ares (625- 
585 B. c). He organized the scattered tribes of the country 
and completed the work begun by previous princes. His mill- 



MEDIA AND PERSIA 63 

tary ability is shown by the fact that he formed his army into 
regular divisions, each made up of those who were armed with 
the same kind of weapons. He first drove back the barbarians 
who were pressing upon his kingdom from the north, and de- 
livered western Asia from these invaders. He then formed an 
alliance with the king of Babylonia, as the result of which 
Nineveh was destroyed and the empire of Assyria was over- 
thrown (see p. 58). While Nebuchadnezzar was ruling in 
splendor at Babylon, Cyaxares was extending his dominions. 
He invaded Asia Minor and pushed his arms to the river 
Halys, which became the dividing line between his empire and 
that of Lydia (see map, p. 50). The Median empire, though 
extensive in its territory, was the shortest-lived of all the great 
Oriental monarchies. Its chief significance lies in the fact 
that it prepared the way for the greater empire of the Persians. 

II. Persia, the Second Woelu Empire 

The East before the Persian Conquests. — At the death of 
Cyaxares in the beginning of the sixth century (585 b. c), 
there were four principal nations of the Oriental world, which 
wo should keep in mind if we would understand the growth of 
tlie Persian empire (maps, pp. 50, 66). These were: (1) the 
Median empire, which had been built up by the prince Cyax- 
ares, and which extended to the Halys River on the west, to the 
Caspian Sea on the north, to the Persian Gulf on the south, 
and to an indefinite boundary line on the east toward the Indus 
River; (2) the Later Babylonian empire, which, with the aid 
of the ]\Iedes, had been formed from the dissolution of the 
empire of Assyria, and which extended from the Tigris River 
to the shores of the Mediterranean; (3) the Lydian empire, 
which covered the western part of Asia Minor from the Halys 
River almost to the ^gean Sea, on the coasts of which had 
grown up a number of Greek cities; and (4) Egypt, which had 
recovered its independence under Psammetichus and occu- 



64 



THE OEIENTAL WORLD 



pied its original territory in the valley of the Nile. We 
are now to see how these different countries became absorbed 
into the one great world empire of Persia. 

Rise of Persia under Cyrus (558-529 b. c). — Persia had 
been a small province of the ]\Iedian empire situated on the 
Persian Gulf. About the middle of the sixth century b. c. 

a prince, whom we know as 
Cyrus the Great, revolted from 
Media and succeeded in redu- 
cing that state to his own au- 
thority. Many stories are told 
about the birth and early life 
of this great man; but they 
are largely mytliical, and need 
not be rehearsed. His chief 
significance for us is in the fact 
tliat he created the most pow- 
erful empire that the world 
had yet seen, and estaljlished 
a policy which was destined to 
bring Asia into conflict with 
Europe. The growth of this 
empire resulted from the con- 
quests made by three Icings — 
Cyrus, its founder, and his suc- 
cessors, Camby'ses and Dari'us. 
Conquest of Lydia.— With the overthrow of the Median em- 
pire, Cyrus proceeded to extend his kingdom to the Avest. This 
required the conquest of Babylonia west of the Tigris, and of 
Lydia west of the Halys Eiver. Lydia was especially alive to 
the dangers of Persian aggression. Her energetic king. Croesus, 
who had now under his control all of Asia Minor west of the 
Halys, assumed the part of defender of western Asia. He is 
said to have consulted the oracle of Apollo at Delphi (p. 130), 
and to have received the response that " if he crossed the Halys, 




Bas-rei.ief of Cyrus 



MEDIA AND PEESIA 65 

he would destroy a great empire." Not thinking that this 
might apply to his own empire, as well as to that of Cyrus, he 
crossed the river, and after an indecisive battle retreated into 
his own territory. Without delay Cyrus invaded Lydia and 
captured Sardis. Asia Minor now became a part of the Per- 
sian em.pire. 

Conquest of Babylonia and Eg-ypt. — After the conquest of 
Lydia Cyrus turned his attention to his next great rival, Baby- 
lonia. With the fall of Babylon (538 b. c), this empire also 
became a part of his dominions, ^t is to the credit of Cyrus 
t hat he perm itted the Jews^ who had been held 'TnTaptivity 
since the days-ot-Nebuthadne^zar (see page 4i-). to return to 
tlicii' lioiiic in .li'nisalciii. .After the death of C*yrus, his son 
Canibyses {o2\)-'j'i'i li. c.) extended the Persian authority over 
Phoenicia, Cyprus, and Egypt. But an army sent into Ethi- 
opia perished in the sands of the desert; and an expedition 
planned against Carthage failed, because the Phoenician 
sailors refused to serve against their kinsfolk. The rule of 
Cambyses was oppressive and often cruel, and was marked by 
frequent revolts in different ])arts of the empire. 

Conquests in Europe under Darius. — The insurrections 
which attended the death of Cambyses were quelled by Darius 
(521-484 B. c), who was, next to Cyrus, the greatest king of 
Persia. He has a special interest for us, because he was the 
first to extend the Persian authority into Europe — which fact 
paved the way for the subsequent invasion of Greece. The pur- 
pose of Darius in entering Europe was, according to Herodo- 
tus, to send an expedition against the barbarous Scythians. 
So far as the Scythians were concerned, this expedition proved 
a failure. But on his return to Asia, Darius left in Europe 
an army which subdued Thrace and the Greek cities to the 
north of the ^Egean Sea, and even compelled IMacedonia to 
acknowledge the supremacy of the great king. The Persian 
empire was thus extended into Europe to the boundary of 
Greece itself. 



PROGRESSI"V"E M:A.P» ISTo. O. 




MEDIA AND PEKSIA 



67 



The subsequent history of Persia was closely related to that 
of Greece, which had by this time developed a distinct civiliza- 
tion of its own and had become the center of a new world cul- 
ture. >^Ve__shanhereafterseeh£wPem cninc into conflict 
with the -Gr eek states.^- .and how it was finally overthrown by 
Alexander the Great (331 B. c). 



111. The Government and Civilization of Persia 

Political Org^anization of the Empire. — In its geographical 
extent Persia surpassed all the previous empires of the East. 
It not only covered all the lands hitherto occupied by Assyria, 
Babylonia, Media, Lydia, and Egypt, but added to them other 
territory not included in these older empires. It extended from 
the Indus River to the ..^Egean Sea, a distance of about three 
thousand miles. It comprised, in fact, the whole civilized 
world except India and China in the Far East, and Greece and 
Carthage in the West. 

The form of government established over this vast domain 
was patterned after that of the Assyrians, but strengthened 
and perfected by the genius of Darius. For the purposes of 
administration the territory was divided into a number of 
provinces, or " satrapies," each under a provincial governor, or 
satrap, appointed by the king. The provinces were divided 
into districts, each under a deputy of the satrap. The prov- 
inces were subject to the satraps, and the satraps were subject 
to the kiup-. VThe duties of the provincial sub jects were to fur- 
nish men for the_ royal army, ships for theroya i navy, and 
money for the roy al treasu ry. >/r he prnvinffis w re"]oineg!^ 
lire cani tal. tjusa. by military roads, the mos t importaai! 

jaidis. 



which was the great royal roadfromSjjgai,,^ 

l-tie 'person of the king was exalted above 



h undred miies"feBf^ 

tha'i; of other menT I^e sat upon a throne made of gold, silver, 
and ivory. His garments were of richest silk. To serve him 
was the highest mark of nobility. To minister to his comfort, 



68 



THE ORIENTAL VVOELD 



one dignitary was chosen to carry the royal parasol, another 
the royal fan, while otlier officers were appointed to perform 

other equally honorable duties. 
Persian Army and Navy. — 
The chief support of the royal 
authority was the army drawn 
from the different provinces. 
When called together, it was 
marshaled by nations, each with 
its own costume and subject to 
royal officers. The footmen were 
armed with the sword, the spear, 
and their favorite weapon, the 
l;()w, in the use of which they 
were expert. The cavalry was 
fC_A' /I If ' 1 '^^^ important branch of the 

Vywi^ '\K \ m army, and was very effective 

wlicn llgliting upon an open 
])l;iiii. The choicest part of the 
Persian army was the " Ten. 
Thousand Immortals," so caUa^ 
because their numbers were per- 
petually maintained. /'^'On the sea 
the Persians were able to gather 
from their subjects a large num- 
ber of ships, mostly triremes (shi])s with three banks of oars) 
armed with iron prows. With such an army and navy the Per- 
sians had already conrpierod Asia, and hoped to conquer Greece 
and Europe. 

Persian Art and Literature. — As the Persians were chiefly 
a conquering and ruling people, they were not distinguished 
for their intellectual achievements. AVhatever art they pos- 
sessed was mosth'^ a mere reproduction of that of Assyria and 
Babylon. Their architecture and sculpture, as seen in the 
ruins at Persep'olis and other places, show no evidences of 




The Persian King 
(with attendants) 



MEDIA AND PEESIA 



69 



marked originality. While using an Aryan speech, the Persians 
adopted for writing the wedge-shaped characters of their pred- 
ecessors. They made no contributions to science; and for 
many generations they possessed no literature worthy of notice 
except the "Aves'ta." which was the Persian Bible. 

Persian Religion and Morality. — The most distinctive fea- 
ture of the Persian civilization was its religion. The religion 
of Persia was doubtless an outgrowth of a lower polytheistic 
nature worship; but it seems to have reached its highest de- 




KUINS OF Persepolis 

velopment under the influence of Zoroas'ter. This religious 
reformer is supposed to have lived in Bactria about the middle 
of the seventh century b. c. Some scholars are inclined to 
believe that his name stands merely for a mythical person; 
while others strongly assert that " we must accept the histori- 
cal reality of Zoroaster " (Sayce). He considered the powers of 
nature as separated into the powers of light and the powers of 
darkness — the one under the control of the great god of light 
(Ormuzd), who is the creator of all that is good; and the other 
under the control of the god of darkness (Ah'riman), who is the 
father of all that is evil. This is a system of religion which 
we call Dualism. The whole universe is looked upon as 



70 THE ORIENTAL WORLD 

a struggle between light and darkness, between the good and 
the evil, in other words, between Ormiizd ^ and Ahriman. 
Human life in the same way is regarded as a perpetual strug- 
gle between good and evil; and the duty of man is to cleave to 
that which is good and to shun that which is evil. Morality 
was closely related to religion. The Persians believed in truth- 
fulness as a high moral virtue, and despised lying and deceit. 
The higher elements of the Persian religion were corrupted 
under the influence of a priestly class, the Magi, who were in- 
clined to worship the symbol of fire in place of the god of light, 
and to regard the performance of religious rites and ceremonies 
as the chief duty of life. 

Historical Significance of Persia. — The Persian empire rep- 
resents the highest unity attained l\y the ancient Oriental world 
before the time of Alexander the Great. Of all the great mon- 
archies hitherto established — the early Babylonian, the Egyp- 
tian, the Assyrian, the Median, and the later Bab3^1onian — no 
one except Assyria can be regarded as properly a " world em- 
pire." Persia carried to a still higher stage of development the 
military and political system of Assyria. Although she made 
no contributions to the finer arts of life, she surpassed all her 
predecessors as a conquering and ruling power. She is, on this 
account, the prototype in Asia of Eome in Europe. She with- 
stood the rude barbarians of the north — the Scythians — in 
their inroads into the civilized south. She developed a more 
permanent system of provincial government than had before 
existed — which furnished the model of that of the later Roman 
empire. Her religion was perhaps the nearest approach to 
Jewish monotheism of all the religions of western Asia. But 
with all her achievements she represented an old and decaying 
civilization, which appears in its true light when we see it 
brought into contact, and placed in contrast with the new and 
growing civilization of Greece. 

' The upper part of the picture on pajje 68 shows the symbol of 
Ormuzd, copied from the Assyrian god Assur. 



MEDIA AND PEESIA 71 

IV. Eeview of Oriental Nations 

The Beginnings of Civilization. — In reviewing the history 
of the Oriental world there are certain general facts which 
should be impressed upon our minds. In the first place, we 
see that it is from the Orient that the world received the rudi- 
ments of its civilization. It is here that men first passed out 
of the tribal state and developed a higher form of government, 
by the erection of cities, kingdoms, and great empires. It is 
here, also, that we see the early development of religion, which 
passed from crude forms of animal or ancestral worship to a 
polytheistic nature worship and finally to a monotheistic re- 
ligion, like that of the Hebrews. We also find here a great 
advancement in man's economic life, which began with hunting 
and fishing or the tending of flocks and herds, and passed to 
the cultivation of the soil, the growth of manufactures, and the 
development of commerce. IMoreover, the people of the Orient 
gave to the world the rudiments of some of the important sci- 
ences, especially astronomy and mathematics. Still further, we 
see a remarkable progress made in the art of ^\Titing, which 
began with the expression of ideas in the form of j)ictures, then 
advancing to the use of symbolic signs, and at last to the 
use of a phonetic alphabet such as we use to-day. vl^inally 
these_ancient jDCoples acquired great ability, if not taste, in the 
art of building, beginning with huts made of sticks or clay, 
and passing to the use of brick among the Babylonians, and 
stone among the Egyptians. So thoroughly were they ac- 
quainted with the principles of architecture that many of their 
buildings have remained to the present time as monuments of 
their skill and as permanent evidences of that early civilization 
which we have inherited from the East. ■ 

The Course of Oriental History. — Our review of the Orien- 
tal world will enable us to distinguish certain periods, or suc- 
cessive stages, which mark the course of its historical develop- 
ment. We may briefly characterize these periods as follows: 



72 THE OKIENTAL WORLD 

(1) During the first period the rudiments of civilization ap- 
peared in two separate and independent centers, — Babylonia 
and Egypt, — each having a peculiar culture of its own, and 
each being unaffected, so far as we know, by any influences de- 
rived from the other (about 5000-3800 b. c.).^ 

(3) The second period is the time of the Babylonian ascend- 
ency, when Babylonia extended its authority to the Mediterra- 
nean coast, and its culture to the lands of Syria (about 3800- 
IGOO B. c). 

(3) Then followed the period of the Egyptian ascendency, 
when the authority of Egypt superseded that of Babylonia in 
the Syrian lands and the Egyptian culture became extended 
to this territory (about lGOO-1100 b. c). 

(4) With the decline of the Egyptian power, we come to the 
period of Syrian independence, which continued for two cen- 
turies, during which time the influence of Phoenicia became 
predominant over the Mediterranean coasts, and the Hebrew 
kingdom reached its height under David and Solomon (about 
1100-900 B. c). 

(5) This was followed by the ascendency of Assyria as the 
first world empire, bringing under its control all the previously 
mentioned countries of the East, — Babylonia, Egypt, Phoenicia, 
and Judea, — the period of the A-^syrian ascendency closing with 
the independence of Egypt and the division of the remaining 
territory between the short-lived empires of later Babylonia 
and Media (about 900-550 b. c). 

(G) Lastly appeared the second great world empire of Persia, 
which consolidated under one supreme autliority all the coun- 
tries of the Orient west of the Indus, comprising not only the 
nations already noticed, but also the country of the Hittites 
and Lydia in Asia ]\[inor (about 550-331 b. c). 

The Blending of Culture by Conquest and Commerce. — In 
connection with the rise and fall of the different Oriental na- 

'These dates are only a[iproximnte, and are substantially those adopted 
by Professor Goodspeed. 



EEVIEW OF OEIENTAL NATIONS 73 

tions it is important to notice the fact that the culture of dif- 
ferent countries became blended by means of conquests. For 
example, the successive conquests of Syria by Babylonia and 
Egypt led to that composite form of culture which marked the 
Phoenicians, preserving both Babylonian and Egyptian fea- 
tures, as seen in the Syrian religion and industrial arts. So the 
conquest of Egypt by Assyria did not destroy the existing civ- 
ilization of Egypt, but rather brought the civilization of the 
Tigris-Euphrates valley into relation with that of the valley of 
the Nile. And by the extensive conquests of Persia the various 
centers of culture throughout the Orient were brought into 
communication with one another. Again, the civilizations of 
different peoples became mingled by means of commercial in- 
tercourse. Commerce tended to bring about the exchange not 
only of the products, but of the ideas of various peoples. This 
we have seen in the case of the Phamicians, who became the 
common carriers not only of commodities but also of culture. 
Hence, by means of conquests and commerce, the different peo- 
ples of the Orient were brought together; and their civilizations 
became blended into a composite culture, which we may char- 
acterize in general as Oriental. 

Transmission of Oriental Culture to the West. — The cul- 
ture of the Eastern world was destiiied to overflow the bound- 
aries of the Orient and to find its way into the Occident. 
There were two principal means of communication between the 
East and the West: the one was by the sea traffic of the Phoeni- 
cians, the other was by the land traffic of the peoples of Asia 
Minor. We can readily see how the Phoenicians, through their 
commerce and colonies, brought the culture of Asia to the ports 
of Europe. The peoples of Asia IMinor vdio furnished some 
means of communication between the East and the West, 
were the Hittites and the Lydians (map, p. 50). Concern- 
ing the Hittites little is definitely known : but that they at 
one time formed a powerful and influential nation, seems quite 
certain. They are said to have done much for civilization by 



74 THE ORIENTAL WOELD 

taking up the arts and culture of Assyria, Egypt, and Phoeni- 
cia, and passing them on to their western neighbors. The 
Lydians lived on the western frontiers of the Orient and joined 
hands with the Greeks on the zEgean Sea. It is believed that 
they received much of the culture of the East, not only through 
the Phoenicians, but also through their neighbors the Hittites. 
If this is so, we may conclude that the peoples of Asia Minor, 
as well as the Phoenicians, furnished a means for the trans- 
mission of the ancient culture of the East to the West. 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. The Aryans and the Median Empire. — Beg-innings of 
Aryan Civilization. — The Medes and the Persians. — The Median 
Empire; Cyaxares. 

II. Persia, the Second World Empire. — The East before the 
Persian Conquests. — Eise of Persia under Cyrus. — Conquest of 
Lydia. — Conquest of Babylonia and Eg-ypt. — Conquests in 
Europe under Darius. 

III. The Government and Civilization of Persia. — Political 
Organization of the Empire. — Persian Army and Xavy. — Persian 
Art and Literature.— Persian Eeligion and Morality. — Historical 
SigTiificanee of Persia. 

IV. Eeview of Oriental Nations. — The Beginnings of Civi- 
lization. — The Course of Oriental History. — The Blending- of Cul- 
ture bv Conquest and Commerce. — Transmission of Oriental 
Culture to the West. 

REFERENCES FOR READING 

Ducoudray, Ch. 6, "Civilization of the Aryans, Hindoos and 
Persians" (1).^ 

Lenormant, Vol. II., Bk. V., "The Medes and the Persians" (4). 

Benjamin, Ch. 7, "Cyrus"; Ch. 8, "From Cyrus to Darius" (8). 

Vaux, Ch. 1, "Cyrus, Cambyses and Darius"; Ch. 4, "Monuments 
of Persia" (8). 

Clarke, Ch. 5, "Zoroaster and the Zend-Vesta" (3). 

Souttar. pp. 145-190. "Aledes and Persians" (1). 

Burv, Ch. 6, "Advance of the Persians to the .15g-ean" (10). 

Coxi History, Bk. II., Chs. 1, 2, "The Persian Empire" (10). 

Smith. P., Ch. 28, "Decline and Fall of the Persian Empire" (4). 

Encycloptedia Britannica, Art. "Hittites" (the "Forgotten Em- 
pire"); Art. "Lydia" (for coinag-e of Lydia). 

Herodotus, Bk. I., Chs. 131-140 (Persian manners and customs) ; 
Bk. IV., Chs. 1-8, 28-100 (the Scythians) (17). 

'The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Ap- 
pendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. 



THE GREEK WORLD 

PEEIOD I. THE BEGINNINGS OF GEEEOE (-776 B. 0.) 



CHAPTER VI 

GREECE, ITS PEOPLE AND EARLY LEGENDS 

I. Hellas, the Laxd of the Greeks 

Greece and the Orient. — As we approach the study of 
Greece we must first of all notice the close relation of this 
land to the Oriental countries which we have already consid- 
ered. Of the three peninsulas of Europe which project into 
the Mediterranean Sea, Greece lies nearest to the East. Hence 
it would naturally be the first of European countries to feel 
the influence of Oriental culture and the first to develop a civ- 
ilization of its own. The ^gean Sea, which lies between its 
coasts and those of Asia Minor, can be regarded not as a bar- 
rier, but rather as a highway uniting the East and the West. 
The numerous islands scattered over this sea aided the early 
mariners to find their way across its waters; so that these 
islands have been aptly called the " stepping stones " of the 
^gean. Greece was also open to the early commerce of 
the Phoenicians, who had obtained a foothold upon some of the 
^gean islands. Since the culture of Babylonia and Egypt had 
been taken up by Phoenicia and the countries of Asia Minor, 
the drift of Oriental civilization was in the direction of the 
Grecian peninsula. For these reasons we may see that Greece 

MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 5 75 



76 



THE GREEK WORLD 



was in a certain sense the heir of the Orient, receiving in some 
degree the stimulating influence of Eastern culture. 

Geo^aphical Features of Greece. — The Grecian peninsula 
presents a striking contrast to the great countries of the East, 
with their broad plains and fertile valleys. J^Greece was a very 



\ 



if. 



-$■ 



^ 'C""'^ Othasos ^ 



't 



i %> 



)r^ ^Z 




•^ J , ^0 W LESBi S ^^_, 

CHiOb / C '^ L r D A'^ 

/ 1-^ - 3' *^ oc 'a^i^-^^ , ^ C A R I A 



^•^ 



& 



M E D I T E B 



SOLE OF MILES 
"To 40 So 80 100 




Hellas: the .H-^gean Lands 
Routes across the ^gean Sea 



small country (smaller than the present state of Florida)y 
Its surface is broken by mountain ranges and small valleys, 
and drained by innumerable small streams. The outlines of 
the country are as irregular and diversified as its surface. 
There is no other country of the world of the same area with 
such an extensive and irregular coast line. It has been called 



GREECE, ITS PEOPLE AND EARLY LEGENDS 77 

" the most European of European countries." It is said that 
there is no point in Greece more than forty miles from the 
coast. The many bays, gulfs, and inlets which indent its 
shores form the navigable waters of Greece. The climate is 
generally mild and temperate, but changeable with the seasons 
and also quite different in different localities. The soil is 
not very fertile; but under ordinary cultivation, it produced 
in ancient times wheat, barley, flax, wine, and oil. The trees 
vary from the pine and oak forests in the north to the lemons, 
oranges, and date palms in the south. 

The geographical features of Greece exercised an important 
influence upon the character of the people and upon their his- 
tory. The face of nature, with its brilliant skies and l)eau- 
tiful landscapes, tended to give the people a cheerful temper 
and a fine aesthetic taste. The broken relief of the country 
separated the people into distinct communities, and led to the 
growth of many small states and to the development of a spirit 
of freedom and local independence. Moreover, the irregular 
coast line furnished an opportunity for ports and harbors, and 
thus promoted the commercial spirit of the people. As the 
bays and gulfs lay mostly upon the eastern coast, Greece may 
be said to have " faced " toward the Orient, and thus to have 
been fitted by nature to receive the gifts of her more civilized 
neighbors. 

, Divisions of Greece. — To obtain a more definite idea of the 
peninsula of Greece and of its most noted places, we may 
glance at its principal divisions. 

(1) Northern Greece is separated from the main part of Eu- 
rope by the Cambu'nian Mountains. -^It comprised |wo prov- 
inces, Epi'rus and Thes'saly, divided by the range bf the Pin- 
"dus. The most famous spot in Epirus was Dodo'na, where 
was located an ancient oracle of Zeus. ' .Thessaly, to the east of 
the Pindus, was a fertile plain, drained by the river Pene'us; 
this stream flows through the beautiful vale of Tempo into the 
^gean Sea. To the north rises Mt. Olym'pus, the highest 



78 THE GREEK WOELD 

peak in Greece (nearly 10,000 feet), upon whose summit the 
gods were supposed to dwell. 

(2) Central Gi-eece comprised a number of states of varied 
historical interest. Toward the west were the two provinces of 
Acarna'nia and of ^to'lia. In the middle of central Greece 
were several small provinces separated from one another by- 



-^m 



'~^ ^ P , ^C , "^ 7" T TI E S S 1a L A 

' "'"^'*(^^^-r^^ - Hymittus 

-'' -^ ^i- CEOsL/ 

I 




10 20 .'iO ^0 50 



Central Greece and the Peloponnesus 

mountain barriers;<v Of those PJjpcis claimed the highest 
renown^ for it contained ilic celebrated oracle of Apollo at 
Del phij, near whicli rose the mount of Parnas'sus, the_ favorite 
Kaunt of the MusesTv y In tlie eastern part of central Greece 
were the three provinces of Bceo'tia, At'tica, and Meg'aris. 
Boeotia contained the cities of Orchom'enus and Thebes, one of 
which was an early seat of civilization, and the other took an 






GEEECE, ITS PEOPLE AND EAELY LEGENDS 79 

active part in later Greek politics. , East of Boeotia lay the 
triangular province of Attica, the most noted country of Hellas. 
sVlts most famous. point jwas the Acrop'olis, about which grew up^ 
fKe^city of Athens, the most cultivated spot of the world.y^ 
Other heights were the Pentel'icus, famous for its marble, and 
Hymet'tus, noted for its honey. The soil of Attica is not well 
suited for agriculture. The people of the rural districts were 
therefore compelled to live mostly upon their flocks and herds, 
while those near the sea engaged in commerce. 

(3) Southern Greece received the name of the Peloponne'sus, 
or the " Isle of Pelops." It is separated from the rest of 
Greece by the Gulf of Corinth and the Saron'ic Gulf, having 
as a bond of union the narrow Isthmus of Corinth. The cen- 
tral country of the Peloponnesus was Arca'dia; this was sur- 
rounded by a wall of mountains, the only country of Greece 
(with the exception of Doris) without a seaboard. To the 
west and north of Arcadia were the three provinces of Elis, 
Acha'ia, and Corin'thia. ) ^he m ost famous locality in these 
states was Olym'pia in Elis, the seat oir~iEEe " Olympian 
games.''/ Finally, to the east and south of Arcadia were also 
three provinces — Ar'golis, Laco'nia, and Messe'nia. Argolis 
was distinguished for the prehistoric cities of Myce'ns and 
Ti'ryns, and the historic city of Argos. Laconia was the home 
of the Spartans, who became the ruling power of the Pelopon- 
nesus, conquering Messenia and other states, and whose chief 
city, Sparta, became the greatest rival of Athens. 

(4) Tlie Islands of Greece are also worthy of notice. The 
largest of these was the island of Eubre'a, which stretches along 
the eastern coast from Thessaly to Attica, and contained the 
historic cities of Chalcis and Ere'tria. In the Saronic Gulf are 
the islands of Sal'amis and ^gi'na, the former of which gave 
the name to a decisive naval battle between the Greeks and the 
Persians. Off the eastern coast of the Peloponnesus was a 
group of islands called the Cyc'lades (map, p. 7Q ^ the most 
notfid of the_group being t he tin y island of Delos^ tne seat of a 



80 THE GKEEK WORLD 

celebrated shrine of Apollo. . The most important island off 
the southern coast was Crete, which was a center of the oldest 
civilization of the ^Egean. 

Greater Hellas. — The home of the Greeks, which they called 
Hellas, was not confined to the European peninsula and the 
neighboring islands. It included also the western coasts of 
Asia Minor. These coasts were from very early times occupied 
by a Greek people, and afterward received emigrants from the 
European j)eninsula. This part of the Greek world, which we 
may call " Asiatic Greece," comprised three divisions, named 
respectively from the north to the south yEo'lia, lo'nia, and 
Doris (see map, p. 94). Besides these Asiatic lands, Hellas, 
in the larger sense, came to include other lands, which we may 
call " Western Greece." These comprised the eastern and 
southern part of the island of Sicily, as well as certain terri- 
tory in the southern part of Italy, known as " Magna Graecia." 
In fact, by the word Hellas tlie Greeks meant all the lands 
inhabited by the Greek people — the Helle'nes, as they called 
themselves — and these lands were continually widening with 
the growth of Greek commerce and colonization. 

II. The Hellenes, the People of Greece 

The Earliest Inhabitants of Greece. — It would be interest- 
ing to know precisely when, and how, and by whom all these 
lands about the ^Egean were first settled. But this is a sub- 
ject concerning which we have no very extensive or definite 
knowledge. What we do know is that the dominant people 
who inhabited Greece in historical times, were people who 
spoke an Aryan, or Indo-European, language. But it is very 
likely that, before the Aryan settlements, the yEgean lands 
were already inhabited by an older people. We have left to 
us the names of some very ancient tribes which were probably 
pre-Aryan. Chief among these were the people whom the 
Greeks called the " Pelasgians," about whom much has been 




GREECE, ITS PEOl'LE AND EARLY LEGENDS 81 

written and little is known. Their name is found on both 
sides of the ^Egean — in Asia Minor, where they are said to 
have fought on the side of the Trojans; in Attica, where they 
were supposed by some to have been the ancestors of the 
Athenian people ; and in Epirus, where they possessed at Do- 
dona an altar to Zeus. To this people are attributed the mass- 
ive stone walls found in different parts of Greece, and often 
described as " Cyclope'an." 

The Coming of the Hellenes. — Whatever we may think con- 
cerning the primitive people of Greece, we may be confident 
that the Hellenes, the 
Greeks in whom we are 
especially interested, and 
who created the civiliza- 
tion which we have in- 

Ancient "Gyclop.ean" Wall 
herited, spoke a language 

which belonged to the same family (Aryan) as that to which 
our own language belongs. This people probably came into 
Greece not by a sudden conquest but by " successive waves," 
becoming fused with the earlier tribes already there; but still 
they preserved their own speecli and their own customs, and 
developed a civilization peculiarly their own. 

It is now believed by scholars that the Hellenes made 
very early settlements upon both shores of the ^'Egean Sea; 
and that " the coast of Asia Minor is just as much ancient 
Greek soil as European Greece "' (Holm). If this is so, we can 
readily imagine the general course of the ancient settlements. 
Moving from their earlier home, — wherever this may have 
been, — the Hellenes first came into Thrace. A part of them 
then crossed the Hel'lespont, and, passing along the eastern 
shore of the iEgean Sea, found new homes in Asia Minor. 
Another part, pushing to the west, along the northern and 
western shores of the ^Egean, occupied Thessaly. Boeotia, 
Attica, and other Grecian lands. At the time of their settle- 
ment, the early Greek tribes on either side of the sea were 



83 THE GREEK WORLD 

scarcely advanced beyond the stage of barbarism. They wor- 
shiped their ancestors and the gods of nature; chief among 
these gods was Zeus, the god of the heavens. They lived upon 
their flocks and herds and were beginning to acquire a knowl- 
edge of agriculture, cultivating the cereals and perhaps the 
vine. They fought with spears and with the bow and arrow, 
and made their implements of stone, beginning perhaps to use 
some of the metals. They were acquainted with the art of 
navigation, certainly with the use of boats and oars; but the 
use of sailing vessels was probably acquired after they settled 
upon the zEgean. With the aid of these vessels, the people of 
the different shores were able to communicate with one an- 
other, to occupy th(.' intervening islands, and thus to preserve 
the sense of tlieir oi-iginal kinsliip. 

Divisions of the Hellenic People. — The Greeks called them- 
selves " Hellenes " because they professed to believe that they 
were descended from a common ancestor, Hcllen. From this 
common ancestor they traced four lines of descendants, or 
tribes — the Achwans, the lonians, the Dorians, and the 
yEolians. Their mythical relationship is indicated as follows: 

Hellen 



XUTUUS DORTIS ^^OLUS 

I (Dorians) (^^olians) 



AcH^us ^ Ion 

(Achwatis) (lonians) 



The Achteans were in very early times the leading race of the 
Peloponnesus, being regarded by some as the founders of the 
kingdoms of Tiryns, Mycense, and Argos. The early home of 
the lonians is placed on the northern coast of the Pelopon- 
nesus, also in Megaris, Attica, and the island of Euboea. The 
Dorians are supposed to have occupied in very early times 
the plains of Thessaly. The name ^Eolian was used to cover 
the rest of the Hellenic people. 



GEEECE, ITS PEOPLE AND EARLY LEGENDS 83 

The most important of these tribes during the historical 
period wei-e the I^nrians and the lonians. ^ ^le Dorians were 
a simple, practical, and warlike race, rejjresented by the 
Spartansx/' T];ieIo nians w en ■ a M'rsatil e. enterprising, and 
^^i-Mk-JESopl^^ represented \>y ilie™''Xthenians.*%^he his-" 
tory of these two peoples forms, in large part, the history of 
Greece;.'. 

Greneral Characteristics of the Greek People. — There were 
certain qualities which, though especially marked in the lo- 
nians, may be said to characterize the Greek people as a whole, 
and which distinguished them from the peoples of the Orient, 
in I he first place, they possessed a strong love of freedom, 
which would brook no restraint excej)t that which they imposed 
upon themselves, and which made them, independent, wide- 
awake, and original. , In the next place, they had a political 
instinct, which resulted in the development of self-governing 
communities, and which made the Greek city something far 
different from the cities of the East.^^ Moreover, they were 
characterized by simplicity and moderation, which were re- 
vealed not only in their art, but in their life, and which led 
them to shun all forms of Oriental ostentation and extrava- 
gance. Still further, they possessed great intellectual activity, 
which showed itself in literary productions and philosophical 
speculations. Finally, they were gifted with a fine esthetic 
sense, a taste for beauty for its own sake, which made them 
the creators of a new form of art. These qualities gave to the 
world a new type of culture. 

III. The Early Legends of Greece 

Importance of the Leg-ends. — The character of the Greek 
people is strikingly set forth in their early legends — the myths 
and stories by which they sought in a fanciful way to explain 
the mysteries of nature and the origin of their own institutions. 
It was principally by means of these legends that the Greeks 



84 THE GREEK WORLD 

attempted to reconstruct their early histor3^^ The importance 
wliich we attacli to these stories will depend very much upon 
our point of view. If we look at them as giving an account 
of actual and well-defined events, they have of course little 
historical value. But if we look at them as indicating the ideas 
and beliefs of the people, they have a great deal of significance. 
The nature of the early Greek mind is revealed in these tradi- 
tional stories. In them we see the early fancy of a people 
who afterward l)ecame the masters of imaginative thought. 
Without a knowledge of these legends much of the literature 
and art of a later period wouhl be unintelligible to us. 

Legends of the Founders of Cities. — The Greeks surrounded 
every locality, every mountain, stream, and vale with a halo of 
song and story. An important group of legends referred to 
the founders of cities. The foundation of Athens, for exam- 
ple, was ascribed to C^ecrops, regarded by some as a native of 
Egypt; he is said to have introduced into Attica the arts of 
civilized life, and from him the Acropolis was first called 
Cecro'pia. cArgos was believed to have ])een founded by an- 
other Egyptian, named Dan'aus, who fled to Greece with his 
fifty daughters, and who was elected by the people as their 
king, and from whom some of the Greeks receiyed the name of 
I)anai. /Thebes, in Boeotia, looked to Cadmus, a Phoenician, 
as its founder; he was believed to have brought into Greece 
the art of writing, and from him the citadel of Thebes received 
the name of Cadme'a.'^-.l^ Peloponnesus was said to have 
been settled b}^, and to have received its name from, Pelops, a 
man from Phrygia in Asia; he becarne the king of Mycenae, 
and was the fatlier of A'treus, and the grandfatlier of Aga- 
mem'non and Menela'us, chieftains in the Trojan war. /Such 
traditions as these show that the early Greeks had some no- 
tion of their dependence upon the Eastern nations. 

'Many of the early myths and legends, as narrated by Homer and pre- 
served by Ile'siod (in his Theog'ony), were gathered into somewhat system- 
atic form to explain the genealogy of the Hellenic tribes, their subdivisions, 
and the origin of Greek cities. See Bury, History of Greece, pp. 79-84. 



GREECE, ITS PEOPLE AND EARLY LEGENDS 85 




Belleropiion and 
Pegasu.s 



Legends of Grecian Heroes. — That the early Greeks had an 

admiration of personal prowess and 

valiant exploits is evident from the 

legends which they wove about the 

names of their great heroes. In 

these fanciful stories we may see the 

early materials of Grecian poetry. 

In them we read of philanthropic 

deeds, of superhuman courage, and 

of romantic adventures. We read of 

Per'seus, the slayer of the horrid 

Medu'sa, whose locks were coiling 

serpents, and whose looks turned 

every object to stone. We read of 

Beller'ophon, who slew the monster 

Chimre'ra, and captured the winged 

steed Peg'asus, on whose back he 

tried to ascend to heaven. We read of Minos, the king of 

Crete, who rid the sea of pirates, 
and gave to his subjects a code of 
laws received from Zeus. We read 
of The'seus, who rid the land of 
robbers, and who delivered Athens 
from the terrible tribute imposed 
l)y the king of Crete — a tribute 
which required the periodical sac- 
rifice of seven youths and seven 
maidens to the monster Min'otaur. 
But the greatest of Grecian heroes 
was Her'acles (Her'cules) . Strange 
stories were told of the " twelve 
labors " of this famous giant, the 

prodigious tasks imposed upon him by the king of Mycenas with 

the consent of Zeus. The prototype of the Greek Heracles 

may be found in Oriental countries — in Egypt, in Phoenicia, 




Hekacles 



86 THE GREEK WORLD 

and in Asia Minor. In these countries his power was related 
to that of the sun. But the fancy of the Greeks turned the 
sun god of the East into a national hero, and conferred upon 
him a human character. 

Legends of National Exploits. — The legends are not only 
grouped about particular places and individual heroes, but have 
for their subjects national deeds, marked by courage and forti- 
tude. One of these stories describes the so-called " Argo- 
nautic expedition " — an adventurous voyage of fifty heroes, 
who set sail from Bwotia under the leadership of Jason, in the 
ship Argo, for the purpose of recovering a "golden fleece" 
which had been carried away to Colchis, a far distant land on 
the shores of the Euxine (map, p. 111). Another legend — the 
" Seven against Thebes " — narrates the tragic story of (Ed'i- 
pus, who unwittingly slew his own father and married his own 
mother and was banished from Thebes for his crimes, after 
having been made king; and whose sons quarreled for the va- 
cant throne, one of them with the aid of other chieftains mak- 
ing war upon his native city.-J Biit the most famous of._t]ie 
legendary stories of Greece was that which described the Tro- 
jan war — the military expedition of the Greeks to Troy,, in 
order to rescue TTolcn, who was the l)eautiful wife of Menelaus, 
\mg of Sparta, and who liad been stolen away by Paris, son 
of the Trojan king. The details of this story — the wrath of 
Achil'les, the l)attles of the Greeks and the Trojans, the de- 
struction of Troy, and the return of the Grecian heroes — 
are the subject of tlie great epic poems ascribed to Homer. > All 
these legends, whether derived from a foreign source, or pro- 
duced upon native soil, received the impress of the Greek 
mind. They form one of the legacies from the prehistoric age, 
and reveal some of the features of the early Greek character. 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. Helivas, the Land of the Greeks. — Greece and the Orient. — 
Geographical Features of Greece. — Divisions of Greece. — Greater 
Hellas. 



THE EARLIEST AGES OF GREECE 87 

II. The Hellejces, the People of Greece. — The Earliest In- 
habitants of Greece. — The Coming of the Hellenes. — Divisions of 
the Hellenic People. — Characteristics of the Greek People. 

III. The Early Legends of Greece. — Importance of the 
Legends. — Legends of the Founders of Cities. — Legends of Gre- 
cian Heroes. — Legends of National Exijloits. 

REFERENCES FOR READING 

Smith, Wm., "Introduction, Outlines of Grecian Geography"; 

Ch. I, "Earliest Inhabitants of Greece"; Ch. 2, "Grecian 

Heroes" (10).' 
Oman, Ch. 1, "Geography of Greece" (10). 
Bury, Introduction, "Greece and the vEgean" (10). 
Cox, History, Bk. I., Ch. 1, "Physical Geography of Continental 

Hellas"; Ch. 3, "Mythology and Tribal Legends of the 

Greeks" (10). 
Abbott, Vol. L, Ch. 1, "Hellas"; Ch. 2, "The Earliest Inhabitants"; 

Ch. 3, "Migrations and Legendary History" (10). 
Curtius, Vol. L, Bk. I., Ch. 1, "Land "and People" (10). 
(Jrote, Part II., Ch. 16, "Grecian Myths as Understood, Felt and 

Interpreted bv the Greeks Themselves" (10). 
Holm, Vol. I., Ch." 1, "The Country"; Ch. 4, "The Earliest Tradi- 
tional History"; Ch. 10, "Most Important Legends of 

Greece" (10). 
Herodotus, Bk. I., Chs. 52-58 (Pelasgians and Hellenes) (17). 
Thucydides, Bk. I., Chs. 2-12 (early peoples of Greece) (17). 



CHAPTER VII 

THE EARLIEST AGES OF GREECE 
I. The Mycen^an Age 

Recent Excavations in Hellas. — Not many years ago our 
knowledge of the early ages of Greece was derived almost en- 
tirely from the old legends — especially those contained in the 
Homeric poems. These were at one time accepted as giving 
real historical facts, bnt were afterward rejected as purely 

'The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the 
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. 



88 THE GKEEK WORLD 

imaginary. But recent excavations have thrown a new light 
upon these early ages, and opened a new world to the student 
of Greek history. Tlio story of these diggings among the ruins 
of the old cities of the ^Egean has an almost romantic interest. 
The name most closely connected with them is that of Dr. 
Schliemann, the German archaeologist. It was his childlike 
faith in Homer and the tale of Troy that led him to seek for 
the Trojan city and the palace of Agamemnon, king of ]\Iy cense. 
The excavations made by him (beginning in 1871), together 
with the work of his successors, have not only given us new 
ideas regarding the poems of Homer, but have also presented 
many new and difficult problems regarding the early ages of 
Greece. We can do no more here than to refer briefly to the 
most important of these excavations, and the relics they have 
disclosed. 

Hissarlik and the City of Troy. — The hill of Hissar'lik, sit- 
uated in Tro'as, in northern Asia Minor, was believed by Dr. 




The Hill of Hl>^sarlik 



Schliemann to be the site of Troy. , ])ut instead of finding here 
a single city^Jie found tlic ruins of nine cities, lying onejibove 
another and representing diiferent stages of human progress. 
The lowest city contained relics of the stone age — stone axes, 



THE EARLIEST AGES OF GEEECE 89 

flint knives, earthen vessels covered with rude decorations. 
The second city — evidently destroyed by a conflagration and 
hence called the " burnt city " — was surrounded by walls built 
of brick and placed upon rough stone foundations. It con- 
tained a palace surrounding a court. Among the ruins were 
found battle-axes, spearheads, and daggers made of copper, 
showing that its inhabitants belonged to what we call the " age 
of bronze." There were found also articles of fine workman- 
ship, showing an Eastern influence — cups of silver, diadems, 
bracelets, earrings made of gold, and also articles of ivory and 
jade which could have come only from central Asia. This 
" burnt city " was believed by Dr. Schliemann to have been 
the Troy of Homer. But the later work of Dr. Dorpfeld, the 
distinguished colleague of Schliemann, has shown that the 
sixth city — with its great circuit walls, its stately houses of 
well-dressed stone, and its finely wrought vases — is more likely 
to be the city described in the Homeric poems. 

The Citadel of Tiryns. — But the most important remains of 
this prehistoric age have been found, not in Asia Minor, but 
in European Greece, especially in two cities of Argolis — 
Tiryns and Mycenae. Tiryns is the older of these, and its 
walls, too, are better preserved. The citadel of Tiryns was 
surrounded by massive walls. The palace consisted of a com- 
plicated system of courts, halls, and corridors, suggesting an 
Oriental palace rather than any building in historic Greece. 
The most artistic features of the palace were alabaster friezes, 
carved in rich patterns of rosettes and spirals, such as are 
described in the Homeric poems (Odyssey, Bk. VII.). 

The Ruins and Relics of Mycenae, — The prehistoric culture 
of Greece probably reached its highest development at Mycena\ 
One of the most conspicuous objects here was the well-known 
"lion gate" (p. 92). through which the citadel was entered, 
and which had been an object of interest to the later Greeks. 
The form of these rampant lions has often been compared to 
similar designs in the East, especially in Assyria and Phrygia. 



90 



THE GREEK WORLD 



Within the walls near the gate was found a circle of upright 
slabs inclosing a number of graves. These contained human 
bodies and a wealth of art treasures — articles of gold, silver, 
copper, bronze, terra cotta, gkss, ivory, and precious stones; 
articles of ornament, such as diadems, pendants, and rings of ar- 
tistic design; articles of use, such as bowls, pitchers, cups, ladles, 
spoons, etc. These articles show a high degree of mechanical 
skill and artistic taste. Some of them may have been brought 
from the East, and some of them may have been the products 
of native industry. Below the citadel was fovmd another type 




The So-called "Treasury of Atreus" 

of sepulchers, called from their peculiar form " bee-hive 
tombs," one of which the archfpologists have called the " Treas- 
ury of Atreus."^ 

Other Sites of Prehistoric Remains. — Recent excavations 
have shown that the kind of culture which existed in the pre- 
historic cities of Tiryns and My cense prevailed in many other 
parts of Greece, and in many islands of the ^gean. At Or- 
chomenus, in Boeotia, was discovered an elaborate and beauti- 

^ Such structures were at first supposed to be places where the kings 
kept their treasures. The ancient writer Pausanias mentions at My- 
cenae "underground structures of Atreus and liis sons where they kept their 
treasuries." But arch;eologists are now agreed tliat these structures were 
not treasure-houses but tombs. See Tsountas and Manatt, Mycenaean Age, 
p. 117. 



THE EARLIEST AGES OF GREECE 



91 




The Vaphio Gold Cups 



fill ceiling said to be of a pure Egyptian pattern. At Vaphi'o 
(near Sparta) were found two remarkable gold cups covered 
with finely wrought relief work, and regarded by some as the 
most artistic work of the prehistoric age. In Crete has been 
discovered a crude and cu- 
rious form of hieroglyph- 
ic writing. But a strange 
feature of these remarkable 
discoveries is not the pres- 
ence of writing in Crete, but 

the almost total absence of 

T . . , . Prehistoric Writing from Crete 
writmg and mscnptions 

everywhere else among a people who possessed so many of the 
evidences of civilization. 

Character of the Mycenaean Culture. — The type of civiliza- 
tion brought to light by these discoveries has been called by 
some " Mycenaan," from the city in x\rgolis where its remains 
are most conspicuous; and by others it has been called 
"^gean," from the fact that it seems to have extended over a 
large part of the ^Egean basin. It is supposed to have reached • 

MORET'S ANCIENT HIST. 6 




92 



THE GREEK WORLD 



its culmination perhaps between the years 1500 b. c. and 1200 
B. c. But there is reason to believe that in its earlier stages it 
may have extended back as far as 2000 b. c, or even to an 
earlier date. Its last and declining stage was evidently closed 
by the Dorian migration about 1000 b. c, wlien it was swept 
from Greece, its memory still lingering in the minds of those 




The "Lion Gate" at Mycen^ 



tribes that migrated to the coasts of Asia Minor. Eegarding 
the origin of this ancient culture of Greece we have no right to 
speak witli confidence, since scholars are by no means agreed 
upon the question. We may venture the opinion that this cul- 
ture — with its strange mingling of crude art, of massive walls, 
of palatial i)uildings, of Oriental designs, and of objects show- 
ing a high meclianical skill and eastern taste — may have been 
developed by the early people of Greece who were brought 



THE EARLIEST AGES OF GREECE 93 

into close commercial and intellectual relation with the people 
of the Orient. Whatever we may think of its character and 
origin, we know that it exercised but slight influence upon 
the classic art of Greece, but passed away, leaving scarcely 
more than monuments and memories. These memories, how- 
ever, furnished an inspiration to the poets and minstrels of the 
Homeric age. 

II. Transition to the Homeric Age 

The So-called Dorian Migration. — The brilliant period of 
ancient Greece which we call the Mycenaean age, was evidently 
brought to a close by a great movement which affected practi- 
cally a large part of the Greek world. It seems quite certain 
that about the year 1000 b. c. there was a general disturbance 
of the population throughout Greece. This was due to the 
movement of the northern tribes into the south, resulting in 
the displacement of the old inhabitants and the destruction 
of the old civilization. This movement is called the " Dorian 
migration." It is known in the traditional history as the 
" Eeturn of the Heracli'dse " — being mixed up with stories re- 
garding the descendants of Heracles. Notwithstanding the 
myths connected with it, it must be regarded as a real move- 
mei;t, which affected nearly all the tribes of Greece, and which 
may have extended over many generations. As a result of this 
movement, we find the Dorians, who formerly occupied Thes- 
saly, now the leading race of the Peloponnesus. 

The Migrations to Asia Minor. — The invasion of the Pelo- 
ponnesus by the Dorians resulted not only in rearranging the 
tribes in Greece proper, but also in bringing -about a closer 
union between Greece and Asia Minor. The people who had 
been dispossessed of their old homes in Greece, or who were 
not satisfied with their new ones, sought other settlements 
across tlie sea. The coasts of Asia Minor, alreadv peopled by 
an ancient Greek race (p. 81), now received a new population 



T>ROGR.KSSIVE IVCAT' No. 6. 




THE Ez\KLIEST AGES OF GEEECE 95 

from the European peninsula. There were, in fact, three 
streams of migration from Greece to Asia Minor. 

(1) One stream of migration was made up of the /Eolians, 
— which name came to bo a general term applied to all who 
were not lonians or Dorians, including even the Achgeans. This 
mixed people took possession of the northern part of the west- 
ern coast of Asia Minor. They occupied the island of Lesbos 
and founded the important city of Mytile'ne. Their settle- 
ments upon the coast extended nearly as far north as the Hel- 
lespont, and as far south as the river Hermus. But the settle- 
ments upon the mainland had less historical importance than 
those upon the island of Lesbos, where the people became noted 
for their culture, especially in music and poetry. 

(2) A second stream of migration comprised tlie lonians, 
who settled upon the central part of the coast. They took a 
course across the sea by way of the Cyclades, leaving on these 
islands colonies of their own peo])le. They took possession of 
the islands of Chios and Samos. They occupied the coast land 
from Phoca3'a to Mile'tus, and the latter city became especially 
noted fo]' its commerce and its colonies. 

(3) A third stream was that of the Dorians, who took a 
southern course by way of Crete, where they left their colonies. 
They also oix-upied Ehodes and Cos, and on the mainland they 
established ILilicarnas'sus and other less important towns. 

The New Culture of Asia Minor. — The invasion of the Do- 
rians an(] the migrations to Asia JMinor mark tlie decline 
of the old Mycenaean age. But these movements also mark 
the transition to a new phase of culture in Asia Minor. We 
shall find that during this transitional period the cities of 
Asia Minor became the chief centers of intellectual life and 
activity. But the new culture of Asia ]\Iinor did not consist 
in reproducing the works of Mycenipan art ; it consisted rather 
in rehearsing the traditional glories of that golden age. The 
bards of Ionia recounted the mythical stories of the gods, the 
legends of ancient heroes, and the traditions of Troy and 



96 



THE GREEK WORLD 



Mycenae. They accompanied tlieir words with regular strokes 
upon the lyre ; and their fanciful stories fell into rhythm and 
took the form of the hexameter verse. The group of Ionian 
bards in Asia Minor received the name of the " cyclic poets " ; 
and the group of narrative poems which they produced is 
known as the " epic cycle." These lays were descriptive in 
character and inspired with an heroic spirit; they were full of 
imagination, reciting the deeds of gods and men and throwing 
a halo about the past. 

III. The Homeric Poems and the Homeric Age 



The Iliad and the Odyssey.— From the cycle of poems that 
sprang up in Asia Elinor there emerged two great epics, known 
as the " H'iad " and the " Od'yssey." Being the fittest expres- 
sions of the popular thought and feeling, they survived. They 
are, in fact, regarded by many critics as the greatest epic poems 
in the world's literaturcylThe Iliad is a poem of war, and the 




Departure of Achilles (From an ancient vase) 

Odyssey is a poem of peace. .The former describes the closing 
scenes of the Trojan war, and revolves about the wrath of 
Achilles, the warlike son of the king of Thessaly. The 
leader of the Grecian armies was Agamemnon, king of Myce- 
nae, and hence we find many traditions which reach back to 
the Mycenaean age. The Odyssey narrates events which were 



THE EARLIEST AGES OF GREECE 



97 



supposed to follow the Trojan war, especially the wanderings 
of Odys'seiis (Ulysses) on his return to his home. 

The Homeric Question. — These poems stand out promi- 
nently from an otherwise dark and obscure period. They 
have naturally been made the subject of the most searching in- 
quiries. Was there ever such a poet as Homer? Were the 
Iliad and Odyssey both produced by the same person? Was 
either poem originally a single 
production? Was not each one 
rather a collection of separate 
ballads, afterward brought to- 
gether by some skillful liand? 
These queries comprise the 
chief points in what is called 
the " Homeric question." 
The ancients generally be- 
lieved that the two epics were 
produced by the same poet, 
and that this poet was Ho- 
mer. Certain critics of Alex- 
andria, observing the differ- 
ence between the two poems, 
declared that they were pro- 
duced by two different poets. Modern critics have submitted 
the theory that each poem was a collection of lays, originally 
distinct, but collected into a coherent form during the historical 
period. This question will perhaps never be settled to the 
satisfaction of every one. 

Historical Value of the Homeric Poems. — Whether the Iliad 
and Odyssey were the jiroduct of one poet or not, they were 
evidently produced in the transitional period (probably about 
850 B. c.) between the prehistoric age of Tiryns and Mycenae, 
and the historic age of Sparta and Athens. They are made up 
largely of legends and traditions, and so far are no more 
valuable than any other legends and traditions. But traditions 




lloMEU 



98 THE CEEEK WOKLD 

are not necessarily false. The recently discovered relics of 
the prehistoric age show how faithfully the memories of 
" golden Mycena^ " were preserved by the people who migrated 
to Asia ]\linor and were expressed in the Homeric poems. 
But the great historical value of these poems does not consist 
merely in the narrative of traditional events and the pictures 
of past glories. It consists rather in the great number of allu- 
sions made to the life and customs of the early Greek people. 
Homer painted the past in the colors of his own time. From 
the numerous allusions made to industry and art, to society 
and government, to religion and morality, we can get a com- 
prehensive view of that early culture which existed among the 
prehistoric Greeks of Asia Minor, and which was bequeathed 
to the Greeks of historical times. It has been forcibly said 
that " while the pre-Doric art in Europe was not continued in 
later times, and tlio later genuine (Jreek art followed other 
paths than those of Mycenre and Orchomenus, the earliest 
poetry of Asia Minor is still the truest expression of Greek life 
that exists " (Holm). 

The Homeric Society and Government. — In the Homeric 
poems we see tlie picture of a simple and primitive society, 
such as we find among other early Aryan peoples. Its primary 
element was the family, comprising the household father, the 
mother, the children, and the slaves. The families were grouped 
into clans, and these into tribes. The tribe was governed by a 
king (bns'ileiis) , who performed the religious rites of the tribe, 
settled disputes, and commanded the people in time of war. 
He was assisted b)^ a council (hoti'le), made up of the chiefs of 
the clans. Matters of great importance, like the declaration 
of war or the distribution of plunder, might be left to the 
asseml)ly (ag'ora), which comprised all the ]ieople capable of 
bearing arms. In times of war several tribes might unite 
under a common chieftain; for example, in the expedition 
against Troy, the Greek tribes were united under the leadership 
of Agamemnon, king of Mycense. 



THE EARLIEST AGES OF GREECE 



99 



Homeric Industry and Art. — We may also obtain from the 
Homeric poems an idea of the degree of progress made by the 
early Greeks in the art of living. They obtained their food, 
not only by hunting and fishing, but also by the domestication 
of animals and by the cultivation of the soil. They had the 
use of at least six metals, — gold, silver, iron, lead, copper, and 
tin, — which they obtained mostly from other lands. They 
worked the metals in a simple way, and did not possess the fine 
mechanical skill seen in the more ancient works of the Myce- 
naean and Oriental art. The descriptions, contained in the 
poems, of ])rincely palaces with their rich decorations and fur- 
niture, are based upon the traditions of an age which had 
passed away, l)ut which had not been forgotten. 

Homerio Religion and Morality. — Tiie religion of the Ho- 
meric age was evidently derived 
from tlie nature worship of 
the early Aryans. The Greeks 
coupled with their nature wor- 
ship an elal)orate and beautiful 
mythology; and they saw in 
their gods beings like themselves, 
with human feelings and foibles, 
with human likes and dis- 
likes. The gods were supposed 
to dwell about the top of Mt. 
Olympus, where they feasted and 
held their councils. They took 
part in the battles of the Trojan 
war, and assisted the Greeks 

or the Trojans according to their preferences for either party. 
At the head of the divine circle was Zeus, the god of the heav- 
ens and the father of gods and men. Around him were gath- 
ered the other Olympian deities. The. Olympian circle con- 
sisted of the greater deities, comprising six gods and six god- 
desses. The six gods were: (1) Zeus (Jupiter), the supreme 

LOfG. 




Zeus 



100 



THE GREEK WORLD 



god of the heavens, the king and father of mankind; (2) 
Apollo, g6d of light and of prophecy; (3) Ares (Mars), god 
of war; (4) Hermes (Mercury), the messenger of the gods, the 
patron of commerce, and the master of cunning; (5) Posei'- 
don (j^eptune), god of the sea; and (6) Hepha's'tus (Vulcan), 
god of fire. The six goddesses were : ( 1 ) Hera ( Juno) , the wife 

of Zeus and the queen of 
heaven; (2) Athena 
(Minerva), goddess of 
wisdom, who was born 
from the forehead of Zeus ; 
(3) Artemis (Dian'a), 
goddess of the chase; (4) 
Aphrodi'te (Venus), god- 
dess of love and beauty; 
(-■)) Deme'ter (Ceres), 
goddess of the harvest; 
and (6) Hestia (Vesta), 
goddess of the hearth. Be- 
sides these superior deities 
there were a large number 
of inferior gods, as well as 
mythical l)eings, with which 
the Greek imagination peo- 
pled the sky, the earth, and 
the sea. The Greeks believed that the favor of the gods may be 
obtained by prayers and sacrifices, and that their will may be 
discovered by means of signs and oracles. They also believed 
in a future life, where those who had found favor with the 
gods would receive a place in Elys'ium, the field of the blest ; 
and those who had incurred their anger would be condemned 
to Tar'tarus, the gulf of torment. The people of Homeric 
Greece were probably no better and no worse than the early 
people of other countries. They lived a bright and cheerful 
life. In peace they were hospitable to the stranger; in war 




Hera 



THE EAKLIEST AGES OF GREECE 101 

they were vindictive and cruel to their fallen foes. Th^y h^ 
a high respect for women; but they were often deceitful in 
their commercial dealings and regarded piracy as an honorable 
calling. Their highest motive of life was to obtain the ap- 
proval of the gods. 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. The Mycen^an Age. — Eecent Excavations in Hellas. — His- 
sarlik and the City of Troy.— The Citadel of Tiryns.— The Ruins 
and Relics of Mycenae. — Other Sites of Prehistoric Remains. — 
Character of the Mycenaean Culture. 

II. Transition to the Homeric Age. — The So-called Dorian 
Migration. — The Migrations to Asia Minor. — The New Culture of 
Asia Minor. 

III. The Homeric Poems and the Homeric Age. — The Iliad 
and the Odyssey. — The Homeric Question. — Historical Value 
of the Homeric Poems.^ — Homeric Society and Government. — 
Homeric Industry and Art. — Homeric Religion and Morality. 

REFERENCES FOR READING 

Bury, Ch. 1, "Beginnings of Greece and the Heroic Age" (10).' 

Oman, Ch. 2. 'M?!gean Civilization"; Ch. 3, "The Homeric Poems 
and the Greeks of the Heroic Age"; Ch. 5, "The Great Migra- 
tions" (10). 

Hall, Ch. 7, "Mycenae's Place in History" (13). 

Schuchhardt, Ch. 1, "Life of Dr. Sch'liemann"; Ch. 2, "Troy"; 
Ch. 3, "Tiryns"; Ch. 4, "Mycenae" (13). 

Smith, Wm., Ch. 3, "State of Society of the Heroic Age"; Ch. 5, 
"The Poems of Homer" (10). 

Abbott, Vol. I., Ch. 5, "The Homeric Poems" (10). 

Grote, Part I., Ch. 21, "Grecian Epic — Homeric Poems" (10). 

Warr, Ch. 2, "The Homeric Poetry" (14). 

Mahaffy, Survey, Ch. 2, "The Homeric Age" (10). 

Fowler, Ch. 3, "The Homeric Question" (15). 

Freeman, Essay, "Homer and the Homeric Age" (3). 

Holm, Vol. I., Ch. 13, "Civilization of the Asiatic Greek — Homeric 
Poetry"; Ch. 14, "Institutions and Mode of Life of the Earl}^ 
Greeks, Especially as Described bv Homer" (10). 

Jebb, Homer, Ch. 2, "The Homeric World" (14). 

Keller, Ch. 3, "Religious Ideas and Usages"; Ch. 5, "Marriage 
and the Family"; Ch. 6, "Government," etc. (14). 

Homer, Iliad, Bk. I. (contention of Achilles and Agamemnon) ; 
' Odyssey, Bk. VI. (the palace of Alcinoiis) (17). 

See also Appendix (13) Mycenaean Age and (14) Homer and the 
Homeric Age. 

'The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the 
Appendix, where a fuller title of the booli will be found. 



PERIOD II. DEVELOPMENT OF THE GEEEK CITY STATES 
(776-500 B. 0.) 



CHAPTER VIII 

POLITICAL GROWTH AND EXPANSION OF GREECE 

I. The Eakly City State 

Importance of the Greek Cities. — We have already seen 
among the early Greeks some evidences of their political life. 
The cities of the ]\Iycen<pan age were evidently ruled by kings 
of the Oriental type, with tlieir sumptuous palaces and their 
subject population. Next, in the Homeric period, we have seen 
a simpler form of political life, in wliich the government was 
divided between the king, the council, and the assembly. This 
form of government was very primitive in character, but from 
it sprang the city states of historical Greece. It is in these city 
states that we are to find the beginnings of political freedom, 
and in fact the germs of modern constitutional lilKn'ty. As we 
study the growth of the cities we must observe the striking con- 
trast between them and the cities of the East. The Oriental 
cities were governed- solely by the king, or by viceroys subject 
to the king; and this resulted in the growth of autocratic and 
despotic governments, in which the people had no part. In the 
Greek cities, on the other hand, the people obtained a certain 
share in the government; and this resulted in the growth of 
institutions more or less democratic in character. Even at the 
beginning of the historical period we find many centers of city 

103 



POLITICAL GROWTH AND EXPANSION 103 

life in different parts of Greece. These cities were in a more or 
less flourishing condition and could already hoast of great age. 
Their origin is hidden in the mists of tradition ; and we must 
form our ideas of their early development chiefly by studying 
the elements of which they were composed.^ 

The Elements of the City State. — The early Greek state was 
no doubt the result of a slow process of growth. We may trace 
its gradual development from the family, the primitive ele- 
ment of Greek society. The family was governed by the father, 
who presided over the family worship, and controlled all its 
members. The family expanded naturally into the clan, or 
gens, which was essentially the larger body of family relatives, 
held together by a common worship and by a common feeling 
of kinship. The clan was governed by a council of the house- 
hold fathers, and by a chief man selected to preside over the 
common worship, to settle disputes, and to lead the people in 
time of war. In times of great danger the different clans would 
he induced to unite in a larger body, called a brotherhood or 
" phratry." This, too, had its own chief and council, and its 
armed men might be called together in an assem1)ly to decide 
on questions of war. To repel a common peril the jjhra tries 
would league themselves into a still larger body called the 
" tribe," which would also have its own leader, council, and 
asseml)ly. By these successive unions was gradually developed 
the tribal state such as we find in Homeric times (compare 
p. 98) ; and this grew into the city state of the historical 
period. The elements which entered into the city state were 
thus the family, the gens, the phratry, and the tribe. 

The Government of the City State. — The city was generally 
formed by a union of tribes. The people sought a common 

1 Amons the most important of these cities were the following : in 
central Greece, Athens, Eleu'sis, Platte'a, Thebes, Orchomenus, Delphi, 
Naupactus ; in the northern Peloponnesus, Mycenae, Tiryns, Artcos, Ne'mea, 
Corinth, Sic'yon (sish'i-nn) . Elis, Olympia ; in the southern Peloponnesus, 
Sparta, Amy'clae, Ilelos, Mantine'a, Te'gea, Pylos. (For the location of 
these cities, see maps, pp. 78, 119). 



104 THE GREEK WORLD 

center of defense on some elevated spot — like the Acropolis of 
Athens — which could be fortified, and to which they might 
retreat in times of danger. They were held together by the 
worship of some common deity, whom they regarded as their 
protector. The city po])ulation comprised not simply the peo- 
ple who lived within the city walls but also those who lived 
in the surrounding country— in fact, all those who shared in 
the common city worship and were subject to the common city 
government. This government in early times was patterned 
after that of the tribe, and consisted of the king, the council, 
and the assembly. 

(1) The city king (basikus) was, like the older tribal chief, 
the leader of the people in time of war, the priest of the com- 
mon city religion, and the judge to settle disputes between the 
citizens. He governed by no written laws, but tried to uphold 
the existing customs of the people and what he supposed to be 
the will of the gods. 

(2) The city council (houli') was, like the council of the 
tribe, made up of the leading men of the community. They 
formed a sort of advisory body, which was called together 
whenever the king desired. On account of their influence they 
might guide or restrain the power of the king; and on account 
of their superior birth or position, they came to be an aristo-^ 
cratic class, or what we might call a body of nobles. 

(3) The city assembly (agora), like the tribal assembly, was 
composed of all citizens capable of bearing arms. As the state 
was formed originally for the purpose of protection, and as it 
thus had primarily a military character, the people were gen- 
erally consulted only on questions relating to war. But as the 
state acquired more and more a civil character, the assem- 
bly of the people became a real democratic element in the 
government. 

Independence of the City States. — The Greek world was 
made up of a large number of these little city states, which for 
the most part preserved their local independence. This was 



POLITICAL GROWTH AMD EXPANSION 105 

due largely to the broken nature of the territory, which kept 
the different communities separated from one another. It was 
due also to the independent spirit of the people themselves. 
The national life of Greece thus became localized in the cities. 
The spirit of patriotism consisted in the love of one's own 
city ; and the great achievements of the Greeks were made to 
glorify the city. This spirit of independence had both a good 
and a bad effect. On the one hand, it tended to foster free 
institutions and the forms of local self-government. On the 
other hand, it prevented the permanent union of Greece and 
the development of a national state. 

Amphictyonies or City Leagues. — Although the Greek cities 
were politically independent of one another, they sometimes 
united themselves into leagues or confederacies, called "am- 
phictyonies." These leagues were often formed to maintain 
the worship of some common deity, or to promote common 
commercial interests, or to protect the cities against a com- 
mon foe. The members of these associations often professed to 
believe that they were descended from some common ancestor, 
and were under the protection of the same god. Sometimes 
one city obtained the leadership, or " hegemony," over the rest; 
but if such a leadership became oppressive, it generally pro- 
voked a revolt on the part of the subject cities. In the course of 
our study we shall have our attention called to a number of 
these Greek confederacies, like the Amphictyon'ic League with 
its center at Delphi, the Peloponnesian League under Sparta, 
the Boeotian League under Thebes, the Deli an Confederacy 
under Athens, and in later times the Achaean and ^tolian 
leagues organized against Macedonia. 

II. Political Development in Greece 

Tendency to Revolution. — When Ave consider the political 
organization of the Greek city states, we must not suppose that 
they always remained in the simj)le and primitive condition 



106 THE GREEK WOELD 

which we have just described. Their political life, on the con- 
trary, was one of continual activity and change. One form of 
government succeeded another as the king, or the nobles, or 
the people gained the upper hand. Although the different 
cities presented a great diversity in their political life, we can 
trace a general tendency in the direction of more democratic 
ideas and freer institutions. 

From Monarchy to Aristocracy. — In the earliest times, the 
king was the uiost prominent figure in the government. This 
supremacy of the king and the royal family is what constitutes 
a monarchy. When the rule of the king became oppressive, 
the political power passed into the hands of the nobles. The 
supremacy of such a class of influential men in the state is 
what constitutes an aristocracy. If the power is restricted to 
a very few persons, the government is called an oligarchy. At 
an early period the political authority in the cities passed from 
the hands of the king to the hands of the nobles; that is, there 
was a transition from monarchy to aristocracy or oligarchy. 

From Aristocracy to Tyranny. — When the nobles obtained 
the supreme power in the city, they were tempted to use it for 
their own interests, at the expense of the people in general. 
The city population thus came to be divided into two parties, 
the aristocratic and democratic parties — the former striving to 
maintain their own ])ower and privileges, and the latter strug- 
gling to obtain an eipiality of riglits. In the midst of these 
popular discontents there appeared certain men whom the 
Greeks called " tyrants." The so-called tyrant was not neces- 
sarily a despotic ruler, but a man who had seized the power of 
the state in an irregular way. He might be a patriot, working 
for the interests of the people, or lie might be a demagogue, 
working for his own interests. In either case, he was an enemy 
to the oligarchy, and his triumph meant the overthrow of the 
aristocratic power. The tyrants were in fact " the means of 
breaking down the oligarchies in the interests of the people" 
(Abbott). 



POLITICAL GROWTH AND EXPANSION 107 

From Tyranny to Democracy. — The one-man power was es- 
tablished in many of the cities of Greece. As long as the 
tyrants, looked after the interests of the people, their rule was 
tolerated. But whenever and wherever they became selfish, 
ambitious, and oppressive, they were detested. While in some 
cases the city might revert to an oligarchy, the tyranny more 
often led to democracy. The so-called " age of tyrants " thus 
formed, generally speaking, a period of transition to the demo- 
cratic form of government; and democracy came to be more 
highly developed in Greece than in any other part of the an- 
cient world. 

The many different states of Greece, however, were not 
equally successful in obtaining a democratic government. In 
some states we see the power remaining in the hands of a small 
part of the people, resulting in the permanent establishment 
of an aristocracy or oligarcliy. Such aristocratic governments 
were developed in Sparta ; in Thebes of Bceotia ; in Chalcis and 
Eretria on the island of Eubcea ; and also in Corinth, Meg'ara, 
and Sicyon on or near the isthmus of Corinth. In other 
cities, we see the political power transferred to the great body 
of citizens, resulting in the growth of a well-organized demo- 
cratic state. >^{Theinost important denipcratic cities were Ath- 



ens, Argos^ajidElJ^^j^f^^ cities we may look upon 

Sparta and Athens as the most important, ""for^tliey~represented 
the two extreme tendencies jn the political development of 
Greece — the former showing the tendency toward oligarchy, 
aiid the latter the tendency toward democracy, v/ 

III. Expansion of Greece by Colonization 

Causes of Colonial Expansion. — At the same time that the 
cities of Hellas were workiug out the problem of free govern- 
ment, the boundaries of the Hellenic world were widening by 
the estal)lishment of colonies. The causes leading to the colo- 
nial expansion of Greece were various. In the first place, the 



108 THE GREEK WORLD 

growth of population required the formation of new settle- 
ments; and these could be formed only in the unoccupied lands 
which bordered upon the adjoining seas. In the next place, 
the political discontent resulting from aristocratic oppression 
led many people to seek greater freedom in new settlements; 
hence we find a large number of colonies established by cities 
subject to aristocratic rule. Finally, the growing spirit of com- 
merce furnished a strong impulse to colonization. The coasts 
of the iEgean were indented with natural harbors; and the 
Greeks early derived from the Phcienicians the spirit of com- 
merce and shared with them the trade routes of the sea. With 
the decline of the Phoenician power, the Greeks became the 
leading commercial people of the East. Like the Phoenicians, 
they dotted the shores of the Mediterranean with their trad- 
ing posts. Greece tlius became the mother of colonies, and 
from the eighth to the sixth century (750-550 b. c.) the terri- 
tory of Hellas was continually growing wider and wider. 

Character of the Greek Colony. — The Greek colony was a 
community of Greek citizens transported to a new land. It 
was generally the offshoot of a single city, although one colony 
might sometimes be formed l\y the people of different cities. 
The Greek colony carried with it the traditions, the customs, 
the language, and the religion of the parent city. Wherever 
it might be planted, it bore the blossoms and fruits of Greek 
culture. The founding of a colony was a matter of so much 
importance that it was customary to consult the oracle at Del- 
phi to ascertain whether the undertaking would meet with the 
divine sanction. If the response was favorable, a " founder " 
was appointed to lead the colonists to their new home. The 
sacred fire taken from the altar of tlie parent city was carried 
with the colonists as a symbol of their filial devotion. The in- 
fant colony worshiped the same gods as the parent city, and in 
every way showed the sacred reverence due from a daughter to 
a mother. l>ut in its political life the colony was entirely inde- 
pendent of the parent state. Though bound by filial affection, 



POLITICAL GROWTH AND EXPANSION 



109 



it was not subject to parental authority. It formed its own gov- 
ernment, made its own laws, and was expected to work out 
its own destiny.^ 

The Colonizing Cities. — The cities of Greece were not 
equally zealous in the planting of colonies. Of the chief cities, 
Athens was one of the least conspicuous in this movement. 
This may have been due to the fact that she was at first more 
devoted to politics than to commerce, or to the fact that her 
citizens were less discontented than those of other cities. 
Sparta, on account of her distance from the sea, was also not 
important as a colonizing state. But her subjects — especially 
the Messenians — were sometimes driven by her op})ressive gov- 
ernment to seek a refuge beyond her dominion. Of the cities 
of Greece proper the foremost in the colonizing movement was 
Chalcis, situated on the island of Euboea. This city had a fa- 
vorable seaboard. It com- 
manded the copper trade 
of the East, and its aris- 
tocratic government was a 
cause of popular discon- 
tent. These facts are suf- 
ficient to explain its colo- 
nizing spirit. Next after 
Chalcis should be mentioned the neighboring city of Eretria; 
and then IMegara and Corinth, both of which were favorably 
situated for commerce, and were often misruled by an oppress- 
ive oligarchy. But the city which surpassed all others as a 
colonizing center was situated not in Europe, but in Asia. This 
was Miletus, the most celebrated city of Ionia. It possessed 
four large harbors, and seems to have fallen heir to the com- 
mercial enterprise of the Phoenicians. Miletus is said to have 
been the mother of eighty colonies. Other cities of Ionia 

' This statement does not apply to the subject colonies, or "cle'ruchies," 
sent out by Athens as a means of maintaining her influence in a foreign 
land. In this case the settlers retained their political relations and rights 
as members of the parent state. 




Coin of Eretria 



PliOGTiESS 




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^lEATER IIET^LAS 

Sixth Century B.C. 



=2 ..-/"■■ 



Chief Seats of Colonization. 

I yEolians and Achceans 
^Phanicians 



imans 
or tans 



360 



East 25 fro 




Greenwich 30 




L.L. POATES, Eh6% 



in 



LIST OF PRINCIPAL GREEK COLONIES 



The name of the parent colony is placed in parenthesis, together with 
the date of settlement when known. These dates can be regarded as only 
approximate, and are variously given by different authorities ; the dates 
below are generally those accepted by Grote. 



I. Eastern Coloxies. 

1. Northern ^gean. 

Methone (Eretria, 720 b.c)- 
Mende (Eretria). 
Torone (Chalcis). 
Olynthus (Chalcis, 480 b.c)- 
Potidiea (Corinth). 
Abdera (Teos, 553 b.c). 
Maronea (Chios). 
JEnos (^olia). 

2. Propontis. 

Abydos (Miletus). 
Lampsacus (Miletus, 650 b.c). 
Cyzicus (Miletus, 7"<6 b.c). 
Chalcedon (Megara, OT-l b.c). 
Byzantium (Megara, 657 b.c). 
Perinthus (Samos, 600 b.c). 
Sestos (uEolia). 

3. Engine or Black Sea. 

(a) Southern and Eastern Coast. 

Hepaclea (Megara, 560 b.c). 

Sinope (Miletus, 770 b.c). 

Trapezus (Sinope). 

Phasis (Miletus). 

Dioscurias (Miletus), 
(ft) Western and Northern Coast. 

Apollonla (Miletus). 

Mesembria (Megara). 

Odessus (Miletus). 

Istrus (Miletus). 

Olbia (Miletus). 

Heraclea (Heraclea Pontica). 

Tanais (Miletus?). 

Phanagoria (Miletus). 

4. Africa. 

Naucratis (Miletus, 650 u.c). 
Cyrene (Thera). 
Barca (Cyrene). 



II. Western Colonies. 

1. Adriatic Coast. 

Corcyra (Corinth, 730 b.c). 
Ambracia (Corinth, 650 b.c). 
ApoUonia (Corinth, 600 b.c). 
Epidamnus (Corcyra, 625 

B.C.). 

2. Italy. 

(a) Southern Coast. 

Tarentum (Sparta, 707 b.c). 

Sybaris (Achaia, 720 b.c). 

Croton (Achaia, 710 b.c.). 

Locri (Locris, 683 b.c). 

Phegium (Chalcis, 720 b.c). 
(6) Western Coast. 

Cumae (Chalcis, 1050 b.c ?). 

Neapolis (Cumie). 

Posidonia (Achaia). 

Velia (Phocsea, 550 b.c). 

3. Sicily. 

(a) Ionian Colonies. 

Naxos (Chalcis, 735 b.c). 

Catana (Naxos, 729 b.c). 

Zancle (Chalcis, 728 b.c). 

Himera (Zancle, 648 b.c). 
(ft) Dorian Colonies. 

Syracuse (Corinth, 734 b.c). 

Gela (Rhodes, 600 b.c). 

Agrigentum (Gela, 582 b.c). 

Selinus (Megara, 630 b.c). 

4. Ga^a. 

Massilia (Phoccea, 597 b.c). 
Olbia (Massilia). 



n:i 



POLITICAL GROWTH AND EXPANSION . 113 

also sent out some colonies. A few colonies were established 
by the ^Eolian cities of the north, and a still less number by 
the Dorian cities of the south of Asia Minor. 

Areas of Colonization. — The lands open to Greek coloniza- 
tion were the unoccupied coasts of the Mediterranean and 
Black seas. Some of these lands had already been held by 
Phoenician colonists; but the decline of Phcenicia gave an op- 
portunity to the Greeks, either to take possession of the old 
Phoenician sites, or to establish new settlements. The new 
lands were generally inhabited by a barbarous people; but the 
native products of these lands afforded a strong inducement to 
Grecian traders. There were two general areas open to coloni- 
zation, which we may distinguish as the eastern and west- 
ern. The eastern area comprised the northern coasts of the 
^gean Sea; the shores of the Propon'tis with its tributary 
straits, the Hellespont and the Bosphorus; the extensive coast 
of the Euxine or Black Sea; and also the northeastern coast of 
Africa. The western area comprised the western coasts of 
Tllyr'icum and Epirus ; the coasts of southern Italy ( Magna 
Graecia) and Sicily; and the seaboards of the western Mediter- 
ranean, including southern Gaul, and extending along the 
shores of Spain. For the most important colonies study pages 
110-112. 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. The Early City State. — Importance of the Greek Cities. — 
Elements of the City State. — Governinent of the City State. — In- 
dependence of the City States. — Amphictyonies or City Leag-ues. 

II. Political Development in Greece. — Tendency to Revolu- 
tion. — From Monarchy to Aristocracy. — From Aristocracy to 
Tyranny. — From Tyranny to Democracy. 

III. Expansion of Greece by Colonization. — Causes of Colo- 
nial Expansion. — Character of the Greek Colony. — The Colonizing 
Cities. — Areas of Colonization. 

REFERENCES FOR READING 

Cox, History. Ch. 2, "Origin and Growth of Hellenic Civiliza- 
tion" (10).^ 

'The flgiM'e in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the 
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. 

MOKET'.S ANCIENT HIST. — 7 



114 THE GEEEK WORLD 

Allcroft, Vol. I., Ch. 9, "Evolution of Governments"; Ch. 10, "Age 
of Tyrants" (10). 

Abbott, Vol. II., Introduction, "Sketch of Constitutional His- 
tory"; Ch. 11, "The Greek Colonies" (10). 

Holm, Vol. I., Ch. 20, "Political Development of the Greek 
States"; Ch. 21, "Greek Colonization" (10). 

Whibley, Greek Oligarchies, Ch. 3, "Historical Development of 
Constitution" (11). 

Greenidge, Ch. 2, "Early Develoi^ment of the Greek Constitu- 
tions; Monarchy, Aristocrac3% Tyranny to Constitutional 
Government"; Ch. 3, "Colonization" (11). 

Fowler, W. W., Ch. 2, "Genesis of the City State"; Ch. 4, "Else 
of Aristocratic Government"; Ch. 5, "Transition from Aris- 
tocracy to Democracy" (11). 

Oman, Ch. 9, "The Age of Colonization" (10). 

Smith, Wm., Ch. 12, "History of the Greek Colonies" (10). 

Curtius, Vol. I., Bk. II., Ch. 3, "The Hellenes beyond the Archi- 
pelag'o" (10). 

Bury, Ch. 2, "The Expansion of Greece"; pp. 95-102 (Sicily); 
p. 115 (Naucratis); pp. IIG, 117 (Cyrene) (10). 

Herodotus, Bk. III., Chs. 39-50, 120-125 (Polycrates, tyrant of 
Samos) (17). 



CHAPTER IX 

THE TYPICAL CITY STATES— SPAETA AND ATHENS 

I. The Aristocratic City State, Sparta 

The Dorians and Sparta, — In their conquest of the Pelopon- 
nesus (p. 93), the Dorians took possession of three important 
countries — Argolis, Laconia, and IMessenia. Their first im- 
portant cities arose in Argolis; chief of them was Argos. One 

of the rulers of Argos, 
Phi 'don hy name, was es- 
pecially noted as the man 





who introduced a system 
of weights and measures, 

and who established a 

Coin op Piiidon • x p ji • j; 

mint tor the coinage oi 

money. From the city of Argos as a center, the Dorians sub- 
dued the neighboring towns of Corinth, Megara, and Sicyon. 



CITY STATES— SPARTA AND ATHENS 115 

But all the Dorian cities were at last overshadowed by Sparta, 
a town of Laconia, which we may study as the typical city 
state of the Dorian race. Situated on the Euro'tas River, it 
was at first a mere military garrison, struggling to maintain 
itself against a hostile people. By degrees it gained in strength 
until it became the center of the Dorian civilization. This re- 
markable city owed its success 
to its peculiar organization 
and discipline, said to have 
been established by Lycur'gus. 
The stories which are told of 
Lycurgus are largely mythical. 
It is said that he reorganized, 
with the approval of the Del- 
johi oracle, the whole social 
and political system of Sparta; 
and that, having obtained from 
the people a solemn oath to 
make no changes in his laws 
during his absence, he left the 
city and never returned. With- 
out attempting to criticise the Lycurgus (So-called) 
" myth of Lycurgus," which is told by Plutarch, let us review 
the Spartan institutions as they existed in historical times. 

Divisions of the People in Sparta. — The first thing we notice 
in Sparta is the division of the whole population into three 
classes — which had evidently resulted from the Dorian con- 
quest of the Peloponnesus. 

(1) The upper class consisted of the Spartans themselves, 
the descendants of the Dorian conquerors. They were the free 
inhabitants of the Spartan city, and were the sole possessors of 
political rights and privileges. They formed a comparatively 
small part of the entire population — not more than ten thou- 
sand men capable of bearing arms. They received the best 
portions of the land; but they were forbidden themselves to 




116 THE GEEEK WORLD 

till the soil, or to do the work of artisans or traders. Their 
sole occupation was war and service to the state. 

(2) The next class comprised the Perioe'ci (dwellers 
around), who formed a large part of the conquered people. 
They lived in the neighboring towns, farmed the lands of the 
state, and engaged in manufactures and commerce. They were 
personally free, but were forced to pay tribute to Sparta. They 
were, moreover, called upon to serve in the Spartan army in 
time of war, and were even assigned to posts of command. 

(3) The lowest class were the Helots, or serfs, who tilled the 
soil allotted to the citizens. They belonged to the state, and 
could not be sold by their Spartan masters. They formed the 
largest part of the population. They had no rights, and their 
condition was wretched. 

The Spartan Government. — The form of the government of 
Sparta was an outgrowth of the system which prevailed in the 
trilial state of Homeric times. This we see in the three 
branches of the early government, the kingship, the senate, and 
the assembly. 

(1) At the head of the state were two kings, members of 
distinct royal families. The origin of this doul)le kingship it is 
difficult to determine. The kings acted as a restraint upon 
each other, and this tended to weaken the royal power. 

(2) A more important element of the state Avas the senate 
(gerou'sia), composed of thirty of the leading citizens, includ- 
ing the two kings. In early times the members of the senate 
were no doubt the chiefs of the clans which had imited to form 
the state. But in historical times they were elected by the as- 
sembly. They were at least sixty years of age, and held their 
position for life. Originally the senators were simply the ad- 
visers of the kings; but they came to ])e the sharers of the 
royal power. They not only determined^ largely the policy of 
the kings, but were judges in criminal cases, and prepared the 
matters which came before the assembly. 

(3) The assembly {apcJ'Ia) consisted of all Spartan citizens 



CITY STATES— SPARTA AND ATHENS 117 

above thirty years of age. It not only elected the senators, but 
decided upon the most important matters of state. It ratified 
the laws, determined questions of war and peace, and settled 
disputes regarding the royal succession. The highest power 
thus rested in the body of Spartan citizens; and in this respect 
the state might be called a democracy. But when we consider 
the fact that the body of citizens formed but a small part of 
the whole population, the government can more properly be 
regarded as an aristocracy. 

(4) We should not have a complete view of the Spartan con- 
stitution if we failed to notice the ephors (watchers), who were 
officers peculiar to Sparta. They were five in number, and 
formed a kind of supervisory board. They were elected by the 
assembly each year to protect the interests of the people against 
the encroachments of the kings and the senate. They came in 
time to be the " guardians of the constitution " and the real 
rulers of the state. 

Spartan Education and Discipline. — The Spartans evidently 
believed that the character of a nation depends upon the train- 
ing of its children. If the state is to be prepared for war, the 
children must be physically strong and inured to hardships 
akin to those of war.\C The Spar tan elders decided whether each 
child, at birth, was sufficiently strong to be reared, or whether 
he should be ex^Dosed to the wild beasts. At the age of seven 
the boy was taken from his mother's care and placed in the 
hands of the public trainers. . From this time he was subject 
to a training which was severe, and which to us seems brutal; 
but to the Spartans it seemed the necessary education for a 
soldier's life. The boy was obliged to prepare his own meals; 
to wear the same clothing summer and winter; to sleep on a 
bed of rushes ; to be hardened by the lash that he might better 
endure the hardships of the camp. To develop his physical 
strength and agility, he was trained in gymnastic exercises, in 
running, wrestling, and tlirowing the javelin. 

The supervision of the state was exercised not only over the 



118 THE GREEK WOELD 

training of the young, but over the lives of all citizens. Every 
form of luxury was discouraged. The dress was simple. The 
houses were humble and unadorned. Money was not lavished 
upon public buildings and works of art. The temptations to a 
life of luxury were withstood, especially by the institution of 
public meals (syssitia). The men were organized in companies, 
and each one contributed to the common meal. They were 
withdrawn from their families, and lived in public barracks. 
Home life was tlius destroyed in the interest of the state. The 
men were carefully organized, and trained in military evolu- 
tions ; the simple and severe discij^line of the camp was main- 
tained in peace as well as in war; and as a result of this the 
Spartans came to have the most eihcient army of Ureece, and, 
as a matter of fact, of the world at tliat time. 

The Conquests of Sparta; the Peloponnesian League. — 
With such military training and discipline S|)arta was able to 
extend and maintain her authority over the Peloponnesus. She 
first gained possession of the valley of the Eurotas, subduing 
the cities of Amyclse and Helos. The territory of Cynuria was 
then wrested from Argos, which brought the whole of Laconia 
under Spartan authority. 2\.fter two long and severe wars — 
each one lasting about twenty years — Sparta subdued the 
neighboring district of Mcssenia, west of the Tayg'etus moun- 
tains. These conflicts are known as the " ]\Iessenian Wars," 
and belong to the most heroic period of Spartan history (about 
750-650 B. c. ) . Later the city of Tegea with the surrounding 
territory of iVrcadia was subdued. Finally, Sparta gained a 
controlling influence in Elis, especially in the management of 
the national games at Olympia. 

All the cities of the Peloponnesus (except Argos and the 
towns of Achaia) were joined in a confederacy known as the 
" Peloponnesian League." Each city was allowed to retain 
its local independence, but was joined to Sparta by a treaty, 
in which the city agreed to furnish to Sparta a certain num- 
ber of troops in time of war. Every city of the league had 



CITY STATES— SPARTA AND ATHENS 119 







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The Peloponnesus 

an equal voice in a federal council, which "met at Sparta and 
which was supposed to regulate matters of general interest. 
In this confederacy Sparta was the leader; and she exercised 
her influence in striving to extend her aristocratic institutions 
throughout Greece. 

Position of Sparta in Greece. — While there are many things 
that we might criticise in the narrow government, the austere 
training, and the domineering policy of Sparta, we must con- 
fess that she contrihuted much to the future greatness of 
Greece. She set an example of simplicity in life, of self-con- 
trol, of patriotic devotion, of respect for existing institutions. 
She showed the im]wrtance of ]ihysical education, of healthy, 
strong, and symmetrical l)odies; and she gave Greece an ideal 



120 THE GEEEK WORLD 

of physical manliood which furnished an inspiration to Greek 
sculpture. iShe also set a pattern of military organization by 
which in the subsequent period of foreign invasions Greece 
was saved from destruction. Although Sparta did not repre- 
sent the highest culture of Greece, she did much to make that 
highest culture possible. 

II. The Democratic City State, Athens 

The Ancient Monarchy of Athens. — In marked contrast to 
Sparta, the aristocratic and military center of the Peloponne- 
sus, stood Athens, which came to be the democratic and intel- 
lectual center of all Greece. As Sparta represented the Dorians, 
Athens was the chief representative of the Ionian people. The 
city state which grew up about Athens comprised all the towns 
of Attica, which were united under a common government. 
The union of these towns was ascribed to the mythical king 
Theseus. Our knowledge of this early period is based almost 
■ entirely upon traditions; 1)ut we may be quite certain that the 
earliest government of Athens was a monarchy of the Homeric 
type — with a king, a council, and an assembly. 

•Divisions of the People in Attica. — In each of the Ionian 
towns of Attica there were certain divisions of the people which 
remained after the towns were united under the common 
monarchy. In tlie first ])lace, there were the four Ionian tribes 
which bore distinct names (Geleon'tes, Hople'tes, /Egic'ores, 
and Ar'gades) and which were each made up of phratries and 
elans. In the next place, there were three class divisions, upon 
which were based social rank and political privileges: (1) the 
well-born, or nobles {Eupat'ridce), (2) the farmers {Geom- 
ori), and (3) tlie artisans (Demiur'gi). Of these classes the 
Eu'patrids stood nearest to the king. They were the only per- 
sons who had political privileges; and from them the king 
chose the members of his council. If the freemen were ever 
called together in an assembly, it was only on rare occasions. 



CITY STATES— SPARTA AND ATHENS 121 

The Growth of the Archonship : Eupatrid Rule. — The first 
important changes in the Athenian government were dne to 
the decline of the power of the king, resulting in the appoint- 
ment of three archons to take his place. One was the chief 
archon, after whom the year was named ; another was the war 
archon (called the polemarch), who commanded the army; the 
third was the king-archon, who represented the old king as 
priest of the common religion. Afterward, there came to be 
appointed in addition six junior archons, called by way of dis- 
tinction the fhesmoth'ctcB, or guardians of the law. The nine 
archons thus gradually took the place of the old kings as the 
chief rulers of the state. As these new officers were chosen 
by, and from, the body of nobles, or Eupatrids, Athens came 
to have a real aristocratic government. The archons were 
chosen for a year; and after their term of office had expired, 
they became members of the council for life. This council took 
the place of the old council of the king. It was accustomed to 
meet on the hill of Ares (Mars), and was hence called the 
'^Council of the Areop'agus." The people (farmers and arti- 
sans) at this time had practically no share in the government. 
The Eupatrids were the state. The political history of Athens, 
from this time, is most interesting to us, because it shows the 
successive changes by which the Athenian government was 
transformed from an aristocracy into a democracy. It is also 
interesting because it presents to us some of the most noted 
men of Athens — Draco, Solon, Pisis'tratus, and Clis'thenes. 

The Laws of Draco (about 631 b. c). — The rule of the 
nobles was often harsh and oppressive, and led to many dis- 
turbances.^ The laws of this time existed only in the form of 
unwritten customs, which were practically unknown to the 
common people and which the nobles could interpret as they 

^The conspiracy of Oylon which toolj place about this time was an 
incident in these disturbances ; but it has no special significance except as 
beinji the first attempt at a "tyranny," and as being the occasion of the 
"accursing" of the family of the Alcma'on'ida^. Cylon was not assisted by 
the people, and his conspiracy only indirectly led to a better state of things. 



122 THE GEEEK WORLD 

saw fit. Draco, one of tlie archons. was authorized to put these 
laws into a written form, so that they might be Ivnown to all. 
The harsh character of the laws became evident as soon as they 
were pul)lished; so that it was afterward said that the laws 
of Draco were " written not in ink but in blood." If Draco 
made any change in the existing laws, it was a beneficial change 
relating to the hiw of homicide. Hitherto, if a man had slain 
another, wbether accidentally or willfully, he might be pur- 
sued and killed by the relatives of the deceased — and that 
without trial. But Draco made a distinction between acciden- 
tal and willful homicide, and this was to be determined by a 
trial before a court. 

It is prol)al)le that Draco made some political changes in the 
way of extending the franchise — so that all Ionian tribesmen 
who were wealthy enough to furnish themselves with heavy 
armor received the right to vote. This tended to make wealth, 
as well as blood, a basis of political rights. It is also probable 
that Draco established — in addition to the old council of the 
Areopagus — a new council of four hundred and one members, 
to be elected by lot from all those who possessed the franchise.'^ 
The legislation and reforms of Draco did not, however, relieve 
to any extent the condition of the common people, for they did 
not strike at tlie root of the existing evils. 

The Reforms of Solon (al)out 594 b. c). — The government 
was now in the hands of the higli-born Enpatrids and of those 
who were rich enough to furnish heavy armor. The poorer 
classes were not only excluded from the government, but were 
held in a state of ])ractical bondage to the rich. " The whole 
country," says Aristotle, " was in the hands of a few persons; 
and if the poor tenants failed to pay their rent, they were liable 
to be reduced to slavery, and their children with them " 
(Athenian Constitution, Ch. 2). Solon, who was regarded as 

•On these disputed points and tlie apparent diserepaney lietween Aris- 
totle's 'Tolitics" and the "Atlienian Constitution," see Oustav Gilbert, 
Constitutional Anticiuities of Sparta and Athens, Eng. Ed., 1895, pp. 
xsxiii-xxxix, and p. 119, note. 



CITY STATES— SPARTA AND ATHENS 



123 



one of the seven wise men of Greece, was elected to the arclion- 
ship, with full authority to remedy the evils of the state. He 
made three important reforms. 

(1) The first of these reforms was to remove the burdens 
resting upon the poorer classes. 
Ho freed all those who had 
been sold into slavery for debt, 
and called back all those who 
had fled into exile to escape 
the cruelty of their masters. 
He canceled the old debts, and 
abolished the practice of re- 
ducing men to slavery on ac- 
count of debt. 

(2) His next reform was to 
extend the franchise to the 
poorer classes. There had al- 
ready been established (at 
some time not exactly known) 
four "census classes," in Solon (So-called) 
which the members of the Ionian tribes were arranged accord- 
ing to the amount of income which persons received. These 
classes had previously l)een used as a basis for the apportion- 
ment of the taxes. Solon now used these classes as a basis for 
the distribution of political rights. For example, the archons 
were to be elected from the first class only; and all the inferior 
officers were to be chosen from the first, second, or third class. 
But all the classes — including the fourth, called the Thc'tcs — 
received the right to vote in the assembly for all officers. This 
gave to the assembly a democratic character, although it was at 
this time chiefly a voting or election body, having little to do 
with the actual making of the laws. Solon also established a 
popular court (helke'a), in which all citizens, including the 
Thetes, coiild sit as jurors. 

(3) The third important reform of Solon was the reorgani- 




124 THE CREEK WORLD 

zation of the council. Pie retained the old council of the 
Areopagus, which continued to hold its dignified position as 
"^guardian of the constitution." But in place of the council 
of four hundred and one established by Draco, he created a 
new council of four hundred members — one hundred members 
being chosen by lot from each of the four Ionian tribes. This 
council prepared the laws, which might or might not be sub- 
mitted to the assembly of the people. 

The reforms of Solon were guided by wisdom and modera- 
tion. Although he did not destroy the aristocratic element of 
the state, he did give a greater importance to the popular ele- 
ment, and paved the way for a more democratic government. 

The Tyranny of Pisistratus (560-527 b. c). — It is said that 
Solon bound the people by an oath to observe his laws for ten 
years, and then departed from the city. But during his ab- 
sence bitter strifes arose among the various classes of citizens 
who had different interests. These were : (1) the wealthy land- 
owners, who held their estates on the lowlands, and were called 
the Men of the Plain; (2) the shepherds and peasants, who 
lived in the highlands, and were called the Men of the Hill; 
and (3) the merchants and traders who lived along the coast, 
and were called the Men of the Shore. In the struggles be- 
tween these parties, the cause of the common people was es- 
poused by an able leader, Pisistratus, who seized the govern- 
ment in a manner not sanctioned by law. To such a man the 
Greeks gave the name of " tyrant," whether his rule was good 
or bad. Although twice expelled from the city by his enemies, 
he each time recovered his power, and ruled in the interests 
of the people. " His administration," says Aristotle, " was 
more like a constitutional government than the rule of a 
tyrant." He retained the political forms established by Solon, 
only taking care that his own supporters should be elected to 
the archonship. He advanced money to the poorer people to 
aid them in obtaining a livelihood. He appointed local judges 
in the country, so that the rights of the lower classes might be 



CITY STATES— SPARTA AND ATHENS 



125 



protected without their being obliged to come to the city for 
justice. He adorned Athens with public buildings, not only 
to satisfy his own love of art, but to give work to the unem- 
ployed. He was a patron of literature and collected a library 
which he threw open to the public. He is said to have made 
the first collection of Homer's poems. He gathered about 
him the poets and artists of Greece. He also encouraged com- 
merce and formed alliances with foreign states. He favored 
in every way the worship of the gods, and instituted splendid 
festivals in their honor. x\lthough a tyrant in name, he was 
one of the greatest of Athenian rulers, and began the policy 
that later made Athens the literary and art center of Greece. 

At the death of Pisistra- 
tus the power passed into the 
hands of his two sons, Hip'- 
pias and Hippar'chus,^ who 
began their rule by follow- 
ing their father's worthy ex- 
ample. But when Hippar- 
chus was killed as the result 
of a private quarrel, his 
brother Hippias was embit- 
tered, and by his despotic 
rule he made the name of 
tyrant forever odious to the 
Athenian people. With the 
aid of the Spartans, who 
M^ere directed by the Delphic 
oracle to help the Athenians. 
Hippias was overthrown and 
banished from the city. The 
tyrannicides, Harmo'dius and Aristogi'ton, who had previously 
killed Hipparchus, were hailed as the deliverers of their coun- 
try, and statues of bronze were erected in their honor. 

' CaUed the Pisistrat'idfe, or sons of Pisistratus. 




The Tykaxmcidk.s (C'oijies) 



126 THE GEEEK WORLD 

The New Constitution of Clisthenes (508 b. c). — The man 

who now aj)|x'ared as the friend of the people was Clisthenes, 
w4io had taken part in overthrowing the recent tyranny. He 
was an able and far-seeing statesman, and one of the greatest 
reformers that Greece ever produced. He reorganized the gov- 
ernment by placing it upon a now and more democratic basis. 

( 1 ) In the first place, he made a new division of the people, 
so as to include j^ersons who were not members of the four old 
Ionian tribes, — such as enfranchised slaves and resident for- 
eigners. To take the place of the Ionian tribes, which were 
based upon blood relationship, he divided the whole territory of 
Attica into ten districts, or "• local tribes." Each local tribe 
was made up of three smaller districts (called irittijcs) — one of 
which was situated in or near the city, another near the shore, 
and the third in the intermediate territory. The tiittys was 
simply a group of tliree or four villages or townships, which 
were called denies. The deme was thus the smallest unit in the 
state ; and every person enrolled in a deme was a citizen of the 
Athenian state and entitled to political rights. This arrange- 
ment tended not only to broaden the basis of citizenship, but 
to break down the old strife between the Men of the Plain, the 
Hill, and the Shore; since the members of each tribe would be 
inclined to act together for their common interests. 

(3) In the next place, the government was changed so as to 

rest upon this new arrangement of the people. For example, 

the assembly (eccJe'sia) — instead of being composed simply of 

members of the old Ionian tribes — was now made up of all the 

peoj^le of Attica who were enrolled in the various domes. So 

too. the council, or senate (houU) — instead of consisting of four 

hundred members, one hundred from each of the four Ionian 

tril)cs — was now made to consist of five hundred members, fifty 

of whom were selected by lot from each of the ten new tribes.^ 

^The old council of the Areopagus still remained as a time-honored and 
perfunctory branch of the government. It represented the conservative 
spirit of Athens, hut practically lost its importance — except for a time 
during the progress of the Persian wars. 



CITY STATES— SPARTA AND ATHENS 127 

The chief magistrates of the state continued to be the nine 
archons, who were chosen by lot, not now from the upper 
classes, but from candidates presented l)y all the demes. The 
military organization was also based upon the new trilxal divi- 
sion, ten generals (strate'gi) being elected to command the ten 
tribal regiments, and forming a war council under the pole- 
march, who was still the nominal commander in chief. 

(3) Clisthenes also introduced a method to protect the 
state from the danger of tyranny, or the undue prominence of 
a party leader. If six thousand votes were cast against any 
man thought to be dangerous to the state, that man was obliged 
to withdraw from the city for ten years. As these votes were 
written upon pieces of earthenware (ostraca) this process was 
called ostracism. Although intended as a safeguard to the 
state, it was yet capable of being abused and used for partisan 
purposes. 

The Triumph of Democracy. — From this review we can see 
how the ancient monarchy of Athens was gradually trans- 
formed into a well-organized democracy. The old king, who 
held his office by hereditary right, was displaced by the archons, 
chosen at first from the nobles, and finally from the whole body 
of the people. The ancient council of elders, or war chiefs, 
passed into the council of the Areopagus, which consisted of 
the ex-archons, and which was supplemented by new councils. 
— at first, the council of four hundred and one, established 
l)y Draco, and chosen from the wealthy classes; afterward, the 
council of four hundred, established by Solon, and chosen 
from the four Ionian tribes; and, finally, the council of five 
hundred, established by Clisthenes, and chosen from the mem- 
bers of the ten new Attic tribes. The assembly had passed 
through somewhat similar changes, until it had come to be 
composed of the whole body of citizens, and to hold the sov- 
ereign power of the state. As Atliens came to represent the 
principle of democracy, she incurred the enmity of the Spar- 
tans, as the chief defenders of the aristocratic principle. 



128 THE GEEEK WORLD 

Under their king, Cleom'enes, they even invaded Attica and at- 
tempted to overthrow the new Athenian constitution ; but this 
effort ])rovod a failure. With her democratic institutions 
firmly established, Athens continued to grow in strength until 
she became the chief city of Hellas and the champion of Greek 
liberty. 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. The Aristocratic City State, Sparta. — The Dorians and 
Sparta. — Divisions of the People in Sparta. — The Spartan Govern- 
ment. — Spartan Education and Discipline. — The Conquests of 
Sparta; the Peloponnesian Leag-ue. — Position of Sparta in Greece. 

II. The Democratic City State, Athens. — The Ancient ;Mon- 
archy of Athens. — Divisions of the People in Attica. — The Growth 
of the Archonship; Eupatrid Rule. — The Laws of Draco. — The 
Reforms of Solon. — The Tyranny of Pisistratus. — The New Con- 
stitution of Clisthenes. — The Triumph of Democracy. 

REFERENCES FOR READING 

Smith, Wm., Ch. 7, "Early History of the Peloponnesus"; Ch. 10, 
"Early History of Athens" (10).' 

Bury, Ch.'.l, "Growth of S])arta"; Ch. 5, "Growth of Athens" (10). 

Oman, Ch. 7, "The Dorians in Peloponnesus"; Ch. 12, "Solon and 
Peisistratus"; Ch. 10, "The Constitution of Cleisthenes" (10). 

Cox, History, Ch. 5. "Constitution and Early Plistory of Sparta"; 
Ch. 9, "Early Constitutional History of Athens"; Ch. 12, "Re- 
forms of Kleisthenes" (10). 

Cox, Greek Statesmen, "Solon." "Pisistratus," "Kleisthenes" (20). 

Abbott, Vol. L, Ch. 6, "The Spartan State"; Ch. 15, "Pisistratus 
and Cleisthenes" (10). 

Curtius, Vol. I.. P.k. IT., Ch. 1. "History of the Peloponnesus"; 
Ch. 2, "History of Attica" (10). 

Greenidg-e, Ch. 5, "Mixed Constitutions" (11). 

Gilbert, pp. 81-91, "The Lacedaemonian Leag-ue" (11). 

Fowler, pp. 64, 65 (war song-s of Tyrtfeus) (15). 

Abbott, Vol. I., pp. 212, 213, "Spartan Women" (10). 

Plutarch, "Lycurgus." "Solon" (20). 

Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, Chs. 3-21 (growth of the con- 
stitution) (17). 

Herodotus, P.k. I., Chs. 29-33 (Solon and Croesus); Bk. VI., Chs. 
126-131 (the wooing- of Agariste, the daughter of Clisthenes, 
tyrant of Sicyon, and mother of Clisthenes, the Athenian 
statesman) (17). 

'The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the 
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. 



CHAPTER X 

THE BEGINNINGS OF HELLENIC CULTURE 

I. The Greek Eeligion and Religious Institutions 

General Character of Hellenic Culture. — We have consid- 
ered in the two previous chapters the political growth of the 
Greek people during the early historical period — especially as 
seen in the development of their most important city states. 
We have seen a growing tendency in the direction of free in- 
stitutions, and of a political life far different from that which 
marked the great empires and despotic governments of the 
East. We shall now see that during the same period there was 
also growing up a new form of culture, not only different from 
that of the Oriental world but also different from that of the 
Mycenaean age in Greece. It is true that the Greeks derived 
many of their ideas from the East ; but it is also true that they 
gave to these ideas a new expression, and added to them many 
original features. To this distinctive and superior type of cul- 
ture, developed by the historic Greeks, we may apply the name 
" Hellenic." If we should try to describe its general character, 
we might call it, for the want of a better word, humanistic — 
that is, based upon human nature, and pervaded by a human 
sympathy. The Greeks believed in the dignity of man. They 
had high ideals of human life — physical, intellectual, and 
aesthetic. They were especially distinguished for their refined 
taste; and this refinement of taste was opposed to everything 
that was excessive, extravagant, or meretricious. This Hel- 
lenic spirit and type of culture came to be the possession of all 
Greeks, and gave to them a common national character. 

MORET'S ANCIENT HIST. 8 129 



130 THE GEEEK WORLD 

Religion as an Element of Greek Culture. — The most fun- 
damental element of the culture of the Greeks was no doubt 
their religion. The religious ideas of the common people, their 
conceptions of the gods and the future life, were essentially the 
same as those contained in the Homeric poems (p. 99), and 
were imbued wi!:h a thoroughly Greek spirit. The stories 
of the gods and goddesses were woven into a beautiful mythol- 
ogy in harmony with the Greek taste. The deities were inspired 
with the same feelings as were the Greeks themselves. The 
Greek religion was, in fact, a reflection of the Greek charac- 
ter. The religion was also the most powerful inspiration of 
Greek life and thought. It influenced the acts of the warrior 
and the statesman, and furnished the theme of the poet and 
the sculptor. Another important feature to be noticed is the 
fact that it was the strongest bond of union between the dif- 
ferent branches of the Greek race. However much they might 
be embittered l)y jealousy and war, the Greeks found in their 
religion a common tie of sym])athy. 

The Delphic Oracle. — One of the most important centers of 
the religious and national life of the Greeks Avas the oracle 
of Apollo at Delphi, situated in Phocis at the foot of Mt. 
Parnassus. The Greeks looked upon Apollo as preeminently 
the god of revelation, the god of light, of inspiration, and of 
projjhecy. He had numy oracles, but no other so renowned as 
that at Delphi. Here was his most illustrious temple, rich 
with costly gifts bestov^ed by his worshipers. Here his 
breath was supposed to issue from a cleft in the rock, over 
which stood a tripod — the seat of the Pyth'ia, or priestess, 
who uttered his will. The inspired words of the Pythia were 
taken down liy the attendant priests, and delivered to the 
people. The oracle was consulted by private persons and by 
the envoys of cities from every part of Hellas. Answers were 
given to fjuestions relating to religion and politics, to national 
disputes, to wars, and to colonization. Although these answers 
often had a double meaning and were difficult to interpret, 



THE BEGINNINtiS OF HELLENIC CULTUJtE 131 

still the Delphic priests were aljle by means of this sacred 
oracle to exercise a great and generally a beneficial influence 
upon the Greek people. 

The Amphictyonic League. — The influence of the Greek re- 
ligion, as a bond of union, is also seen in the associations of 
cities called amphictyonies, which were leagues bound together 
by some common interest, religious, commercial, or political 
(see p. 105) . The most important of these in early times was 
the famous Amphictyonic League organized for the protection 
of the temple of Apollo at Delphi. It was made up of twelve 
states of central and northern Greece, which sent to Delphi a 
number of delegates forming the Amphictyonic council. Al- 
though religious in its origin, the league also had a political in- 
fluence in binding the cities together under a kind of legal code. 
The cities were bound, not only to protect the temple of the 
god, but to respect one another's rights in time of war — not to 
cut off the running water which supplied a city, and not to 
destroy any Amphictyonic town. The punishment inflicted 
upon the Phocian towns of Crissa and Cirrha for molest- 
ing the pilgrims to Delphi — when these cities were razed 
to the ground, in the so-called first " Sacred war " — shows 
the jealousy with which the league guarded the shrine of 
Apollo. 

The Panhellenic Games. — The religious institutions which 
perhaps more than all others tended to promote a national 
unity and a national type of culture, were the great public 
games. These were celebrated in honor of the gods; and they 
show how closely religion was connected with all the phases 
of human life, — with art and literature, and even with athletic 
sports. Chief among these games were those held every four 
years at Olympia in Elis. The physical contests consisted in 
running, jumping, throwing the discus or quoit, casting the 
javelin, wrestling, boxing, and sometimes in chariot racing. 
These games were not barbarous sports, but were subject to 
strict rules, intended to promote the restraints of discipline 



' ■■Hffiil^,y 3,': 







i\" 










132 



THE BEGINNINGS OF HELLENIC CULTURE 133 



and the sense of honor. The competition was restricted to 
Greeks of good character, well trained and unblemished by any 
physical or moral taint. The reward of the victor was a wreath 
of olive leaves, and high honors were paid him. The games 
also furnished a field for intellectual culture. Here poets 
recited their verses, painters displayed their pictures, and 
men of science explained their discoveries. Olympia became 
adorned with noble buildings — especially the temple of Zeus. 
The multitude which gathered here from every part of Hellas 
carried back to their homes the feeling of a common kinship, 
and the love of Greek ideals. 

Other, less noted, games were the Pythian, given in honor of 
Apollo near his shrine at Delphi ; the Nemean, in honor of 
Zeus at Nemea in Argolis; and the Isthmian, in honor of Posei- 
don on the Isthmus of Corinth. 

Special Religious Festivals. — Besides these general celebra- 
tions which l>elonge(l to the whole of 
Greece, there were special festivals which 
were more local in their character. These 
were holiday entertainments given in 
honor of certain deities, and for the sake 
of social recreation. They consisted of 
processions, singing, dancing, games, and 
other diversions in which the people took 
part. There were a number of these 
festivals in Attica. The most important 
of them were : the Panathense'a, given in 
honor of Athena; the Dionys'ia, in honor 
of the god of wine, Diony'sus ; and the 
Eleusin'ia, in honor of the goddess Deme- 
ter. The last-named festival was of peculiar interest, especially 
to those who had been initiated into the secret rites of this 
worship. It consisted of a solemn procession in which every 
one might take part, from Athens by the " sacred way " to the 
city of Eleusis, the seat of the mysterious worship of the god- 




Panathenaic Vase 
(6th century b. c.) 



134 THE GREEK WORLD 

clcss. The secret ceremonies and doctrines attending this Avor- 
ship were called the " Eleusinian mysteries," of which no one 
was supposed to have any knowledge except the initiated. 

II. The Beginnings of Greek Art 

Character of Greek Art. — The art of Greece, like that 
of the Orient, was closely related to religion. But Greek art 
was as different from Oriental art as the Greek religion was 
different from the Oriental religion. The gods of Babylon, 
who dwelt among the stars, could be approached only by 
lofty temples, towering toward the sky. The grim religion of 
Egypt produced imposing structures which were gigantic and 
awe-inspiring. But the Greek religion appealed more strongly 
to human sympathy and revealed a finer sense of beauty. It 
produced an art which showed the marks of taste and reason, 
of moderation, of symmetry, and proper proportion. Some of 
the early features of Greek art were no doul)t derived from 
the East; but its distinctive character was due to the refined 
taste of the Greeks themselves. That which we most admire 
in a Greek temple or a Greek statue is that combination of 
artistic qualities — simplicity of design, grace of form, sym- 
metry of structure, and sincerity of expression — which we can 
find in no earlier people. 

The Greek Temple. — For the highest expression of Greek 
art we must look to the temple. During the historical period 
we find in Greece no royal palaces like those in Assyria or 
Egypt, or even like those previously built on Greek soil at 
Tiryns and Mycena?. The reverence for royalty passed away 
with the growth of political freedom ; and so the architectural 
skill and taste of the Greeks were devoted almost entirely to 
the service of the gods. In every city the temple was the 
most beautiful and conspicuous object. 

In its design the Greek temple was a simple roof supported 
by columns and covering a space inclosed by four walls. It 



1 



THE BEGINNINGS OF HELLENIC CULTUKE 135 



is supposed that this design grew out of the form of a dwell- 
ing house, made of wood, with a front porch.' At first the 
building had two columns in front {in antis), and then four 
columns {pro'stijle); afterward it had also four columns in the 
rear (amph/ip'rostyle), and finally tlie whole building was sur- 



■ • 




3 iBast) 4 (West) 

Types of the Greek Temple 

1, in antis; 2, prostyle; 3, ampliiprostyle ; 4, peristyle (tlie 
I'artiienon) ; N, naos ; O, opistliodomus ; S, statue 

rounded by a colonnade (peristyle). The inclosed space in the 
largest temples generally consisted of a principal part (naos 
or ceJIa), in which was placed the statue of the deity, and a 
rear pari (opisthod'onms), which contained the treasures of 
the temple. 

Orders of Greek Architecture. — As the Greeks broke away 
from the conventional architecture of the Eastern peoples, they 
developed styles of architecture of their own. These styles, or 
orders, are distinguished chiefly by the forms of the columns 
and the surmounting capitals. The earliest style was the Doric, 
so called because it was supposed to have its origin among the 
Dorian people of the Peloponnesus. This was the simplest and 
most dignified style. The column had no distinct base, and the 
capital consisted simply of a circular band surmounted by a 
square slab. This style was used mostly during this early 
period, but it was always greatly admired by the Greeks. A 
later style was the Ionic, in which the column was more slender 
and rested upon a distinct base, and the capital was adorned 
with a spiral roll, or volute. A third style, developed still 
later, was called the Corinthian, which was a mere modification 



136 



THE GREEK WOELD 



of the Ionic — the capital being somewhat more ornate and em- 
bellished with designs taken from the leaves of the acanthus 
plant. While the architecture of the Greeks did not reach its 
highest development during this period, it yet acquired a dis- 






Dor'iG 



Ionic 
Orders of Greek Architecture 



Corinthian 



tinctly Hellenic character and sliowed the Greek taste for sim- 
plicity and symmetry. 

Early Greek Sculpture. — The art of sculpture did not make 
as ra})id })r()gress in this period as did architecture. In fact, 
most of the examples which are left to us are crude and archaic. 
We can see the first feeble efforts to break away from the stiff 
and conventional forms of the East, and to give to stone the 
features of life. The influence of religion is seen in the early 
attempts to represent the gods in the form of men; but tlicse 
attempts are suggestive of idols rather than statues. The credit 



THE BEGINNINGS OF HELLENIC CULTURE 137 



of giving to statues a more lifelike appearance is ascribed to 
the mythical Dted'aliis, who was said to be a native of Athens. 
Schools of sculpture grew up in the cities of Samos and Chios 
in Asiatic Greece; at Argos, ^Egina, and Athens, in European 
Greece; and especially at Seli'nus. in Sicily. We have 
preserved to us some of 
the sculptured reliefs from 
the temple at Selinus. 
These consist of small 
groups of figures represent- 
ing mythological scenes, and 
are carved in a very rude 
fashion. But they are in- 
teresting, as they show the 
early way in which sculpture 
was used for temple decora- 
tion. Among the strongest 
influences which led to the 
improvement of sculpture 
during this time were the encouragement given to physical 
training and the custom of erecting at Olympia statues to suc- 
cessful athletes. But it is not until the close of this period 
that we see the sculpture beginning to acquire some of those 
artistic qualities which we have noticed in the architecture. 




Relief from Temple of Selinus 
(Terseus slaying Medusa, see p. 85) 



III. The Greek Language and Early Literature 

The Greek Language. — Another strong bond which united 
the various lu'anehes of the Greek people was their language. 
This gave them a common means of communication, and pre- 
served among them the feeling of kinship. It also separated 
them from the outside " barl)arian " world, and contributed to 
the growth of a distinct Hellenic culture. Although a l)ranch 
of the great Aryan or Indo-European family, the Greek early 
surpassed the other languages of this group as an instrument 



138 THE GREEK WORLD 

of thought and expression. By means of this remarkable lan- 
guage the Greeks produced a literature which has given them 
a high place among the most civilized peoples of the world. 
We can here take only a hasty glance at the growth of the lit- 
erature during this formative period. 

Decline of Epic Poetry. — At tlie beginning of the period 
the Greeks already possessed the " poems of Homer." These 
poems pictured in matchless verse the glories of the past, and 
recounted the deeds of gods and heroes. The epic was thus the 
poetry of action, and as such the Homeric epic could not be 
equaled. It was feebly imitated by a class of poets called the 
Homer 'idae, who still sang of the legends of Troy and of myth- 
ical heroes. A new and lower kind of epic was introduced by 
Hesiod, who is said to have l)ecn a native of Bceotia. This kind 
of epic was didactic in its character ; that is, written for pur- 
poses of instruction. The " Theogony " of Hesiod is a sort of 
theological treatise containing a description of tlie gods and the 
religious faith of the ancient Greeks. The " Works and Days " 
is a jioem of common life, describing the lal)ors of the farmer 
and interspersed with wholesome moral advice. 

Transition to Lyric Poetry. — Witli the decline of the epic, 
or the poetry of action, there arose a new kind of poetry more 
closely related to human thoughts and feelings. This is shown 
in what are called the elegiac, the iambic, and finally the lyric 
verse. The elegiac and the iamljic poetry, like the older epic, 
made their first appearance among the lonians. The elegy was 
serious in its character, sometimes used to express feelings of 
sadness, and sometimes patriotic in its appeals. The chief ele- 
giac poets were Calli'nus of Ephesus, and Tyrts'us of Athens. 
It is said that Tyrtfeus was sent to Sparta during the Messe- 
nian wars to inspire the Spartan soldiers with an heroic spirit. 
The iambic poetry, differing from the elegy, was the poetry of 
wit and satire, and devoted to raillery and invective. Its chief 
representative was Archil'ochus, a native of the island of 
Paros. These two forms of poetry — the elegiac and the iambic 



THE BEGINNINGS OF HELLENIC CULTURE 



139 




Greek Lykes 



— prepared the way for the higher and more cultivated form 
of the lyric. 

The ^olian Lyric Poetry. — The first form of lyric poetry 
appeared on the xEolian island of Lesbos in Asia Minor. It 
consisted of songs intended to be sung by a single voice accom- 
panied by the lyre. The 
chief poets of yEolia were 
Alcae'us, who sang of patriot- 
ism and war; Sappho, who 
sang of love ; and Ana'creon, 
who sang of the pleasures of 
life. Of these Sappho is 
preeminent. To the Greeks 
she was " the poetess," as Homer was " the poet." Of the few 
fragments of her work which remain to us, modern critics 
can hardly express their admiration. Says one, " Of all the 
illustrious artists of all literature, Sappho is the one whose 
every word has a peculiar and immistakable perfume, a seal of 
al)SoIute perfection and inimitable grace" (Symonds). 

The Dorian Lyric Poetry. — Another form of lyric poetry was 
cultivated by the Dorians. It comprised hymns, or choruses, 
to be sung by a number of voices at the public worship of the 
gods, or at public festivals. The chorus, accompanied by 
dances or processional marches, was not a new thing in Greece. 
But it was reduced to a more regular form under the influence 
of three poets — Alcman, Stesich'orus, and Ari'on. 

Alcman regulated the rhythmic movement of the persons 
singing the chorus. The movement of the singers from right 
to left before the altar, and the part of the hymn, or ode, sung 
during this movement, were called the " strophe "; the move- 
ment from left to right, and the corresponding part of the 
hymn, were called the " antis'trophe." 

Stesiehorus added an after-part, sung after these movements 
were completed, by the chorus when stamling still, and called 
the " ep'ode." 



140 THE GREEK WORLD 

Arion is said to have given a special form to the chorus in 
the worship of L)ion3'sus, the wine god. The chorus of fifty 
singers was arranged about the altar in the form of a circle, 
and the hymns were accompanied with dancing, gestures, 
and mimetic features. This choral hymn was known as the 
" dith'yramb," and from it sprang the later drama. 

IV. Early Greek Philosophy 

The Early Ionic School. — While the poets were singing the 
praises of the gods, there arose a class of thinkers who were not 
inclined to accept the old mythological stories. These men first 
appeared at Miletus, an Ionian city in Asia Minor. Here they 
came into contact with the scientific notions of the East; and 
these ideas furnished a kind of starting point for Greek philos- 
ophy. The Egyptians and the Assyrians had made consider- 
able progress in mathematics and astronomy; and their scien- 
tific ideas had been taken up by the Phoenicians and the people 
of Asia Minor. 

The first of the Greek philosophers was Tha'les, who was 
born at Miletus and was of Phoenician descent. He was first 
of all a mathematician and astronomer. He is said to have 
measured the height of the Egyptian pyramids by their shad- 
ows and to have predicted an eclipse. As he studied the uni- 
verse he was led to believe that everything has been evolved 
from one substance, and that that substance was water, or 
some form of moisture. 

Other philosophers of Miletus were Anaxim'ines and Anaxi- 
man'der — the former believing that the primitive substance 
was aii\ and the latter that it was some kind of unknown mat- 
ter without definite qualities. Another philosopher appeared a 
little later in the Ionian city of Eph'esus ; this was Heracli'tus, 
who believed that the original sul^stance was fi^-e, and that 
everything is in a state of perpetual movement, or, as he said, 
" all things flow." 



THE BEGINNINGS OP HELLENIC CULTURE 141 

The Philosophy of Pythagoras. — Another school of philoso- 
phy was founded by Pythag'oras, who was a native of Samos, an 
Ionian city of Asia Minor. He is said to have traveled in 
Egypt, and perhaps in Phoenicia and in Babylon, and to have 
absorbed the wisdom of these countries. At any rate, he was 
called the most learned man of his time. He finally settled 
at Croton in southern Italy, and his philosophy exercised a 
great influence in ]\Iagna Graecia. Pythagoras was first of all 
a mathematician; and he looked at everything through mathe- 
matical eyes. He saw that everything possesses number, either 
one or many; and hence he reasoned that number is the prin- 
ciple of everything. He was also a religious and moral 
teacher, and he organized a secret fraternity, the purpose of 
which was to cultivate the highest virtue among its members. 

The Eleatic Philosophy. — Still another school of philosophy 
arose in E'lea (Ve'lia), on the western coast of Italy, called 
the Eleat'ic school. This was also connected, like the others, 
with Ionia in Asia Minor; since its founder, whose name 
was Xenoph'anes, originally came from that part of Hellas. 
This philosopher embodied his ideas in a poem " On Na- 
ture." As he looked at the workl, he saw that aU things 
are parts of one complete and harmonious whole; and hence to 
express his idea in a brief form he used this phrase, " The All 
is One." He also affirmed that the one universal principle 
which comprehends and controls everything else, is God. The 
greatest philosopher of this school was Parmen'ides. He dis- 
tinguished between the world of sense, which is only appear- 
ance, and the world of reason, which is reality. If by the aid 
of the reason we look below the surface of things, we shall find, 
he says, an ultimate principle which does not change — an abso- 
lute Being, ever the same, yesterday, to-day, and forever. 

Such ideas were opposed to the old mythological notions con- 
tained in Homer and Hesiod, and show that the philosophy of 
the Greeks was tending to elevate and purify the old religious 
ideas. 



142 THE GREEK WORLD 

We can thus see in the Greek religion, art, literature, and 
philo.soj)hy the evidences of the growing refinement, versatility, 
and power of the Greek mind, which was gradually expressing 
itself in a distinctive Hellenic culture, different from that of 
any other ancient people. The growtli of such a common cul- 
ture shows that the Greeks, although broken up into many 
small city states, were yet bound together in thought and feel- 
ing as one great nation, which extended from the coasts of 
Asia Minor to the shores of Sicily. 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. TirE Greek Religion and Rei.igiousInstitutions. — General 
Charaeter of Hellenic Culture. — Religion as an Element of Greek 
Culture. — The Delpliie Oracle. — The Ani]5hictyonic League. — The 
Panhellenic (James. — Special Relig-jous Festivals. 

II. The Beginnings of Greek Art. — Character of (ireek 
Art. — The Greek Temple. — Orders of Greek Architecture. — Early 
(J reek Sculpture. 

III. The Greek Language and Early Literature. — The 
(ireek Langniage. — Decline of Epic Poetry. — Transition to Lyric 
Poetry. — ^Eolian Lyric Poetry. — Dorian Lyric Poetry. 

IV. Early Greek Philosophy. — The Early Ionic School. — The 
Philosoi)hy of Pythag-oras. — The Eleatic Philosophy. 

REFERENCES FOR READING 

Cox, History-, Ch. 7, "Intellectual Education of the Greeks" (10).' 

Smith, Wni'., Ch. 13, "History of Literature""; Ch. 14, "History of 
Art" (10). 

Mahalfy, Survey, Ch. ."!, "First Two Centuries of Historic Develop- 
ment"" (10). 

Curtius, Vol. II., Bk. IL. Ch. 4, "The Unity of Greece" (10). 

Holm, Vol. I., Ch. 24, "Growth of CJreek Philosophy, Literature 
and Art in Asia Minor" (10). 

Svmonds, Greek Poets, Ch. 5, "The Lyric Poets"" (15). 

Zeller, First Period, Part I., "The Three Earliest Schools" (15). 

Tarbell. Ch. 2, "Prehistoric Art in Greece'"; Ch. :!, "Greek Archi- 
tecture" (12). 

Collig-non, Bk. I.. "Origin nf Greek Art" (12). 

Grote, Part II. . Ch. 2s, "l\an-Hellenie Festivals" (en passant, the 
first Sacred war) (10). 

Harper's Dictionary. "Oracula"' (Greek oracles); "Religio" (the 
religion of Homer and of later times); "Eleusinia"' (Eleusis 
and its mysteries); "Delphi" (and its priesthood) (11). 

iTlie figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the 
Appendix, where a fuller tilh' of the book will be found. 



PERIOD III. THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY; ITS GROWTH 
AND DECLINE (500-359 B. C.) 



CHAPTER XI 

THE PEESIAN WARS— GROWING POWER OF ATHENS 

I. The First Persian Invasion, under Darius 

Greece and Persia. — We have tlius far tt^ced the beginnings 
of the Greek political system, and the first steps in the growth 
of a common Hellenic culture. We have seen how the Greeks 
broke away from the old monarchical ideas of the East, and 
laid the basis of freer and more democratic institutions. We 
have also seen how they began to develop a higher intellectual 
life and a finer aesthetic taste than had hitherto existed among 
the peoples of the Orient. With the extension of the colonies, 
the influence of this new civilization was beginning to be felt 
on nearly every shore of the ]\Iediterraneaii — in Asia Minor, 
in Thrace, in southern Italy and Sicily. But now came a great 
crisis in the history of the Greek people, when they were called 
upon to defend their very existence. Their cities, their colonies, 
their commerce, their free institutions, and their new culture 
were all threatened with destruction by the encroachments of 
Persia. This great world empire, having absorbed all the mon- 
archies of the East, was now brought into contact with the city 
states of Greece. Persia had extended her power to the shores 
of the ^-Egean. Her armies had already crossed the Hellespont 
into Europe, and lield lands extending to the very borders of 

143 



144 



THE GREEK WORLD 



Thessaly.^ We are now about to witness a conflict which is 
perhaps to decide the fate of the world ; it will certainly decide 
the question whether Greek civilization is to survive, or 
whether P^ui'ope is to become a province of the Orient. 

The Asiatic Cities and the Ionian Revolt. — This great 
struggle between the East, represented by Persia, and the West, 
represented by Greece, began with the revolt of the Greek 
cities in Asia Minor. We remember that these cities grew up as 

the result of the early 



SCALE OF MILES 



Chalcedou 
PROPONTIS 

O ^'" 

CHERS ^E 
^ ^^ J 

^ TENEDO 




LESBOS S \» 




migrations of the Greeks 
across the ^^gean Sea. 
The most important of 
these cities were in Ionia ; 
and the most influential 
of the Ionian cities was 
Miletus. These cities 
maintained their inde- 
pendence for a long time. 
But when the new empire 
of Lydia arose in Asia 
]\linor, they passed under 
the control of the Lydian 
kings, the most noted of 
whom was Croesus (560- 
546 B. c). Under the 

Lydian rule, the Greeks 
Seat OF THE IONIAN REVOLT ^-^^g ^^^j ^^^^^^^ ^^^^ 

their rights respected. A great change, however, occurred 
when Lydia was conquered l)y Persia, and the Asiatic Greeks 
became subject to the Persian empire. They were now ruled 
by tyrants under the control of the Persian satrap whose capi- 
tal was at Sardis. The revolt against Persia l:)egan at the city 
of Miletus (500 b. c); it soon spread to the other cities of 



^-^. 



"^os%^ ^ e*^ ^v ■ '-°..'-" 



^ 



1 For the Persian conquest of Lydia, tlie Scythian expedition of Darius, 
and his encroachment upon Europe, see pp. 64, 6.5. 



THE PEKSIAN WARS 145 

Asia Minor, and also to the Greek colonies on the coast of 
Thrace. 

In their extremity the cities appealed to European Greece 
for assistance. Sparta refused to give any help. But Athens 
voted to send a fleet of twenty ships to aid tlieir " Ivin beyond 
the sea." To this was added a small squadron of five ships 
sent by Eretria, a city friendly to ]Mdetus. With this aid 
the lonians captured and burned the Persian capital Sardis. 
On their retreat from tlie city the Athenians suffered a severe 
defeat; and disheartened they returned to Greece. The Asiatic 
cities continued their resistance; but on account of their rela- 
tive weakness, and especially their lack of union, they could 
not cope with the forces of Persia. The Persians gained a 
decisive naval battle off the little island of La'de, near Miletus. 
Miletus was then captured and burned; and the remaining 
cities of Asia Minor were soon reduced to submission (493 
B. c). This revolt furnished an example of the lack of 
strength that results from a too great love of liberty and the 
failure to unite in a common cause. 

Plans of Darius against Greece. — Whether or not the Per- 
sian king, Darius, had up to this time thought of conquering 
Greece, he was now determined at least to punish the cities of 
Athens and Eretria for interfering in the affairs of Asia. For 
this purpose he organized an expedition (492 b. c), consisting 
of land and naval forces, and placed it under the command of 
his son-in-law Mardo'nius. This expedition was to invade 
Greece by way of the Hellespont and the coasts of Thrace and 
Macedonia. But this first attempt to invade Greece was a com- 
plete failure; for the fleet of Mardonius was wrecked off the 
rocky point of Mt. Athos (see map, p. 152) . This failure, how- 
ever, did not discourage the Persian king. He now determined 
not simply to punish Athens and Eretria, but to subdue all the 
cities of Greece which would not recognize his authority. To 
test their loyalty, he sent his heralds among them, demanding 
'^ earth and water " as a token of their submission. Most of 

MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 9 



146 



THE GREEK WORLD 



the island states, fearing attacks from the Persian fleet, yielded 
— including ^Egina, otf the coast of Attica. Many of the cities 
of the peninsula hesitated ; but Athens and Sparta stood firm, 
and even treated the royal heralds with indignity. The stand 
taken by these leading states was a good omen; for it showed 
that Greece might yet be united in the face of a common 
danger. 

Persian Invasion under Datis and Artaphernes. — The new 
expedition of Darius was placed in the hands of a Median gen- 
eral, Datis, and the king's nephew Artaphernes. Instead of 
following the previous course of Mardonius and risking another 
disaster at Mt. Athos, the new generals proceeded directly 
across the sea. Their fleet consisted, it is said, of six hundred 
triremes. On their way they captured Naxos and reduced its 

inhabitants to slavery. But 
they spared Delos, the seat of 
the shrine of Apollo. They soon 
landed on the island of Euboea, 
and attacked the city of Ere- 
tria. After a gallant defense, 
tlie city fell by the treachery of 
two of its citizens. It was 
burned and its people were en- 
slaved. The Persians now 
crossed over to Attica to mete 
out a similar punishment to 
Athens. By the advice of Hip- 
pias, the banished Athenian 
tyrant (p. 125) now in the 
enemy's service, the Persians 
landed on the shore of Attica 
near the plain of Mar'athon. 
Miltiades and the Battle of Marathon (490 b. c). — Upon 
Athens now rested the chief duty of defending Greece. She 
collected an army and sent it to meet the invaders. It was 



H^^H^P^^' " ^^^^^Sm^SSM 


^HB^ ^^/^^'^iMBh 




Hpp> «H 


i 1.1 



Miltiades (So-callerl) 



THE TEESIAN WARS 



147 



led by the ten strategi, or generals, who usually commanded 
the army each in his own turn. One of the generals was Mil- 
ti'ades. To him it seemed necessary to attack the Persians on 
the plain of Marathon. The other generals were divided in 
their opinions, but finally decided to yield to the advice of 
Miltiades and to give to him the chief command. A swift 
runner was dispatched to Sparta with a request to that city 
for aid. This aid was 
promised; but it was 
delayed on account of 
a Spartan superstition 
that an army should not 
be sent away before the 
time of the full moon. 
The only assistance 
which the Athenians re- 
ceived was from the 
friendly city of Platgea, 
which sent its entire Battlk of IMarathon, 490 b. c. 

army, a thousand fighting men, raising the total force to ten 
or eleven thousand. The Greeks were drawn up in front of the 
town of Marathon. Opposite them the Persians were stationed 
nearer the sea and supported by their fleet. The battle line of 
the Greeks was equal in length to that of the Persians ; but the 
center was made weak in order to strengthen the wings. At 
a given signal, the Greeks, heedless of superior numbers and 
the terrible shower of arrows, rushed upon the enemy. The 
battle was long and obstinate. The Persians drove back the 
weak center of the Athenians and pressed forward in the 
intervening space. But the strong wings of the Greek army 
closed upon the enemy and routed them with great slaughter. 
The Persians were pursued to their ships, and with great diffi- 
culty embarked and sought refuge upon the open sea. Not 
entirely discouraged, the Persians sailed directly to Athens, 
hoping to find the city unguarded. But Miltiades made a 




148 THE GREEK WORLD 

forced march to Athens ; and tlic Persians, when they arrived, 
found the city protected hy the victorious army of Miltiades. 
Foiled at every point, Datis and Artaphernes sailed with their 
defeated forces back to Asia. When the full moon was passed, 
the Spartan army arrived to find that Marathon had been 
won. 

The Athenians were entitled to look upon Marathon as their 
own battlefield. The Spartans paid the highest tril)ute to 
their valor. The poets of Greece vied with one another in sing- 
ing the praises of the dead heroes. A monumental mound was 
thrown up in their honor, which remains to the present day. 
Two statues were erected to Miltiades, one at Athens and the 
other at Delphi. While the battle of Marathon did not end 
the struggle lietween the East and the West, it marked an im- 
portant' step toward the ascendency of Athens in Greece, and 
of Greece in the civilization of the world. 

11. Athens during the Ten Years' Ekspite (490-480 b. c.) 

Democratic Progress at Athens. — After the battle of Mara- 
thon there was an interval of ten years before the next Persian 
invasion. During this time Athens was striving to maintain 
her democratic institutions, and to strengthen her power for 
the next attack. As Miltiades was looked upon as a friend of 
tlie oligarchical party, lie was called upon to answer a charge 
of deceiving the people. lie had induced them to fit out for 
him a naval expedition, which had failed. This furnished to 
the ])opular party a pretext for condemning him; this was 
done, and the hero of Marathon died in disgrace. The people 
also drove into exile all the friends of Hippias, the banished 
tyrant who had aided the Persians in the recent invasion. The 
popular party overcame all opposition, until they held com- 
pletely the reins of government. All political questions were 
now reduced to the one jiroblem, how best to maintain and 
strengthen the Athenian democracy. 



THE PERSIAN WARS 



149 



Aristides and Themistocles. — But even in the popular party 
there were ditferent views as to the best way of developing the 
power of Athens. The conservative view was held by Aristi'- 
des; the progressive view by Themis'tocles. Aristides was 
highly esteemed by the people, so that they called him " the 
Just." He had supported the democratic reforms of Clisthenes, 
and had commanded the Greek 
center at Marathon. He be- 
lieved that the strength of Ath- 
ens depended upon preserving 
the institutions and maintain- 
ing the policy that had already 
made her great, and that no 
change would improve her con- 
dition. Themistocles, on the 
other hand, believed that the 
state should not rest entirely 
upon the past, but should pre- 
pare itself for the future. The 
success which Athens had al- 
ready attained should not 1)1 ind 
her eyes to the need of new 
achievements. These two states- 
men, though differing widely in their character and views, 
were equally conscientious and devoted to the interests of their 
country. 

The Naval Programme of Themistocles. — Themistocles no 
doubt saw more clearly than Aristides the need of preparing for 
a new struggle with Persia. He also saw that in the coming 
conflict Athens, the chief object of Persia's hatred, must 
again bear the brunt of Persia's attack. Persia was both 
a gi-eat military and a great naval power. In any future 
conflict, if Sparta was to be recognized as the chief military 
power of Greece, Athens should be recognized as its chief 
maritime power. There was also another consideration in 




Themistocles (So-called) 



150 THE GREEK WORLD 

favor of the policy of Themistocles. Athens was now em- 
broiled in a war with ^Egina, the neighboring island state 
which had shown a sympathy with Persia. ^Egina had ali'eady 
a strong fleet. The only hope of winning in this war was by 
meeting ships with ships. With arguments such as these The- 
mistocles enforced upon the people the need of a strong navy. 
That the new naval project might be carried through without 
hindrance, Aristides was ostracized ; and Themistocles became 
the leader at Athens without a rival. 

Athens Becomes a Maritime Power. — Through the building 
of a strong fleet and the consti'uction of an adequate harbor, 
Athens soon became the greatest naval power in Greece. The 
fleet was built with the aid of the silver mines recently opened 
at Laurium in the south of Attica. It was at first proposed 
that the product of these mines, which belonged to the state, 
should be divided among the citizens. But Themistocles ap- 
pealed to the patriotism of the people and induced them to de- 
vote the proceeds of the mines to the Imilding of war ships. In 
a short time Athens possessed a fleet of two hundred triremes, 
far outnumbering that of ^Egina or of any other Greek city. 
About this time — perhaps earlier — Themistocles also trans- 
ferred the harbor of Athens from the bay of Phale'rum, which 
was exposed alike to storms and to enemies, to the Pirse'us, 
which was far better adapted for a naval station. This new 
port was surrounded by natural defenses, but was now further 
strengthened by fortifications. On account of these works 
Themistocles may properly be regarded as the founder of the 
maritime greatness of Athens. 

The Congress of Corinth (481 b. c). — But Themistocles saw 
that Athens alone, even with her new navy, could not with- 
stand the power of Persia. He saw that the safety of Greece 
depended upon the union of her states. At his suggestion a 
congress was called at Corinth to consider the means of a 
common defense. The principal continental states responded 
favorably to this call — except Argos and Thebes, who were 



THE PERSIAN WAES 151 

jealous, the former of Sparta and the hitter of Athens. The 
Greeks in their conference at Corinth agreed to lay aside all 
internal strife, and act together against the common foe. It 
was decided to punish any city that should " Medize " — that 
is, aid the cause of Persia. It was also decided that of the 
three possil)le lines of defense — namely, the vale of Tempe, the 
pass of Thermop'ylae, and the isthmus of Corinth — the best 
place to meet the invader was at the pass of Thermopylae. The 
leadership of the new confederation of Greelv states was given 
to Sparta, which was already the head of the Peloponnesian 
League. At no other period did Greece ever come so near to 
being one nation as it did at this time under the influence of 
the great Athenian statesman Themistocles. It was by his 
foresight and genius that not only Athens, but Greece as well, 
was made ready for the next great war with Persia. 

III. The Second Persian Invasion, under Xerxes 

Preparations and Advance of Xerxes. — While the Greeks 
were thus preparing to defend themselves against Persia, the 
Persians were making the most formidable preparations for 
their next invasion. These preparations had been begun by 
Darius, but were interrupted by a revolt in Egypt and were 
finally cut short by the death of the king himself. Darius was 
succeeded by his son Xerxes, a man of far greater pretensions 
and of far less ability than his father. Prompted to take up 
the task left unfinished by Darius, he called together his nobles 
and announced his purpose. " As Cyrus, Cambyses, and 
Darius," he said, " have each enlarged the empire, I wish to 
do the same. I propose to bridge the Hellespont and march 
through Europe, and fire Athens for burning Sardis and op- 
posing Datis and Artaphernes. By reducing Attica and Greece, 
the sky will be the only boundary of Persia " (Herodotus, 
VII., 8). Four years he spent in preparing for his great expe- 
dition. Infantry, cavalry, horse transports, provisions, long 



153 



THE GREEK WORLD 



ships for bridges, and war ships for battles were collected from 
various Asiatic nations. Three years were spent in cutting a 
channel through the isthmus of Athos, to avoid the promon- 
tory near which the fleet of Mardonius had been wrecked. 

After collecting his forces at Sardis, Xerxes marched to the 
Hellespont. Crossing into Thrace, the army was reenforced 








Routes of Persian Invasions 

by the fleet, whieli liad followed by way of the coast. Here the 
great king reviewed his immense armament, gathered, it is 
said, from forty-six different nations. Here were Persians clad 
in corselets and armed with great bows and short javelins. 
Here were Ethiopians covered with the skins of beasts and 
having arrows tipped witli sharp stones. Here were the sav- 
ages from central Asia, and the more civilized warriors from 
Assyria and Media. According to Herodotus the whole army 
amounted to more than a million of men. The fleet consisted, 



THE PERSIAN WAES 



153 



of more than tAvelve hundred ships collected from Phoenicia, 
Egypt, Ionia, Cyprus, and other maritime states. With this 
prodigious armament Xerxes hoped to appall and overwhelm 
the little armies and fleets of Greece. He advanced by way of 
Thrace and Macedonia to the pass at Tempe, and was surprised 
to find this point al)andoned. He then pushed through 
Thessaly and approached the pass of Thermopylae. 

Battles at Thermopylae and Artemisium. — It was at this 
pass that the Greeks had decided to resist the Persian advance. 
This was no doubt the strongest defensive point in Greece. The 
pass itself was a very narrow roadway between the mountains 
and the sea, and could be easily defended by a small force; it 
was also protected from an attack from the sea by the long 
island of Eul)roa, so that it could be approached from the north 
onlv throuoii the strait at 



BAY O F M A L I S 







Artemis'ium (see map, p. 
152). The defense of the 
pass was intrusted to the 
brave Spartan king Leon'- 
idas; while the strait was 
guarded by the Grecian 
fleet under a Spartan ad- 
miral — the Athenian di- 
vision being commanded Pa.ss of Thermopyl^ 
by Themistocles. Leonidas had with him about four thousand 
men, including three hundred Spartans, whom he stationed be- 
hind an old wall once built by the Phocians. That the whole 
Spartan army was not hurried to the defense of this most im- 
portant position, was due to a superstition similar to that 
wliich had before delayed the arrival of the Spartan troops at 
Marathon. Rut with his small force Leonidas determined to 
hold the pass. For two days Xerxes hurled against him as large 
detachments of his army as he was able — but in vain. Even the 
" Ten Thousand Immortals " were repulsed. Then a citizen 
of Malis, who has been branded as the "Judas of Greece/' 



154 



THE GKEEK WORLD 



Ephial'tes by name, revealed to Xerxes a secret path over the 
mountains, by which a force could be thrown in the rear of 
the Spartan position. By this act of treachery Thermopylae 
was lost. Leonidas and his Spartan band preferred death to 
dishonor, and perished — examples for all time of courage and 
patriotic devotion. 

At Artemisium the Grecian fleet was held to its duty by 
the inspiring influence of Themistocles. The fleet comprised 

nearly three hundred 
vessels, more than 
half of which were 
furnished by Athens. 
By persuasion, and 
even by bribery, 
Themistocles induced 
tlie Spartan com- 
mander to hold his 
position. For three 
successive days the 
Greeks fought the 
Persian navy. x\l- 
though these battles 
were indecisive, they 
prevented the Persians from approaching Thermopylffi by the 
sea. But when the news came that Thermopylae was lost, it 
was useless to hold this position longer; and the fleet retired 
southward to the island of Sal'amis. All central Greece was 
now open to the invader. 

Themistocles and the Battle of Salamis (480 b. c). — The 
army of Xerxes puslu'd through central Greece into Attica, 
burned Athens, and destroyed the temples on the Acropolis. 
The inhabitants fled to the neighboring toAvns. The Persian 
fleet meanwhile followed the Greeks to Salamis. It was here 
that Themistocles by his influence and adroitness brought on 
the decisive battle of tlie war. The Peloponnesian army had 



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Seat of the Second Persian War 

Route of Persian Army * — »— 

Course of Persian Fleet ^ 



THE PERSIAN WARS 



155 



retreated behind the wall thrown across the Isthmus of Cor- 
inth, and its leaders insisted that the fleet should retire to the 
same place. But Themistocles saw the great advantage of 
fighting in the narrow strait between Salamis and the Attic 
shore, where only a part of the Persian fleet could be brought 
into action. A council was called, and in the heat of debate 
Tliemistocles was charged with l)eing a " man without a coun- 
try," now that Athens was lost. But he replied that with a 
lumdred and eighty war ships at his command he could found 
a city anywhere. He threatened to withdraw his vessels and 
sail to Italy if the allies saw fit to abandon their Athenian 
comrades. By this threat the allies were persuaded to stand 
firm and fight in the strait. But to prevent any further inde- 
cision, Themistocles sent a messenger to Xerxes, giving the ad- 
vice, as coming from a friend, that the Greeks must be 
attacked immediately to prevent their escape. Xerxes accord- 
ingly ordered up his fleet, and sent the Egyptian squadron to 
the strait opposite Megaris, to prevent any escape west of 
Salamis. At this juncture Aristides arrived from his retire- 
ment in JEgina, and pleaded with his old rival that they should 
now be rivals only in the cause of Greece. He announced that 
the battle must take place at 
Salamis, as all means of escape 
were cut off. This showed The- 
mistocles that his plans had been 
successful. 

The Greek fleet now held the 
strait east of Salamis. The Per- 
sian squadrons gathered on its 
front. The Phoenicians moved 
in heavy columns on the right 
and the lonians on the left. The 

great king sat upon a throne erected on the slope of Mt. Mga- 
leos to watch the conflict. The details of this battle are un- 
certain; but the victory of the Greeks was decisive. The 





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'X^ 









Battle of Salamis, 480 b. c. 



156 THE GREEK WORLD 

Phoenician squadron, npon which the king chiefly relied, was 
shattered. Nearly half of the Persian fleet was destroyed; and 
a new glory crowned the loyal states of Greece. 

Continuance of the War under Mardonius. — The victory at 
Salamis had broken the naval power of Persia; hut the land 
forces were still intact. Xerxes, however, seemed to regard 
the cause of Persia as lost, and ordered a general retreat of the 
army. He directed the remnants of his fleet to hasten to the 
Hellespont to guard the bridges Ijy which he might recross 
into Asia, and which were now threatened by the Greeks. But 
there was one man who believed that a Persian army might 
still conquer Greece. This man was Mardonius. He it was 
who had failed in the first expedition under Cyrus, and who 
had encouraged Xerxes to undertake the present invasion. In- 
trusted with three hundred thousand men, Mardonius was per- 
mitted to remain in Greece to retrieve the disaster at Salamis. 
Before beginning his campaign the following year, Mardonius 
sought the alliance of Athens against the rest of Greece. He 
promised to aid the Athenians to rebuild their city and to give 
them all the neighboring territory that they desired. But the 
Athenians sent back the word that '' so long as the sun keeps its 
course, we will never join the cause of Xerxes " (Herodotus, 
VIII., 143). Attica was once more invaded, and the Athenians 
were again obliged to flee for safety. Again Greece was called 
upon to resist the invaders. Athens again called upon Sparta 
for aid, which was furnished after the usual delay. While the 
Grecian army was being collected, Mardonius retreated into 
Bo?otia, near Platgea, to await the final contest. 

Battles of Plataea and Mycale (479 b. c). — Against the 
army of Mardonius the Greeks brought a force of about a hun- 
dred thousand men under the command of the Spartan Pausa'- 
nias. The Athenian division was led by Aristides. The Spar- 
tan commander was evidently convinced of the superiority of 
the Athenian division, for he insisted that it should hold the 
place of lionor and danger against the strongest wing of the 



THE PERSIAN WARS 



157 



I^rsiana 

Greeks 



Persian army. After fighting and maneuvering in three differ- 
ent positions, the battle was finally decided near the walls 
of Platsea. The Persian 
army was nearly annihi- 
lated. Mardonius was 
killed. Another decisive 
victory was thus added to 
those of Salamis and 
Marathon. In commemo- 
ration of this victory the 
assembled allies made an 
offering of thanksgiving 
to Zeus Eleuthe'rios (the 
Deliverer), and instituted 
a public festival, called 
the Eleuthe'ria, to be cele- 




Battle of Plat^a, 479 b. c. 



brated once in every four years. The defensive alliance 
against Persia was also renewed ; this is known as the " League 
of Plat^a." 

On the same day, it is said, on which the battle of Platsea 
was fought, the Grecian fleet, having set out from Delos, 
gained a signal victory over the Persian navy on the Asiatic 
coast near the promontory of Myc'ale (map, page 153). This 
gave the Ionian Greeks fresh hope that the day of their deliv- 
erance was near. 

The Carthaginian Attack; Battle of Himera. — While the 
Persians were trying in vain to conquer Greece, the Cartha- 
ginians, who were in alliance with Persia, were trying to con- 
quer Sicily. Carthage, we remember, was a colony of Phoeni- 
cia; it had already an extensive empire in northern Africa and 
held certain cities in the western part of Sicily. Carthage, like 
Persia, represented the civilization of the Orient; and the strug- 
gle in Sicily, as well as that in Greece, was a conflict between 
Orientalism and the new culture of Europe. The largest part 
of the coast of Sicily had long before been settled by Greek 



158 THE GKEEK WORLD 

colonies, and formed a part of what we have called " Western 
Greece" (which also included the Greek colonies on the south- 
ern coasts of Italy). ^ The cities in Sicily had become the cen- 
ters of Greek civilization, which was now exposed to the attack 
of Carthage. The leading city in the defense of Western 
Greece was Syracuse, now under the rule of the tyrant Gelo 
(or Gelon). The decisive battle of this war took place at 
Himera (480 b. c), on the northern coast of Sicily. Here the 
Carthaginians suffered a severe defeat at the hands of Gelo. 
According to tradition the battle of Himera was fought on the 
same day that the Greeks gained their decisive victory over 
the Persians at Salami s. 

The liberation of Greece. — The story of these struggles be- 
tween the (Jreeks and their foreign enemies is of more than or- 
dinary significance; for they belong to the most heroic period 
of Greek history. This wnr against Persia and Carthage has 
been aptly called "the war of liberation." H preserved 
Greece and Europe from Oriental domination. It revealed to 
the Greeks their own character and strength. The battles of 
Marathon and Thermopylffi and Salamis and Plataea taught 
them that courage and patriotism are virtues necessary to na- 
tional independence. They gave to the Greek people the 
consciousness of unity and showed them the importance of their 
own institutions and culture. They also gave a new inspira- 
tion to Greek life which was expressed in art and literature. 
This new spirit is shown in the lyric poetry of Simon'ides, 
who sang the praises of the dead heroes, and of Pindar, 
who glorified the national institutions of the Greeks. But 
more than all, this war gave to the Greeks a half century of 
comparative peace in which they might devote themselves to 
fulfilling their high mission in the world, unhindered by for- 
eign interference. 

1 The Oreeb cities in Sicily included the Ionian colonies of Cat'ana, 
Naxos, Zancle (Messa'iia). and Ilim'era : and also the Dorian colonies of 
Syracuse, Gela, Asrigen'tum, and Selinus (see map, p. 110). 



THE PERSIAN WAES 159 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. The First Persian Invasion, under Darius. — Greece and 
Persia. — The Asiatic Cities and tlie Ionian Revolt. — Plans of 
Darius against Greece. — Persian Invasion imder Datis and 
Artajihernes. — Miltiades and the Battle of Marathon. 

II. Athens during the Ten Years' Respite. — Democratic 
Progress at Athens. — Aristides and Themistocles. — The Naval 
Programme of Themistocles. — Athens Becomes a Maritime 
Power. — The Congress of Corinth. 

III. The Second Persian Invasion, under Xerxes. — Prepara- 
tions and Advance of Xerxes. — Battles at Thermopylae and 
Artemisium. — Themistocles and the Battle of Salamis. — Continu- 
ance of the War under Mardonius. — Battles of I'lata^a and 
Mycale. — The Carthaginian Attack; Battle of Himera. — The 
Liberation of Greece. 

REFERENCES FOR READING 

Smith, Wm., Ch. 16, "The Ionic Revolt"; Ch. 17, "The Battle of 
Marathon"; Ch. 18, "The Battles of Thermopylae and Ar- 
temisium"; Ch. 19, "The Battle of Marathon" (10).' 

Cox, History, Part II., Ch. 5, "Invasion and Flig-ht of Xerxes" 
(10). 

Greeks and Persians, Ch. 5, "The Ionian Revolt" (10). 

Greek Statesmen, "Miltiades," "Aristides," "Themistocles" 

(26). 

Oman, Chs. 19, 20, "The Invasion of Xerxes" (10). 

Allcroft, Vol. II., Ch. 13, "Themistocles and the Naval Pro- 
g-ramme" (10). 

Bury, Ch. 7, "The Perils of Greece" (10). 

Abbott, Vol. II., Ch. 3, "The Great Invasions" (10). 

Curtius, Vol. II., Bk. III., Ch. 1. "The War of Liberation" (10). 

Plutarch, "Aristides," "Themistocles" (26). 

Herodotus, Bk. I., Chs. 1-38, 61-66 (reign of Cambyses) ; Bk. VIL, 
Chs. 1-4 (last days of Darius); Bk. VIII., Chs. 74-95 (battle 
of Salamis) (17). 

^schylus. Drama of "The Persians" (account of the battle of 
Salamis) (17). 

'The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the 
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. 



CHAPTER XII 

THE ATHENIAN EMriKE; AGE OF PEKICLES 
I. Athens and the Deli an Confederacy 

The New Athens under Themistocles. — We have seen the 
important part taken by Athens in the Persian wars. Herod- 
otus tells ns that in this great crisis the Athenians were the 
saviors of Greece — that, next to the gods, they repulsed the 
invader. It is also true that they were the greatest sufferers in 
the cause of Greece. Their city had been twice occupied by 
the enemy and was now a heap of ruins. The inhabitants had 
been obliged to flee for safety to the neighboring islands of 
Salamis and JEgina. The first need of the Athenians was now 
a home. Themistocles determined that on the ruins of the 
old city there should be built a new Athens, surrounded by 
strong and extensive walls sufficient to protect the people in 
any future war. In spite of the jealousy and opposition of the 
Peloponnesian states Themistocles, by his adroitness, was able 
to outwit his opponents and to accomplish his purpose. 

When the walls of Athens were erected, Themistocles turned 
his attention to strengihening the harbor of Athens. This 
was located at the Pira?us, on the Saronic Gulf, about four 
miles from the city. The fortifications begun after the first 
Persian invasion were now completed ; and became an impor- 
tant factor in the commercial growth of Athens. There soon 
grew up at the Pirreus a large commercial population — mer- 
chants, sailors, and resident foreigners who carried on trade. 
Thus Themistocles not only created the naval power of Athens 
and secured the triumph of Greece during the great Persian 
war; but he also rescued Athens from the disasters of that 

160 



THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE 



161 



war, and raised her to a position in which she miglit eom- 
niaud the commerce of the sea. To him more than to any 
other man, .Vthens was indebted for her maritime and commer- 
cial supremacy; upon the foundations wliich ho laid was built 




■lfU''T:*t.>«.-J-^''s« 



" ' ^^"^.-jti); 



'I 



The Piraeus, the 1*ort of Athens (Kestoratiou) 

the Athenian empire. Although he had many faults, and was 
at last driven into exile, he was yet one of the greatest of the 
statesmen of Greece. 

Athenian Supremacy in the iEg-ean. — Athens took another 
step in the development of her power by getting comnumd of 
the (}rceian fleet in the /Egean Sea. The fleet was now en- 
gaged in freeing the cities that had fallen under the Persian 
power during the late war. As Sparta had been, since the 
congress of Corinth (p. 150), the recognized leader of Greece, 
the chief command of the ^Egean fleet was in the hands of a 
Spartan admiral, who was no other than Pausanias, the victor 
of Platasa. The Athenian division of the fleet was under the 
comnumd of Aristides, with whom was associated Cimon, the 
son of the great ^iltiades. Pausanias began his work well, by 
freeing part of Cyprus in the eastern Mediterranean and By- 
zantium in Thrace. But with the spoils of Byzantium in his 
hands, Pausanias became arrogant toward the Greeks and 

MORET'S ANCIEXT HIST. 10 



162 THE GREEK WORLD 

friendly toward the Persians. He even offered to ally himself 
with the Persian king, and to betray to him the states of 
Greece. When the officers of the fleet compared the brutal and 
treacherous conduct of Pausanias with the upright character 
of Aristides, they with one accord turned over the command 
from the Spartan to the Athenian admiral. By thus obtaining 
the chief command of the Grecian fleet, Athens acquired the 
supreme control of the ^gean Sea. Sparta withdrew from the 
leadership which she had held since the congress of Corinth, 
and relapsed into her former position as simply the head of 
the Peloponncsian League.^ 

Formation of the Delian Confederacy under Aristides. — 
The work of freeing the cities of the ^gean was continued by 
Aristides. It now seemed necessary to provide for their com- 
mon defense against any future encroachments of Persia. 
This was done by the organization of a confederacy under the 
leadership of Athens. The chief duty of organizing the new 
league fell to Aristides, the commander of the fleet. He 
formed alliances with the cities, not only on the islands, but 
also on the Asiatic coasts, for the purpose of forming a union 
to resist the Persian power. All members of the confederacy 
were to be equal; they were to send delegates to a common con- 
gress; and they were to furnish ships or money for the com- 
mon cause. The confederacy was to be a perpetual union; and 
no memlier could withdraw without the consent of the others. 
The island of Delos, the seat of the shrine of Apollo, was se- 
lected as the place where the common meetings were to be held, 
and where the common treasury was to be established. The 
assessments for the treasury were intrusted to Aristides, in 
whose justice all had confidence. The Confederacy of Delos 
was essentially an Ionian league, under the leadership of 

'The fate of rausanias was suited to his crime. He was recalled to 
Sparta. When the evidence of his crime hecame clear and he was about to 
he arrested, he fled for safety into the temple of Athena. But this did not 
protect him from the vengeance of the people. The door of the temple was 
closed by a wall, and the traitor was starved to death. 



THE ATHENIAN EMPIEE 



163 



Athens ; and it was an offset to the Dorian league of the Pelo- 
ponnesus under the leadership of Sparta. Henceforth the 
interests of Athens and of Sparta became more and more 
opposed to each other; and they came to be recognized as the 
two rival powers of Hellas. 

Growth of Imperialism under Cimon. — The work which was 
begun by Aristides was completed by his colleague and suc- 
cessor, Cimon. Cimon inherited the conservative spirit and 
military ability of his renowned father Miltiades. His policy 
comprised peace with Sparta and war with Persia. His chief 
work was to enlarge and make strong the newly formed con- 
federacy. He proceeded to Thrace and freed many cities on 
that coast. He reduced the rocky is- 
land of Scyros, where a nest of pirates 
threatened the commerce of Athens; 
and he planted upon it a colony of 
Athenian citizens. But his greatest 
military achievement was the defeat of 
tlie land and naval forces of Persia 
near the mouth of the river Eurym'- 
edon in southern Asia Minor (466 b. c; 
map, p. 111). This double victory in- 
sured the freedom of the cities of Caria 
and Lycia, on the Asiatic coast, and 
thus added to the strength of the confederacy. 

While the chief purpose of Cimon was to destroy the Persian 
influence in the ^gean, he was unfortunately compelled to 
use force to hold together the confederate cities. For example, 
tlie island of Xaxos wished to withdraw from the league; but 
it was besieged and reduced to submission. Again, the island 
of Thasos, eml)ittered by a quarrel with Athens, revolted ; but 
it was compelled to submit by the allied fleet under Cimon. 
The tendency of this policy of coercion was to change the allied 
cities into sul^jects, and to make Athens not merely the leader 
of a confederacy, but the sovereign of an empire. 




Cimon (So-called) 
From a gem 



164 THE GREEK WORLD 

Jealousy between Sparta and Athens. — The whole course of 

events at this time was to increase the jeaiousy existing between 
Sparta and Athens. Sparta had complained tliat the Atlie- 
nians had shown deceit and an undue spirit of independence 
in fortif3dng their city. She was also chagrined at losing the 
command of the fleet, and was envious of the growing power 
of Athens. On the other hand, Athens charged the Spartans 
with a treacherous attempt to assist the people of Thasos in 
their recent revolt. It was the policy of Cimon to appease, 
so far as possible, this enmity between the leading states of 
Greece, and to present a united front to Persia, their common 
enemy. Sparta was now suffering from the effects of a terrible 
earthquake and from a revolt of her subject population, the 
helots. She appealed to Athens for aid in putting down this 
revolt. Cimon was in favor of giving this aid. The new 
leaders of the democracy, Ephialtes and Per'icles, opposed it. 
But the influence of CUmon prevailed, and the Athenian assem- 
bly decided to send an army to assist the Spartans in their 
distress. When the army arrived and did not succeed immedi- 
ately in putting down the revolt, the Spartans thought its 
failure was due to treachery, and dismissed it insolently. 
This piece of effrontery served to widen the breach between 
the two states. The party of Cimon, which had favored 
Sparta, lost its influence, and Cimon himself was ostracized 
(461 B. c.) 

II. Pericles and the Athenian Empire 

Pericles and his Policy. — In the same year in which Cimon 
was exiled, Ephialtes, the chief leader of the democratic party, 
was assassinated. By the removal of these two party chiefs, 
Pericles became the leading man in Athens. 

In his character this great man united many of the best qual- 
ities of his predecessors, — the skillful statesmanship of The- 
mistocles, the patriotic s])irit and democratic sympathies of 
Aristides, the military accomplishments and imjoerial ambition 



THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE 



165 




Pekici.es 



of Cimon. But he added to these the power of persuasive elo- 
quence, which made him the foremost orator of his day, and 

gave him ahiiost absolute con- 
trol of the Athenian assembly. 
His political policy was to ex- 
tend and secure the imperial 
power of Athens, and to make 
it the foremost city of the 
world. This policy included: 
(1) the extension of the fortifi- 
cations of Athens ; (3) the estab- 
lishment of a land empire 
Dver the continental states of 
(Ireece; (3) the completion of 
the maritime empire over the 
cities of the iEgean; and (4) 
the weakening of the power of 
Persia, not only by protecting 
the Greek cities in Asia Minor, but also by aiding the Persian 
subjects in their revolts, especially in Egypt and in Cyprus, 

The Building: of the Long Walls. — ^Pericles followed the 
policy of Themis- 



tocles in seeking 
first of all to make 
Athens an impreg- 
nable city. The 
fortifications erect- 
ed by Themistocles 
about Athens and 
about the Piraeus 
h a d created two 
separate centers of 
defense. Pericles desired to unite these two places by one sys- 

'There is some question as to the exact location of the "Phaleric wall." 
and some writers even doubt that there was such a wall. 




The Walls of Athens* 



166 THE GREEK WORLD 

tern of defensive works, and thus to prevent Athens from being- 
cut off from her harbor and from the rest of the world. This 
defensive system may have been begun by Cimon; but it was 
completed by Pericles. One of the new walls, the southern, 
ran from the city to the Bay of Phalerum; and another,^ the 
northern, ran to the harbor of the Piraus. In a few years a 
third and middle wall was erected near and parallel to the 
northern one, the two together being known as the " Long 
Walls." These formed a wide and secure avenue from the city 
to the Piraeus. Athens and the Piraeus were thus united in a 
single fortified area, which formed a military and naval base 
of operations for the whole empire. 

Athenian Attempts at a Land Empire. — Pericles desired to 
extend the intluence of Athens upon the laud as well as upon 
the sea, and thus to make Athens the head of a continental as 
well as a maritime league. The first step in this direction 
was taken as the result of an alliance which had already been 
formed by Athens with Argos and Megara. This alliance ex- 
cited the jealousy of the neighboring Dorian states, Corinth and 
/Egina ; a war followed, and ^'Egina was reduced to the condi- 
tion of a tributary state. The next step was the result of an 
attempt made by Sparta to interfere in the alfairs of central 
Greece. Tliis brought on a war between Athens, on the one 
side, and Sparta and Bceotia, on the other. After battles at 
Tan'agra (457 b. c.) and OEnoph'yta (456 b. r. ; map, p. 168), 
several disaffected states either became the willing allies of 
Athens, or were compelled to join the new continental league. 
By these two movements the Athenian power was extended over 
most of central Greece. 

Completion of the Maritime Empire. — While Athens was 
gaining new allies on the land, she was also obtaining greater 
power over her allies upon the sea. The members of the Delian 
Confederacy were at first expected simply to furnish ships and 
sufficient money to maintain the fleet. Soon they were in- 
clined to make their contributions entirely in money, while 



THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE 167 

retaining their independence. Afterward the contributions 
were regarded as tribute due to Athens, wliich Athens had 
a right to collect. Again, it was at first expected that the 
affairs of the confederacy were to be managed by a congress 
of delegates, meeting at Delos; but the allies soon regarded 
these meetings as irksome, and the political control of the con- 
federacy gradually passed into the hands of Athens. Finally, 
the common treasury was transferred from Delos to Athens 
(about 4:54: B. c). By these steps the political and financial 
administration of the league became completely centralized in 
Athens ; and the Delian Confederacy became transformed into 
an Athenian empire. Of all the members of the original con- 
federacy, only three — Chios, Lesbos, and Samos — were allowed 
to retain their position as equal and independent allies. 

Restoration and Death of Cimon. — After the empire was 
finally established, Cimon, who had been recalled from his 
banishment, recovered for a brief time his influence over the 
Athenian assembly; and his policy of peace with Sparta and 
war with Persia again found favor with the people. A Five 
Years' Truce was accordingly formed between Athens and 
Sparta (450 b. c), by which each party agreed to respect 
the rights and possessions of the other. Cimon then set out 
on a new expedition against Cyprus, in which island Persia 
was now attempting to reestablish her authority. This ex- 
pedition resulted in a decisive victory over the Persians, and 
also in the death of Cimon (449 b. c). It is said that Cimon 
concluded a treaty of peace with Persia; but concerning this 
there is much doubt. With the death of C^imon, Pericles re- 
gained his previous ]iosition as the ruling spirit of Athens. 

Failure of the Imperial Policy of Athens. — The wonderful 
energy which Athens displayed at this time is evident when 
we consider that, within a period of thirty years, she had re- 
covered all the Mgean cities lost during the Persian wars, and 
had established her authority over a large part of European 
Greece. But her ambition.^ policy to maintain an empire 



PROGRKSSI I 




— ATHENIAN EMPIllE 

ITS Cr.EATEST KXTEIVT 
About 450 B. C. 

SCALE OF MILES 



21 Longitude 



168 



1 ]MAI> ISTo.S, 




169 



TRIBUTARY STATES OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE 

The following table gives a list of the tributary states that paid annu- 
ally more than one talent, arranged by tributary districts : — 

I. Island District. — ^gina, Ceos, Cythnos, Siphnos, Paros, Naxos, 
Tenos, Andros, Carystus and Chalcis in Euboea, and Hephsestia in 
Lemnos. 
II. Thracian District. — Peparethus, Methone, ^nea, Potidtea, Mende, 
Scione, Spartolus, Olyuthus, Galepsus, Torone, Siugus, Acanthus, 
Abdera, Maronea, ^^nos, Thasos, Saniothrace. 

III. Hellespontine District. — Perinthus, Selymbria, Byzantium, Chalce- 

don, Cyzicus, Proconnesus, Lampsacus, Arisbe, Abydos, Tenedos. 

IV. Ionian District. — IMyrina, Cyme, Phoctea, Clazomenie, Erythrse, 

Teus, Colophon, Ephesus, Miletus. 
V. Carian District. — Halicarnassus, Ceramus, Cnidus, Chersonesus in 
Caria, Calyuda, Phaselis, Cos, Astypalsea ; also Camirus, lalysus, 
and Lindus in the island of Rhodes. 

The following is a list of the above tributary states arranged according 
to the amount of their annual tribute : 30 talents, ^gina, Thasos ; 16^ 
talents, Paros; 15 talents, Abdera, Byzantium; 12 talents, Lampsacus; 
10 talents, iKnos, Chalcis, Perinthus ; g talents, Chalcedon, Cyme, Cyzi- 
cus ; 7 talents, Erythrie ; 6| talents, Naxos; 6 talents, Andros, Ephesus, 
lalysus, Camirus, Liudus, Potidsea, Samothrace, Scione, Teos, Torone ; 
5 talents, Carystus, Cos, Mende, Miletus, Selymbria ; 4 talents, Abydos, 
Ceos ; 3 talents, ^oea, Acanthus, Chersonesus in Caria, Hephsestia, 
Cnidus, Cythnos, Methone, Peparethus, Phaselis, Proconnesus, Siphnos, 
Tenedos, Tenos ; 2 talents, Arisbe, Olynthus, Phocsea, Singus, Sparto- 
lus ; if talents, Halicarnassus ; i| talents, Astypalsea, Galepsus, Calynda, 
Ceramus, Clazomense, Colophon, Maronea, Myrina. (Cf. Beloch, Grie- 
chische Geschichte, Ed. 1893, I., 402.) 

The whole number of tributary states was as follows : Island District, 
41 ; Thracian District, 68 ; Hellespontine District, 50 ; Ionian District, 
42 ; Carian District, 62 ; undetermined, 4 ; total, 2(57. (Cf. Boeckhj 
Staatsliaushaltuny der Athener, Ed. 1886, II., 362-369.) 



170 



THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE 171 

upon the land proved a failure. She was soon beset with diffi- 
culties and attlicted with reverses.which weakened her influence 
among her continental allies. News had already come that a 
fleet of two hundred vessels, sent some time before to free 
Egypt from Persia, had been annihilated (151 b. c). Sparta 
still claimed the right to interfere in the afEairs of central 
Greece. Boeotia opposed the effort to establish democratic gov- 
ernments within her borders, and defeated the Athenians in 
a battle at Chgerone'a (IIG b. c). The spirit of revolt ex- 
tended to other cities; and one after another the Athenian land 
allies renounced their allegiance. Under these depressing cir- 
cumstances Pericles concluded a Thirty Years' Truce with 
Sparta (115 b. c), by which each party was restricted to its 
present possessions. Athens thus lost her peninsular empire, 
but retained her empire upon the sea. 

The " Years of Peace " (115-131 b. c.).— After the conclu- 
sion of the treaty with Sparta, there followed a period of peace, 
during which Pericles gained his highest distinction as a patron 
of iVthenian culture. Pericles was himself a man of high intel- 
lectual accomplishments and of refined artistic taste. He rep- 
resented in his own person and character the best qualities 
of the Greek people. While he exercised his influence to 
strengthen the Athenian democracy and also to maintain the 
authority of Athens over her maritime empire, his most im- 
portant and enduring work was the encouragement that he 
gave to literature and art. It is on account of his patronage 
of culture more than anything else that the period of his ad- 
ministration has been called the " Age of Pericles." It was 
then that Athens became the intellectual and artistic capital of 
Hellas. The influence of Pericles did not cease, however, with 
the termination of the years of peace, but continued, for nearly 
a century, to give character to the culture of Greece.^ 

•The culture of Athens during the age of Pericles was so closely con- 
nected with that which followed his death, that we shall consider them 
together as forming successive phases of the "Attic period." See pp. 
197-223. 



172 THE CiKEEK WORLD 

III. The Athenian Constitution under Pericles 

Character of the Athenian Democracy. — It was during the 
time of Pericles that the democralie constitution of Atliens 
reached its highest development. We have already seen the 
general tendency in the direction of popular government — in 
the decline of the monarchy, in the growth of the archonship, 
in the extension of the franchise by Solon, and in the radical 
reforms of C'listhenes. And this pojjular tendency had con- 
tinued since the time of Clisthenes. Ephialtcs had restricted 
the ancient privileges of the Areopagus; and Pericles had in- 
duced the people to take an active part in the exercise of their 
political duties, by introducing a system of payment for public 
service. 

By the term " democracy," the Athenians understood a state 
in which all the powers of government arc exercised directly 
by the citizens, and in which all citizens are equal before the 
law. The Atbenian idea of democracy differed from the mod- 
ern idea chiefly in two ways: first, in that the Athenians had 
very little notion of the modern idea of representation ; and 
second, in that the number of citizens formed a comparatively 
small part of the whole ])opulation. 

Classes of the Population. — \Xc may get an idea of the 
limited nature of the Athenian democracy by looking at the 
different classes of persons residing in Attica, which formed 
the territory of the Athenian city state : the slaves, the resi- 
dent foreigners or '" metics," and the citizens. 

(1) The slaves of Attica have l)ecn estimated at about 100,- 
000. They included captives taken in war and persons im- 
ported from the slave markets on ilie Thracinn and Scythian 
coasts. They were employed in domestic and agricultural 
labor, and were even allowed to work for themselves on consid- 
eration of ])aying their master a yearly sum. The state some- 
times employed slaves as policemen and clerks. The slave, 
however, had no political or civil rights, although he might be 



THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE 173 

protected from the cruelty of his master, and sometimes, in 
grave emergencies, might be called upon to serve in the army 
or the fleet. 

( 2 ) The resident foreigners, or " metics," numbered perhaps 
10,000. These persons were engaged mostly in trade, and 
formed a valuable part of the popidation. But they had no 
share in the government. They could not hold land in Attica. 
They were obliged to pay a yearly tax and sometimes to serve 
in the arm}^ and navy; for example, as shield-bearers or 
rowers. Every resident foreigner was bound to choose a citi- 
zen to represent and protect his interests. 

(3) The class of citizens formed the rest of the population 
of Attica. The early policy of admitting foreigners to citizen- 
ship was changed by Pericles, wlio restricted citizenship to those 
who were born of an Athenian father and an Athenian mother. 
The whole number of Athenian citizens, including men, 
women, and children, was at the time of Pericles in the neigh- 
borhood of l"-?0,000. Of this population the number of voters 
is generally estimated as about 30,000. This comparatively 
small body of persons, scattered through the local districts — 
that is, the tribes and denies — of Attica, formed the Athenian 
democracy. 

The Athenian Assembly, or Ecclesia. — The most important 
political l)ody in the state was the ecclesia, or general assembly 
of the people. It consisted of the whole body of male citizens 
above eighteen years of age. It met forty times each year on 
the Pnyx — a sloping hill l)acked by a perpendicular rock, 
where was located the hcnia, the stone platform upon which 
tlie orators stood to address the people. Tlie assembly was the 
ultimate source of political authority. Here any citizen could 
s]ieak and vote upon questions properly sulunittod liy the 
council. The assembly was often brought under the ]iower 
of some influential man, wbose character and oratorical al)ility 
enaliled him to sway the multitude and to become the " leader 
of the people," or, as Aristophanes puts it, " the master of the 



174 



THE GREEK WORLD 




The Bema on the Pnyx 



stone in the Pnyx." Thiicyd'ides describes Athens at the time 
of Pericles as " a democracy ruled by its ablest citizen." 

The Athenian Council, or Boul6. — Since the decline of the 
Areopagus, the most important political body after the assem- 
bly was the council of five hundred. The council was com- 
posed of ten sections, being made up of fifty members, at 
least thirty years of age, chosen annually by lot from each 
of the ten local tribes. This body exercised the highest admin- 
istrative and executive powers in the state. It prepared the 
measures to be submitted to the assembly. It could itself 
pass ordinances, provided they did not conflict with the exist- 
ing laws. It had charge of the public buildings, festivals, and 
religious ceremonies. It had control of the public finances. 
It saw that the laws of the state were carried into execution, 
and in certain exceptional cases it exercised judicial functions. 

The Athenian Magistrates; the Generals. — As the decline 
of the Areopagus was followed by the growing importance of 



THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE 175 

the council, so the decline of the archonship was attended by 
the growth of the " generalship " as an executive office. The 
ten strategi, or generals, came to be the most important magis- 
trates in the government. On account of the fact that they 
required a special kind of ability, they were elected, not by lot, 
but by the vote of the assembly. The first duty of the generals 
was to command the army, but to this were added other func- 
tions. They had charge of the means for defending the state — 
the maintenance of the fortifications, the army, and the navy. 
They also had charge of foreign affairs, the negotiation of 
treaties, and the receiving of ambassadors. They furthermore 
had the power to call extra sessions of the assembly, if in their 
judgment the pul)lic interests required it. 

The Athenian Courts; the Dicasteries. — One of the most 
peculiar features of the Athenian constitution was the organi- 
zation of the courts. The old council of the Areopagus re- 
tained a certain jurisdiction over some grave offenses, like mur- 
der. But the great majority of judicial cases were tried by 
jurors drawn from the body of citizens, and from these courts 
there was no appeal. The whole jiiry list (helum) was made 
up of six thousand citizens, at least thirty years of age, who 
each year voluntarily presented themselves before the archon 
and took an oath to perform their duties faithfully. This 
whole judicial body was divided into ten sections, or " dicas'- 
teries," of five hujidred members each — leaving a thousand 
supernumeraries who could be drawn upon when necessary. 
The jurors serving on a single case were drawn from these 
sect'ions, and might number two hundred or more. From 
the time of Pericles the jurors received a small pay for their 
services. The popular character of the Athenian courts shows 
the extreme democratic principles which controlled the state, 
since an opportunity was given to every citizen at some time to 
share in the administration of justice. 

The Military System. — The army, like the government, was 
based upon democratic principles. Every man between the 



176 THE GREEK WORLD 

ages of twenty and sixty was liable to be called upon to serve 
the state as a soldier. The army consisted of three branches : 
(1) the heavy-armed troops, armed with the defensive equip- 
ment, the shield, lielinet, breastplate, and greaves, and the of- 
fensive weapons, tlie sword and spear; (2) the light-armed 
troops, who fought without the defensive armor with the 
sword and spear, and sometimes witli the bow and arrow; and 
(3) the cavalry, which was not much used in Greece, on ac- 
count of the mountainous character of the country. The mili- 
tary organization was based upon the " phalanx," a body of 
from two to four thousand men. made v\\) of divisions and sub- 
divisions, each under its own oilicers, and usually drawn up in 
eight ranks. The Greek phalanx was the most effective mili- 
tary organization l)cfnro the time of tlie Eouian legion. 

The Financial System. — The administration of the public 
finances was in the hands of the council. The expenses of the 
state were due chiefly to (1) ilie maintenance of religion and 
the public games and festivals. {'I) the payuient for civil and 
military services, (;>) the construction and repair of public 
buildings, and (4) public bounties paid to poor citizens, and 
pensions to the orphans of deceased soldiers. The revenues of 
the state were derived ]u'incipally from (1) the tribute laid 
upon the allied cities (p. 170), (2) the rent of state property, 
like the silver mines at Tiauriuin, (;■)) duties on goods exported 
and imported or sold in the market, and (4) the tax on resi- 
dent foreigners. The state was also accustomed to receive vol- 
untary contriluitions from patriotic citizens. 

Political Parties at Athens. — The growth of the Athenian 
democracy, like that of every ])opular government, was marked 
by the development of parties and of factional strife. We have 
already seen, from very early times, political divisions between 
different portions of the people, — for example, the Eupatrids 
and the common people; and tlie men of the Hill, the Plain, 
and the Shore. But from the time of Clisthenes, there had 
come to be two quite well-defined political parties, the demo- 



THP: ATHENIAN EIMPIRE 177 

cratic and the oligarchical. The democratic party was in favor 
of the new constitution, with the popular changes brought 
about by Clisthenes, Ephialtes, and Pericles; it was eminently 
the patriotic party of Athens, opposed to foreign influences, 
whether Spartan or Persian. The oligarchical party, on the 
other hand, was opposed to the constitution, which had de- 
prived its members of their old exclusive privileges; it was in 
sympathy with the aristocratic ideas of Sparta, and did not 
hesitate sometimes to take the part of Persia. Between these 
two extreme parties, there was what may be called a moderate 
party, less defined than the others, which did not oppose the 
democratic constitution so much as it did the policy of the 
democratic leaders. The strife between these parties was 
allayed for a time by the overpowering influence of Pericles, 
only to become more bitter, as Ave shall see, during and after 
the Peloponnesian war. 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. Athens and the Delian Confederacy. — The New Athens 
under Themistocles. — Athenian Snjiremacy in the .ZEgean. — 
Formation of the Delian Confederacy nnder Ari.stides. — Growth 
of Imperialism under Cimon. — Jealousy between Sparta and 
Athens. 

II. Pericles and the Athenian Empire. — Pericles and his 
Policy. — The Ruilding- of the Long- Walls. — Athenian Attempts 
at a. Land Empire. — Comjiletion of the JNIaritime Empire. — 
Eestoration and Death of Cimon. — Failure of the Imperial Policy 
of Athens. — The "Years of Peace." 

III. The Athenian Constitution under Pericles. — Character 
of the Athenian Democracy. — Classes of the Population. — The 
Athenian Assembly, or Ecclesia. — The Athenian Council, or 
Boule. — The Athenian Magistrates; the Generals. — The Athenian 
Courts; the Dicasteries. — The Military System. — The Financial 
System. — Political Parties at Athens. 

REFERENCES FOR READING 

Smith, Wm.. Ch. 2.'!, "Rise and Growth of the Athenian Em- 
pire" (10).' 
Cox, History, Bk. III., Ch. 1, "The Thirty Years Truce" (10). 

'The figure in parenthesis refers to the nnmher of the topic in the 
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. 



178 THE GEEEK WOELD 

Allcroft, Athenian Empire, Ch. 1, "Confederacy of Delos and the 
Foundation of the Athenian Empire" (10). 
N'Oman, Ch. 22, "Origin of the Confederacy of Delos"; Ch. 23, 
"Building- of the Athenian Empire"; Ch. 24, Athens at the 
Height of Her I'ovver; Ch. 25, "The Years of Peace" (10). 

Allcroft, Vol. II., Ch. 10, "Athens under Pericles"; Ch. 11, "Con- 
stitutional Development in Athens"; pp. 145-147 (ethics of 
Athenian policy) (10). 

Curtius, Vol. II., Pk. III., Ch. 2, "Growth and Power of Athens"; 
Ch. 3, "The Years of Pericles" (10). 

Holm, Vol. II., Ch. 14, "Pericles to the Thirty Years Peace"; Ch. 
16, "The Government of the City" (10). 

Grote, Part II., Ch. 44 (treason and death of Pausanias) ; Ch. 46 
(constitutional and judicial changes under Pericles) (10). 

Abbott, Pericles, Ch. 1, "The Alcmieonid:F"; Ch. 6, "The 
Areopagus and Ephialtes"; Ch. 16, "The Athens of Pericles; 
the Government" (27). 

Greenidge, Ch. 6, "Democracy" (11). 

Whibley, Political Parties, Ch. 1, "Athenian Constitution and 
Empire" (11). 

Bury, pp. 336-342 (Athens's treatment of her subject states) 
"(10). 

Freeman, Essay, "The Athenian Democracy" (3). 

Plutarch, "Cinion," "Pericles" (26). 

Aristotle's Constitution, Chs. 23-27 (Ephialtes and Pericles) (17). 



CHAPTER XIII 

THE STEUGGLES FOE SUPEEMACY IN GEEECE 
I. The Peloponnesian War (431-404: b. c.) 

Causes Leading to the War.— In tracing the political growth 
of Greece up to this time, we have seen not onl}- certain ele- 
ments of greatness, but also certain elements of weakness in 
the Greek character. We have seen that while the Greeks pos- 
sessed a love of political liberty and of local independence, they 
seemed incapable of forming a single national state based upon 
their common interests. Only during the brief period of the 
Persian invasions had they been able to drop their local pride 
sufficiently to unite against their common enemy. As the dan- 
ger from Persia passed away they relapsed into a condition of 



STRUGGLES FOR SUPRP:MACY 179 

strife and mutual jealousy. During the next seventy years 
the Grecian states were continually at war with one another, 
trying to settle the question as to who should be, or should not 
be, supreme. The first struggle was an attempt to deprive 
Athens of the supremacy which she now held in the Hellenic 
world. The initial steps of this struggle had already been 
taken wlien Athens had attempted to establish a land empire in 
central Greece and had been balked by Sparta and other 
states (see pp. 166, 171) . This struggle was now renewed in the 
so-called Peloponnesian war, and continued with little inter- 
ruption for twenty-seven years. We may briefly indicate the 
remote causes of the war as follows: (1) the strong spirit of 
local independence, and lack of a common feeling of patriotism, 
which marked the whole Greek people; (2) the opposing inter- 
ests of the Dorian and Ionian races — the one being agricul- 
tural, the other commercial; the one favoring aristocratic, the 
other democratic principles ; the one strong in their armies, 
the other in their fleets; (3) the liitter jealousy which had long 
been growing between Sparta as the head of the Peloponnesian 
League and Athens as the ruler of the Delian Confederacy. 

The direct cause of the war was the interference of Athens 
in the affairs of Corinth, one of the memliers of the Pelopon- 
nesian League. Of all the Peloponnesian states Corinth was 
the one which had sufficient maritime interests to be a commer- 
cial rival of Athens. In a quarrel which arose between Corinth 
and one of her colonies — Corey 'ra — Athens thought that her 
own interests were endangered, and took the part of Corcyra. 
This led Corinth to appeal to Sparta for aid, on the ground 
that Athens had broken the Thirty Years' Truce (see p. 171). 
A meeting of the Peloponnesian states was called, and it was 
decided to uphold the cause of Corinth and to declare war 
against Alliens. 

The War Policy of Pericles (-131-429 b. c). — If we compare 
the respective forces of the two leading states, we may see the 
reason of the war policy adopted by Pericles. The Athenian 



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180 



STKUGGLES FOR SUPREMACY 181 

army could not hope to defeat the superior land forces which 
Sparta sent to invade Attica; and so the inhabitants of Attica 
were called upon by Pericles to find a safe refuge within the 
walls of the city, while the powerful Athenian navy was sent 
to harass and ravage the coasts of the Peloponnesus. In this 
way the war was conducted during the earlier years — that is, 
])y periodical invasions of Attica by the Spartan army, and by 
successive attacks upon the Peloponnesian coasts by the Athe- 
nian navy. In the third year of the war Pericles died (-429 
B. c), stricken down by a terrible plague which broke out in 
the overcrowded city. In the death of Pericles Athens lost her 
greatest statesman, at a time when she needed him most. No 
other man whom she had ever produced expressed more fully 
what was best in the Athenian character; and at this critical 
moment Athens possessed no man able to fill his place. After 
his death, new and less experienced leaders came forward to 
guide the affairs of state. The man who aspired to the position 
of Pericles was Cleon, a coarse leather-dealer, a bold dema- 
gogue, and a vociferous orator. Opposed to him was Nicias 
(nish'i-as), a well-bred man, a conservative leader, but over- 
cautious and devoid of energy. 

Conduct of the War under Cleon. — The direction of affairs 
now fell to Cleon, who became the leader of the war party. 
We need not attempt to follow all the many details of the war 
during this second stage. Its most important events were the 
following: 

(1) The surrender of Platsea, a city on the borders of Boeotia 
and a steadfast ally of Athens. This city was invested by the 
Spartans, and after a prolonged siege of two years was forced 
to surrender, and its valiant defenders were mercilessly put to 
death (429 b. c). 

(2) The revolt of Mytilene on the island of Lesbos, an ally 
of Athens. This revolt was excited by the oligarchical party 
of Mytilene ; it was finally put down by Athens after a severe 
struggle; the walls of the city were dismantled; a thousand 



182 



THE GREEK WOKLD 




Sphacteria 



of its inhabitants were put to death, and its lands were allotted 
to Athenian citizens (427 b. c). 

(3) 1'he sedition at Coreyra. This was also instigated by 
an oligarchical i)arty, and was aided by iSparta ; it was marked 
l)y the most bitter and deadly strife be- 
tween the factions, but was finally sup- 
pressed by Athens, and the oligarchical 
party there was exterminated. 

(4) The capture of Sphacte'ria and a 
beleaguered army of Spartans. Sphacteria 
was an island on the western coast of Mes- 
senia. The neighljoring height of Pylos 
had been taken by the Athenian general, 
Demos'thenes, in one of his naval expedi- 
tions along the coast. A Spartan army and fleet were sent to 
relieve the place; the fleet was destroyed in the bay, and the 
army was entrapped on the island. After some delay, the be- 
leaguered Spartan soldiers — numl)ering about three hundred — 
were captured by (leon, who had boasted in the assembly that 
ho could perform this feat in twenty days — which he in fact 
accom})lished. with the aid of Demosthenes. 

(5) The campaign of Bras'idas in Chalcidice. Brasidas 
was the most al)le of the S])artan generals. As the war had 
tluis far been favorable to Athens, he conceived tlie l)rilliant 
idea of weakening Athens by striking her allies in the north 
from whom she derived her su])])lies. Tliis plan was carried 
out in a successful camjxiign. and Athens lost most of her 
Chalcid'ian allies. While Brasidas was in the north, Athens 
tried to get possession of Boootia, but was defeated in a battle 
at De'lium (424 b. c). After a year's truce, Cleon determined 
to continue the war in Chalcid'ice, but suffered a severe defeat 
in a battle at Amphip'olis (4?2 B. c). in which both generals, 
Brasidas and Cleon, were killed. 

The Peace of Nicias, and its Failure. — Witli the death of 
Cleon, wlio was the war leader, J^icias became the lead- 



STRUGGLES FOR SUPREMACY 183 

ing man at Athens. Always opposed to the war, he now 
negotiated with Sparta the treaty of peace which bears his 
name (421 b. c). By the terms of this treaty each party agreed 
to restore the acquisitions made during the war — Sparta to 
give up Amphipolis and the other Chalcidian towns, and Ath- 
ens to give up Pylos and the captives taken at Sphacteria. This 
peace was to last for fifty years; but it proved futile, and was 
followed by new combinations and intrigues among the dif- 
ferent states. The failure of the Peace of Nicias was due 
chiefly to the refusal of the allies of Sparta to respect it, on 
the ground that tliey had not l)een consulted in making it. 

Alcibiades and the Sicilian Expedition. — While the conser- 
vative and feeble Nicias was trying to maintain peace, there 
appeared a new and resolute war leader in the person of Alcibi'- 
ades — one of the most brilliant and ac- 
complished, yet selfish, cunning, and un- 
scrupulous characters that Athens ever pro- 
duced. Under his influence the Athenians 
were led to join the disaffected allies of 
Sparta and to invade the Peloponnesus, 
where they suffered a defeat at Mantine'a 
(41S B. c). Failing in this undertaking, 
Alcibiades now induced the Athenians 
to conquer Melos, simply because this Alcibiades 
was the only important island of the JEgean not included in 
the Athenian empire; the island was besieged and subdued, and 
the inhabitants were either slaughtered or enslaved. 

But the most dazzling scheme of Alcibiades was the proposal 
to conquer Sicily. Trouble between two of the Sicilian towns 
afforded a pretext for this undertaking. Influenced by the al- 
luring words of the new war chief, the Athenians fitted out an 
immense fleet, which sailed to Syracuse (415 b. c), under the 
command of Alcibiades himself, together with Nicias and a 
third general, Lam'achus. No sooner had they reached the 
shores of Sicily than an order came from Athens command- 

MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 11 




184 



THE GREEK WORLD 



ing Alcibiades to return to the city to answer a charge of 
sacrilege. But Alcibiades, fearing to face his accusers, now 
fled to Sparta and became the open enemy of Athens. Nicias, 
with his remaining colleague Lamachus, proceeded to invest 
the city of Syracuse. He landed on the north and rear of the 
city, stormed the heights of Epip'ola?, ea])tured a strong posi- 
tion, encircled it with a fortification, and extended his siege 
lines to the south and west of the city. This was done in the 

face of the Syracusans, 




who had thrown up two 
cross walls to resist him. 
Altliough Lamachus was 
killed, this first stage of 
the war seemed successful 
to the Athenians. 

Acting under the ad- 
vice of Alcibiades, the 
Spartans now determined 
to send strong reenforce- 
ments to the aid of Syra- 
cuse, and also to invade 
Attica and, by seizing the 
town of Decele'a, to 
threaten Athens at her 
very walls. They sent to 
Syracuse their ablest gen- 
eral, Gylip'pus, who de- 
feated Nicias, and prevented the further investment of Syra- 
cuse l)y erecting a third cross wall, which could not be taken. 
Although reenforcod hy their greate-;t general. Demosthenes, 
the Athenians were everywhere unsuccessful (413 b. c). Their 
fleet was destroyed in a sea fight in the harbor of Syracuse. 
Their army was destroyed in a des])ei'ate attempt to retreat 
by land. With their fleet and army lost and their generals, 
Nicias and Demosthenes, condemned to death, this expedition 



Syracuse and Vicinity 

Oj Athenian camp : b. c, first two cross 
walls, which the Syracusans lost ; d, 
third cross wall, which the Syracus- 
ans held 



STEUGGLES FOR SUPREMACY 185 

proved the greatest disaster that had ever befallen the Athe- 
nian state. 

The Reappearance of Persia. — One of the effects of the 
Sicilian disaster was to bring Persia once more upon the scene 
of war. It was for the interest of Persia, as well as of Sparta, 
to encourage the revolt of the Athenian allies on the Asiatic 
coast. These two powers were thus induced to act^together for 
the weakening of the Athenian empire, and the war was trans- 
ferred to the coasts of Asia Minor. Alcibiades, who had 
favored the alliance between Sparta and Persia, now turned 
traitor to Sparta and took up his residence with the Persian 
satrap at Sardis. The great ambition of Alcibiades, from this 
time, was to secure his own restoration to power at Athens. 
While apparently favoring Persia, he was also trying to gain 
the good will of the Athenians by aiding their cause. He 
therefore induced the Persian governor no longer to aid Sparta, 
arguing that Persia would be the gainer if both Sparta and 
Athens were worn out by warring upon each other. 

The "Four Hundred" at Athens. — The chief obstacle to the 
ambition of Alcibiades was the present government of Athens, 
which had condemned him to death. His return could evi- 
dently be accomplished only by a revolution at Athens. With 
the aid of the oligarchical faction this change was effected. All 
power M^as jjlaced in the hands of a council of four hundred, 
which was constituted in an arbitrary way and which ruled 
in a despotic manner. The officers of the Athenian fleet in the 
^gean Sea protested against the revolution, and claimed 
themselves to represent the legal government at Athens. They 
prepared to carry on the war and hoped with the aid of Alci- 
biades to Avin Persia to their side. They deposed those of their 
own number who favored the revolution; and the democracy 
at Athens overthrew the Four Hundred and restored the old 
constitution. 

The Last Years of the War (411-404 b. c). — Havingplaced 
Alcibiades in command of the fleet, the Athenians rained some 



186 THE GEEEK WORLD 

notable victories. The Peloponnesian fleet, now operating in 
the Propontis, was destroyed near Cyz'icus, and Chalce'don and 
Byzantium on the Bosphorus were taken. But on an unfor- 
tunate day, during the temporary absence of Alcibiades, the 
Athenian fleet was defeated by the new Spartan admiral 
Lysan'der. For this failure, the Athenians deposed Alcibiades 
from his command, and he retired in disgrace to his own castle 
on the Hellespont. It required two more battles to finish the war. 
One of these was fought (406 b. c.) near the small islands of 
Arginu'sa?, between Lesbos and the mainland, where the Athe- 
nians gained a victory. But this victory proved a disgrace to 
Athens; for she condemned to death the generals who had 
won it, on the ground that they failed to rescue their ship- 
wrecked comrades — a thing which, under the circumstances, 
was doubtless impossible. The last battle was fought (405 
B. c.) in the Hellespont near the mouth of a little river called 
^gospot'ami (" Goat's Streams"). A new Spartan fleet had 
been built with the aid of Persian gold furnished by the 
younger Cyrus, the new Persian governor in Asia Minor. AVith 
this new armament Lysander captured the entire Athenian 
fleet ; and this event destroyed the maritime power of Athens. 
Lysander followed up his victory by reducing the cities on the 
Hellespont and Bosphorus. The allies fell away, and nothing 
was now left for Sparta but to reduce the city of Athens itself. 
The Fall of Athens (404 b. c). — In a short time Lysander 
sailed into the Saronic Gulf and blockaded the Pir^us; and 
the Spartan arniy came down from Decelea and encamped be- 
fore the walls of the city. Without money, ships, allies, or 
food supply, Athens refused to surrender. It was only famine 
and starvation that brought the city to terms. Corinth and 
Thebes demanded that the city be totally destroyed. But 
Sparta refused to destroy a city that had done so much for 
Greece in the past. Athens was, however, required to destroy 
the Long Walls and tlie fortifications of the Piraeus, and to 
become a subject ally of Sparta. Accepting these conditions, 



STRUGGLES FOR SUPREMACY 187 

Athens opened her gates to the enemy, and the Athenian em- 
pire was no more. 

Thus ended the Peloponnesian war, which had lasted for 
twenty-seven years, which had desolated nearly every part of 
the Greek world, and which, in spite of the courage displayed, 
had revealed some of the weakest and worst phases of the 
Greek character — political jealousy, local self-interest, deceit, 
and cruelty. 

II. The Supremacy of Sparta 

The Policy of Sparta in Greece. — Sparta now succeeded for 
a time to the empire which Athens was compelled to give up. 
The cities of Greece had been called upon to revolt against 
Athens in order to obtain their liberties. But they soon found 
that the tyranny of Athens was light compared with the despo- 
tism of Sparta. As Sparta was the patron of oligarchy, she 
compelled the cities to give up their democratic governments. 
A military governor, called a " harmost," was placed over most 
of them; and whatever civil authority there was to be exercised, 
was placed in a board of ten persons, called a " decarchy." 
Under such a government the property and lives of the people 
could not be safe. The imperial policy of Sparta was deter- 
mined largely by the influence of Lysander, who, on account 
of his recent victories, was now the leading man in the Spartan 
state. 

In Athens there was established a board of thirty oligarchs 
— who have received the name of the " Thirty Tyrants " (-104- 
403 B. c). Under their leader, Crit'ias, their rule was harsh 
and oppressive and resulted in anarchy and a reign of terror. 
Citizens were put to death, and property was confiscated with- 
out mercy. It was only by a popular revolution led by the 
]iatriot Thrasybu'lus that the Thirty were deposed and a 
democratic form of government reestablished. This was suf- 
ficient to show that the imperial rule of Sparta might arouse 
effective opposition in other cities also. 



188 



THE GREEK WORLD 



Persia and the "March of the Ten Thousand" (401-400 
B. c). — While Sparta was trying to establish her authority 
over the cities in Greece and Asia Minor, her ally, Cyrus the 
Younger, the Persian governor of Asia Minor, aspired to place 
jiimself on the Persian throne in place of his brother, Arta- 
xerx'es. He enlisted in his service about ten or twelve thousand 
Asiatic Greeks, besides a large number of native troops, and 
with these pushed his way through Asia Minor, Syria, and 
Mesopotamia toward the Persian capital at Susa. He met 



THRACE 




March of the Ten Thousand 

Artaxerxes in battle at Cunax'a, near Babylon. The Greek 
forces defeated the great army of the king; but Cyrus was 
killed, and the other leaders were soon entrapped and put to 
death. The Greeks chose new leaders, chief among whom was 
Xen'ophon. They then retreated up the banks of the Tigris 
Eiver, harassed by the Persian army, through the snows of 
Armenia, suffering from cold and hunger, and finally along 
the shores of the Euxine to the friendly city of Chalcedon and 
so to the Msean Sea. This famous " March of the Ten 



STEUGGLES FOR SUPREMACY 189 

Thousand," described by Xenophon in his " Anab'asis," re- 
vealed tlie weakness of the Persian empire and the superior- 
ity of the Greek soldiers, and led directly to a conflict between 
Persia and Sparta. 

War between Persia and Sparta (;399-394 b. c). — The rebel- 
lious attempt of Cyrus, assisted as it was by Greeks, aroused 
the wrath of the Persian king. He therefore appointed his 
faithful general, Tissapher'nes, as governor of Asia Minor, 
with orders to reduce all the Grecian cities on the coast. 
Sparta now regarded herself as the protector of the Greeks, 
and answered their call for help. The war against Persia 
which followed was carried on for six years, at first under 
inferior generals, but finally under the Spartan king Agesi- 
la'us. This able commander defeated Tissaphernes, recovered 
the Asiatic cities, carried the war into the enemy's country, 
and threatened to overthrow the empire itself. To relieve his 
empire from the presence of the Spartan army, the Persian 
monarch sent an emissary to Greece with bags of gold to stir 
up a revolt among the subjects of Sparta in Europe. The 
dangers at home compelled the Spartans to recall Agesilaus 
from Asia, and the conquest of Persia was delayed for more 
than half a century. 

The Corinthian War; Peace of Antalcidas (395-387 b. c.).— 
When Agesilaus reached Sparta, he found a large part of 
(ireece united in an attempt to throw off the Spartan yoke. 
Thebes, Corinth, Athens, and Argos had formed a league for 
the liberation of the Hellenic states. The war which ensued is 
called the " Corinthian war," because it was waged to a great 
extent in the vicinity of the isthmus. Besides many engage- 
ments fought on land, a decisive naval battle was fought near 
Cnidus on the southwest coast of Asia Minor (394 b. c). In 
this battle the Greek allies, under the Athenian general Conon, 
assisted by the Persians, practically destroyed the maritime 
power of Sparta. Conon freed the cities on the Asiatic coasts 
from the Spartan power, and then sailed to Athens. Under his 



190 THE GREEK WORLD 

direction, the fortifications of the Pirge^is and the Long Walls, 
which had been razed after the Peloponnesian war, were re- 
built. The stress of the war was so great that Sparta appealed 
to Persia to act as arbiter in the affairs of Greece; and this 
resulted in the so-called Peace of Antal'cidas (387 b. c). By 
this peace the Greek cities in Asia were once more given up to 
the Persian king; the islands of Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros 
were given to Alliens; and all the cities of Greece proper were 
henceforth to be " free and independent." 

Further Agressions of Sparta (387-379 b. c). — It is true 
that Sparta had l)y the late war lost her maritime power and 
her control of the Asiatic cities. But still, by the terms of 
the Peace of Antalcidas, the bonds which had united her ene- 
mies were broken; and she was now free to deal with them 
separately. She claimed the right to carry into execution the 
terms of the peace, and made her despotic influence felt every- 
where. To offset the power of Thebes in Bceotia, Sparta 
caused the city of Plata^a to be rebuilt. To weaken her ene- 
mies in the Peloponnesus, she razed the walls of Mantinea, the 
chief city of Arcadia. In order to prevent a rival power from 
growing up outside of Greece, she waged the so-called " Olyn'- 
thiac war " (382-379 b. c), which broke up the confederacy in 
Chalcidice newly formed by a union of the Greek and Mace- 
donian cities under the headship of Olynthus. For fear that 
Thelios might rise against her while her armies were engaged 
in Chalcidice, Sparta seized the Theban citadel, the Cadmea, 
and placed within it a Spartan garrison. This most arrogant 
piece of aggression led to the uprising of Thebes with other 
states, and to the overthrow of the Spartan supremacy. 

III. Tpte Attempted Supremacy of Thebes 

The Liberation of Thebes (379 b. c.).— The story of the 
revolution which resulted in freeing Thebes and the rest 
of Greece from Spartan domination, centers about the names 



STRUGGLES FOR SUPREMACY 



191 




Gi If (J Co7 uut""^^ < 

_^ i 



ATTICA 



of two great Theban patriots — Pelop'idas and Epaminon'- 
das. Pelopidas was a Theban who had taken refuge in Ath- 
ens. With a band of companions he entered his native city 
in disguise, killed the 
oligarchic leaders, and 
with the aid of the peo- 
ple forced the Spartan 
garrison to withdraw 
from the citadel. Thebes 
was thus made free. 
Under the guidance of 
Epaminondas the other 
cities of Boeotia gained Bceotia 

their independence, and formed a new Boeotian confederacy to 
withstand the power of Sparta. We shall now see the attempt 
of Thebes to displace Sparta as leader of the Greek states — 
resulting in her temporary success and her final failure. 

TheNew Confederacy of Athens (37? b. c). — Athens took 
courage from the success of Thebes, and gathered together 
many of her old allies in a new Athenian confederacy. She 
built a new navy and regained something of her old maritime 
power. She at first aided Thebes in resisting Sparta; and 
then, envious of the growing power of Thebes, she formed a 
treaty with Sparta. In the midst of these jealous intrigues 
and the attending conflicts, Athens proposed that a general 
conference be held at Sparta for the pacification of Greece. 
It was there proposed that the Peace of Antalcidas should be 
renewed — that all states should remain free and independent. 
Athens and Thebes wished this to mean that all cities should 
be free to form alliances if they chose, and thus to preserve 
their newly formed leagues. But Sparta refused to accept this 
meaning, although she wished still to retain her hold upon her 
own allies. The treaty was hence signed without Sparta. 
While Athens had been able to recover some of her influence, 
Thebes and Sparta were now the great rival powers of Greece. 



192 



THE GREEK WORLD 



Overthrow of the Spartan Power; Battle of Leuctra (371 

B. c). — iSparta was now alarmed at the rising power of Thebes. 

She therefore sent an army into Boeotia to destroy the newly 
formed confederacy, l)ut was defeated 
in the memoral)le battle of Leuctra. 
The ruling spirit in Boeotia was 
Epaminondas, the great Theban pa- 
triot, whose name is one of the most 
distinguished among Grecian states- 
men and generals. To him is due the 
new arrangement of the Grecian pha- 
lanx which won the battle of Leuctra. 
He seems to have discovered one of 
of successful warfare — that is, to l)e 

The old 
The 




Battle of Leuctra, 
371 B. c. 



the great principle 

stronger than the enemy at the point of contact. 
Greek phalanx was arranged in lines eight men deep. 
Spartan army was so formed at Leuctra. Epaminondas also 
arranged the main part of his line in the same way. But on 
his left wing, which he intended to be the point of contact, he 
arranged the phalanx in the forin of an irresistible column fifty 
men deep, guarded on the extreme left by a body of cav- 
alry. In this way he crushed the Spartan right wing; and the 
rest of his army was ])ushed forward to complete the victory. 
The battle of Leuctra had two imi)ortant effects: first, it intro- 
duced a now feature into ancient warfare, which was afterward 
employed l)y the Macedonians: secondly, it overthrew the 
Spartan power and insured for the time being the ascendency 
of T]iel)os. 

Temporary Supremacy of Thebes (;>Tl-3(i'3 b. c). — The 
policy of Epaminondas was to make Thebes the supreme power 
in Greece. He completely alienated Athens by attempting to 
establish the Theban power over the Athenian allies; and he 
even called upon Persia to aid him in his purpose. To extend 
Theban influence into the Peloponnesus, Epaminondas invaded 
this territory, and delivered the people from Spartan control. 



STEUGGLES FOR SUPREMACY 193 

In Arcadia, he helped the city of Mantinea to rebuild its pros- 
trate walls, and gathered the Arcadian towns into an inde- 
pendent union, with the new city of Megalop'olis as their 
capital. In Messenia he rescued the population from their long 
serfdom, and built for them a new city, Messe'ne. Sparta, fear- 
ing for her safety, appealed to Athens for assistance. Athens 
accordingly sent an army into the Peloponnesus to prevent the 
further encroachments of Thebes. 

While Thebes was thus extending her power to the south 
under Epaminondas, she was also extending her power to the 
north under Pelopidas. She brought Thessaly under her au- 
thority, and even established influential relations with Mace- 
donia. It was not long before troubles arose again in the 
Peloponnesus. Epaminondas again invaded the country and 
met tlie Spartans and their allies at IMantinea (362 b. c), 
where he gained a victory ; l)ut at this battle Epaminondas was 
killed. As the Thebans, without their leader, were unable to 
follow up their victory, peace was established. With the de- 
cline of the Theban power, Athens was once more regarded as 
the leading city of Greece. 

Failure of the Grecian State System. — The supremacy of 
Thebes had failed to create a national state for Greece, just as 
the supremacy of Sparta and that of Athens had failed before. 
The Greeks had, it is true, been able to develop a city state 
witli local self-government, far in advance of the Oriental sys- 
tem of government. But they did not possess the capacity to 
organize their cities into a single state, based upon their com- 
mon nationality. Their various leagues failed, because under 
the predominance of one city the rights of the others were 
disregarded. Athens had failed to respect the equal rights of 
her allies. Sparta had ruled with despotic authority over her 
subjects. With all their love of liberty springing from their 
own self-interest, the Greeks failed to recognize that other es- 
sential principle of good government, the respect for a higher 
law based upon the common welfare. 



194 



THE GREEK WORLD 



IV. The Supremacy of Syracuse in Sicily 



Parallel History of Sicily and Greece. — In tracing the gen- 
eral course of Greek history, we have seen the growth of a 
nmnher of city states, which were agitated hy political revolu- 
tion, and in which tyranny, oligarchy, and democracy were 
contending for mastery. We have also seen Greece, under the 
leadership of Athens, delivered from the invasion of Persia. 
We have, moreover, seen a tendency on the part of some one 
city to lift itself into a position of supremacy over the others. 
There is a general similarity l^etween these movements in 
Greece proper and those in western Hellas. In Sicily there 
was a similar movement in the development of a large number 
of cities disturbed by political revolution; a similar conflict 
against a foreign enemy; and a similar tendency toward su- 
premacy on the part of one city. But the predominant city 
in Sicily was not Athens or Sparta or Thebes, l)ut Syracuse; 
and, as we have seen (p. 157) , the foreign enemy of Sicily was 
not Persia, l)ut Cartilage. 

Dionysius the Elder, and the Younger. — A few years after 
the destruction of the Athenian fleet at Syracuse, the Cartha- 
ginians made a new and more vigorous attempt to subdue the 

island. They cap- 
tured the cities of 
Selinus, Himera (409 
B. c), and Agrigen- 
tum (40() B. c). In 
their extremity the 
Syracusans chose 
Dionys'ius the Elder 
as their leader in 

war. and from this 
Dominions of Dtonysuts, 379 b. c. -j.- i i 

position he became a 

tyrant. He was a man of varied virtues and vices, of unusual 

clemency to a vanquished foe, and of unwonted cruelty to his 




STKUGGLES FOK SUPREMACY 195 

own subjects. His great achievement was the driving back of 
the Carthaginians to the western extremity of the island, and 
the defense of Syracuse by an enlarged fortification, which 
took in the heights of Epipolaj (see map, p. 184). He also 
brought under his control many of the cities of Sicily, and 
then extended his Syracusan empire, as shown by the map 
(p. 194), to southern Italy, and even northwestern Greece. 
He adorned Syracuse with splendid buildings and works of 
art, and made it the hqpie of noted men; so that it vied with 
Athens as the most cultivated city of the Greek world. Ho was 
succeeded by his son, Dionysius the Younger, who had none 
of the remarkable abilities of his father. Under his rule, the 
city rapidly fell into discord and anarchy, from which it was 
rescued by Timo'leon. 

Timoleon the Liberator. — Suffering under the weak rule of 
the Younger Dionysius and threatened again by the Cartha- 
ginians, Syracuse appealed to the mother city of Corinth for 
help. Corinth fitted out a small expedition, and appointed 
Timoleon, one of her citizens, as its leader. This commander 
took possession of the citadel of Syracuse. Then advancing 
against the Carthaginians, he defeated them in a decisive bat- 
tle. There were other cities of Sicily which were ruled by 
tyrants. These tyrants he expelled, and in these cities, as in 
Syracuse, he erected democratic governments. With the ex- 
j)ulsion of the Syracusan tyrants, the cities of Magna Grsecia 
also recovered their independence. Thus Timoleon became the 
true liberator of western Hellas. When he had accomplished 
his great mission, he laid down his power and retired to private 
life. Sicily remained a flourishing seat of Grecian culture, 
but in its political life the island soon relapsed into the dis- 
turbed condition which marked the rest of the Greek world. 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. The Peloponnesian War. — Causes Leadinjif to the War. — 
The War Policy of Pericles. — Conduct of the War under Cleon. — 
The Peace of Nicias, and its Failure. — Alcibiades and the 



196 THE GEEEK WOELD 

Sicilian Expedition.^The Eeappearance of Persia. — The "Four 
Hundred" at Athens.— The Last Years of the War.— The Fall 
of Athens. 

II. The Supremacy of Spakta. — The Policy of Sparta in 
Greece.— Persia and the ":March of the Ten Thousand".— War 
between Sparta and Persia.— The Corinthian War; Teace of 
Antalcidas. — Further Aggressions of Sparta. 

III. The Attempted Supremacy op Thebes. — The Liberation 
of Thebes. — The New Confederacy of Athens. — Overthrow of the 
Spartan Power; Battle of Leuctra. — Temporary Supremacy of 
Thebes. — Failure of the Grecian Stale System. 

IV. The Supremacy of Syracuse in Sicily. — Parallel History 
of Sicily and Greece. — Dionysius the Elder, and the Younger. — 
Timoleon the Liberator. 

REFERENCES FOR READING 

Smith, Wm., Ch. 25, "Causes of the Peloponnesian War"; Ch. 

40, "The Supremacy of Thebes" (10). ^ 
Oman, Ch. 26, "Outbreak of the Peloponnesian War and its 

Causes"; Ch. .32, "Expedition of the Athenians to Syracuse"; 

Ch. 37, "The Greeks of the West" (10). 
Bury, Ch. 11, "Decline and Downfall of the Athenian Empire"; 

Ch. 15, "The Syracusan Empire and the Struggle w'ith 

Carthage" (10). 
Allcroft, Vol. III., Ch. 1, "Introductory" (comparison of Athens 

and Sparta); Ch. fi. "Brasidas and Cleon"; Vol. IV., Ch. 6, 

"Sicilian Affairs" (10). 
Curtius, Vol. III., Ch. 5, "The Decelean War"; Vol. IV., Ch. 1, 

"Athens under the Thirty" (10). 
Sankey, Ch. ?,, "Athens under the Thirty"; Ch. 9, "Peace of 

Antalkidns" (10). 
Holm, Vol. II., Ch. 21. "Corcyra, Potida^a and Platica"; pp. 492- 

497 (rule of the Four Hundred); pp. 526-534 (rule of the 

Thirty); Vol. III., pp. <S-10 (Epaminondas and Thebes); Ch. 

5, "The Arrogance of Sparta" (10). 
Gilbert, pp. 416-445 (first and second leagues of Athens). 
Harper's Dictionary, "Exercitus" (military formations among 

the Greeks) (11). 
Plutarch, "Alcibiades," "Lysander," "Nicias," "Agesilaus," 

"Pelopidas." "Timoleon," "Dion" (26). 
Thucydides, Bk. II., Chs. 35-46 (funeral oration of Pericles); Bks. 

VI., Vlt. (account of the Sicilian expedition) (17). 

^The fisure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the 
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. 



CHAPTER XIV 

THE ATTIC PERIOD OF HELLENIC CULTURE 

I. Athens as the Center of Hellenic Art 

Greek Politics and Hellenic Culture. — We have been consid- 
erini;- tlie political lifu of Greece since the time of the Persian 
invasions. We have seen the various Greek states, under the 
leadership of Sparta, uniting to repel a foreign enemy. We 
have seen the rise and fall of a maritime empire under the con- 
trol of Athens. And finally we have seen the failure of the 
Greek cities to develop a true national state, on account of 
their mutual Jealousies and their strong spirit of local inde- 
pendence. While the Greeks no doubt did a great deal toward 
the development of political liberty, of local self-government, 
and of democratic institutions, we must be convinced that their 
greatest importance in the world's history does not rest upon 
what they accomplished in their political life. The preeminent 
genius of the Greeks was shown not in the sphere of politics, 
but in the domain of culture — not in their state-building, but 
in their intellectual and artistic achievements. We should, 
tlierefore, overlook the most essential qualities of the Greek 
people, did we fail to recognize the contributions they have 
made to the world in literature, in pliilosophy, and in art. 

The Attic Period, its Character and Phases. — The most re- 
markable progress in the intellectual life of Greece took place 
after the great Persian wars. It is true that before these wars 
the Greeks were beginning to show a genius distinctly their 
own — in the growth of their epic and lyric poetry, and in the 
early stages of a strictly Hellenic art (see pp. 129-142). But 

197 



198 THE GKEEK WORLD 

this early form of Greek culture sprang up outside of Greece 
proper, in x\sia ]\Iinor and in western Hellas. The Persian 
wars tended to smother the intellectual life of the Asiatic 
Greeks, and to arouse the intellectual spirit of Athens. This 
period of intellectual activity which hegan with the Persian 
wars and extended to the Macedonian supremacy, and in which 
the culture of Greece was centered in Athens, we may call the 
" Attic period." The culture of this period was characterized 
by those qualities which distinguished the Greek mind from 
the Oriental mind, and which found their highest embodiment 
in the men of Athens. During this period we may distinguish 
certain phases in the progress of this Attic spirit. It was the 
most creative and vigorous in the time of the great Persian 
wars and the years just following these wars ; it was the most 
refined and exalted in the age of Pericles ; and it was the most 
reflective and critical in the subsequent period of internal 
strife. But through all these phases, it preserved its essentially 
" classic " qualities — simplicity and moderation, symmetry 
and proportion, severe conformity to rational ideals, contempt 
for all that is tawdry and meretricious. The Attic spirit 
might perhaps best be characterized by the single Greek word 
2cjq}po(7vv7j (sopJiros'yne) — which might be freely trans- 
lated, life under the control of reason. 

The City of Athens. — Our chief interest in Greece must al- 
ways be centered in Athens, because it was in this renowned city 
that the culture of Greece found its highest expression. Let us 
glance at a few of its most important topographical features. 
With the Acropolis as its center, the limits of the city had 
been gradually widening from the earliest times. At the time 
of the Persian wars, the "old line" of the city had been 
reached. With the 1)uilding of the new wall of Themistocles, 
the circumference of the city was enlarged to five or six miles. 
During the times of Cimon and Pericles the city was still fur- 
ther extended by the erection of the Long Walls so as to take 
in the Pimeus (p. 1G5). To make the circuit of the city walls 



ATTIC PERIOD OF HELLENIC CULTURE 



199 



at this time would require a Journey of perhaps twenty miles. 
The chief entrance to the city was the Dip'ylon gate, to the 
northwest. The city contained a number of hills, the most 
important of which were the following: (1) the Acropolis, the 
central pinnacle of Athens, formed of limestone rock rising 
abruptly to the height of two hundred feet, with a length of 
about a thousand feet — upon or near which were the most im- 




Plan of Athens, Time of Pericles 

portant buildings of the city; (2) the Pnyx, to the west, upon 
which the assembly, or ecclesia, held its meetings; (3) the 
Areopagus, a little to the north, where the old council of the 
Areopagus held its sessions; (-t) the Colo'nus, still further to 
the north, upon which is located the so-called These'um, said 
to be to-day the best preserved temple of Greece. Between the 
hill of Colonus and the Areopagus was the Ag'ora, the public 
square or market place, lined with beautiful trees and porticoes, 
and the center of the political and commercial life of Athens 



MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST.- 



12 



200 



THE GEEEK WORLD 



The whole city was divided into certain districts, or wards, cor- 
responding to the " denies " of Attica. Beyond the city walls 
to the east was the Lyce'um, and to the northwest the Acad- 
emy — both of which were places of resort and amusement for 
the Athenians. The population of Athens at the time of 
Pericles is variously estimated at from 120,000 to 190,000, 
including those who were slaves. 

Athenian Architecture. — After the destruction of the city 
by the Persians, Athens was entirely rebuilt and adorned with 
many structures of great architectural beauty. This work was 
begun by Themistocles and Cimon, and was carried on exten- 
sively by Pericles with the aid of the tribute collected from 
the JEgean cities. The greatest work of Pericles was the 
adornment of the sacred height of the Acropolis, which became 
the center, not of defense, according to its original purpose, 
but of religious adoration. Upon the foundations laid by 
Cimon (or perhaps Themistocles) Pericles erected the magnif- 
icent temple of Athena — the Par'thenon. This was the most 
beautiful specimen of classic architecture ; and the surpass- 
ing superiority of the 
Greek taste is evident 
when this temple is 
compared with the old 
temples of the East. 
The Parthenon was of 
moderate size, built of 
Pentelic marble, in 
the Doric style refined 
by Attic taste, and of 
Plan of the Acropolis the most exquisite pro- 

portions. The next important building on the Acropolis built 
by Pericles was the Propylffi'a. the entrance to the sacred hill. 
In this building we see for the first time the combination of the 
Doric and Ionic styles, the outside of the building being sup- 
ported by Doric columns and the inside passageway by Ionic 




SCALE OF YARDS 




201 



203 



THE GREEK WORLD 



columns. The whole ell'ect of this great portal was beautiful 
and imposing. x\t the time of Pericles the Propylgea was ap- 
proached not by a flight of steps, but by inclined walks leading 
up from the foot of the hill. Another notable building of the 
Acropolis was the Erechthe'um, built near the site of an old 
temple destroyed by the Persians. Its name was derived from 
that of one of the ancient mythical kings of Athens, Erech'- 
theus, whose worship became connected with that of Poseidon. 
As this temple was intended to cover different shrines — that of 
x\thena and that of Erechtheus-Poseidon— its plan was the 

most irregular of all the 
temples of Greece. It is 
supported by beautiful 
Ionic columns; but a small 
porch on the south of 
the temple has for its sup- 
port six carved female fig- 
ures (Caryat'ides) and 
hence is known as the 
" Porch of the Maidens." 
During this time the ar- 
chitectural styles em- 
ploved by the Athenians 
were the Doric and the 
Ionic — the former being 
regarded as typical of 
masculine strength and 
dignity, and the latter of 
feminine refinement and 
grace. 

Athenian Sculpture. — 

.. „ It was not until after 

Discobolus of INTyron 

the Persian wars that 

the sculpture of the Greeks began to lose its early crude- 

ness and to acquire more artistic qualities. The first great 




ATTIC PEEIOD OF HELLENIC CULTUKE 



203 



sculptor of the Attic period was Myron. His best-known 
statue is the " Discob'olus " (the disc-thrower), which illus- 
trates not only the important place 
which gymnastics held in Greek life, 
but also the beneficial effect of the 
national games upon the sculptor's 
art by furnishing him living models 
for his work. The most renowned of 
all the Greek sculptors was Phid'ias, 
who assisted Pericles in the adorn- 
ment of the Acropolis. The sculp- 
tures of Phidias were inspired by a 
high religious purpose, like that 
which led to the building of the Par- 
thenon — namely, the worship of the 
goddess Athena. Her colossal statue 
in bronze was erected upon the sum- 
mit of the Acropolis, and her statue 
in ivory and gold was placed within 
the Parthenon. In the eastern pedi- 
ment ^ of this temple was placed a 
sculptured scene representing her 
birth from the forehead of Zeus; and 

in the western pediment was another group representing 
her contest with Poseidon for the soil of Attica. On the 
walls of the temple was a remarkable series of reliefs carved 
in marble, representing the procession which on her birthday 
carried lier robe through the streets of Athens to her shrine 
on the Acropolis. This Parthenon decoration contained a 
vast variety of figures — prancing horses held in check by the 
steady hands of their riders, chariots occupied by armed war- 
riors, beautiful maidens and dignified magistrates, a group of 
Olympian deities, and many other subjects. The work of 
Phidias was not confined to Athens. His statue of Zeus in 

1 The " pediment " is the triangular space forming the gable of the roof. 




Athena Parthenos 



204 



THE GREEK WORLD 



the temple at Olympia was regarded by many as his master- 
piece and as one of the wonders of the workL 

After the time of Phidias art became less inspired with 
a purely religions spirit, and acquired more of a human char- 
acter. To depict the grace and beauty of the human form 
seemed now the highest ideal of the artist. This is seen espe- 




i'AJ;i UF THE I'AliTIIENON DeCOKATION 



cially in the work of Praxit'eles of Athens, the most eminent of 
Greek sculptors after Phidias. One of the most famous statues 
of Praxiteles was tlie A]ilirodite at Gnidus. which was visited 
from nil parts of Greece b}' its admirers. Ikit critics have been 
disposed to give the place of honor to his Hermes with the 
infant Dionysus, which has come down to us in a mutilated 
form. The Greeks also acquired at this time great skill in the 
making of portrait statues. This is shown in the works of 
Lysip'pus of Sicyon. whose statue of tlio ]M)et Soph'ocles (see 
p, 209) is regarded as the finest ancient work of the kind. 



ATTIC PEEIOD OF HELLENIC CULTURE 



205 



Athenian Painting. — It is difficult for us to form a very 
clear idea of the progress made in painting in the Periclean 
age, because this art is less durable than that of sculpture. 
The great painter of this period was Polygno'tus. He 
was born in the island of Thasos, but came to Athens 
and is said to have been made 
an Athenian citizen. His most 
famous works were placed upon 
the walls of temples, porticoes, 
and other public buildings, espe- 
cially the Propyhpa. His sub- 
jects were mostly mythological 
and historical scenes. After the 
time of Pericles there was a 
marked advance in the method 
of painting. Hitherto colors had 
been applied in flat tints with no 
gradations of light and shade : 
and hence the so-called paintings 
were more properly colored draw- 
ings. But colors were now 
graded so as to produce the effect 

of light and shade, which we call chiaroscuro. This method 
was introduced by Apollodo'rus of Athens, but was improved 
by the great painters Zeuxis and Parrha'sius. The realistic 
effect of the new style of painting is illustrated by the story 
often told of these rivals — how Zeuxis painted a bunch of 
grapes that deceived the birds, and Parrhasius a curtain that 
deceived the rival painter himself. 




Hermes of Praxiteles 



II. The Theater and Dramatic Literature 



The Theater of Dionysus. — One of the chief centers of the 
intellectual life of Athens was the theater. This was a place 
uot simply for amusement, but for instruction and for moral 



206 



THE GREEK WORLD 



and religions insjoiration. Athens had but one place where 
dramatic performances were placed npon the stage — the thea- 
ter of Dionysus. It was situated on the southeastern slope of 
the Acropolis, and was, it is said, capable of seating thirty 
thousand people, or the whole voting population of Attica. 
The performances took place in the open air during the fes- 
tivals of Dionysus, the wine god, and consisted of tragedies. 




The TiiEATEii ui- Dionysus (Restoration) 

comedies, satyric dramas, and choral hymns, the most impor- 
tant of these being the works of the great tragedians. The 
theater of the Greeks consisted of three parts, the stage, the 
orchestra, and the auditorium. The stage was an elevated 
platform, upon which the players performed their parts, and in 
the rear of which was an architectural background used to rep- 
resent or to suggest the locality where the action was supposed 
to take place. The orchestra was a semicircular space in front 
of the stage, set apart for the " chorus," — this being an essen- 
tial part of the performance, consisting of singing, dancing, 



ATTIC PERIOD OF HELLENIC CULTUEE 307 

and gesticulations which were intended to interpret the thought 
and emotions of the play. The auditorium was the rising tiers 
of seats which encircled the orchestra and were occupied hy the 
spectators. The central place of the orchestra and chorus in 
the Greek theater can hardly he understood except by referring 
to the origin of the drama itself. 

Origin of the Greek Drama. — We have seen that, before the 
Persian wars, one of the forms of lyric poetry was the hymn, 
or chorus, sung by a number of voices at public festivals in 
honor of the gods (p. 139). It was this choral hymn as used 
by Arion in the worship of Dionvsus that became transformed 
into the drama. The words of the old chorus were accom- 
panied by dancing and gesticulations, and expressed in a rude 
and wild way the emotions supposed to be appropriate to the 
worship of Dionysus, the wine god. But Thespis, a lyric poet 
of Attica, introduced an actor who assumed different characters 
and carried on a sort of dialogue with the leader of the chorus; 
and this served to explain the motive of the choral hymn. This 
first form of the drama, with the chorus and a single actor, was 
cultivated by Phryn'ielnis, who took for his subjects events in 
the Persian wars. His tragedy on the " Capture of Miletus " 
melted his audience to tears; but as it seemed to reproach the 
Athenians for not aiding their kin beyond the sea, a fine was 
imposed upon him and the play was proscribed. In a later 
tragedy, however, he stirred the patriotic feeling of his audi- 
ence by depicting the effect which the news of the battle of 
Salamis had upon the Persian court. 

^schylus, the Father of Tragedy. — The early form of the 
drama was improved 1\y ^Es'chylus. who was born in Attica 
and lived during the period of the Persian wars. He intro- 
duced a second actor, so that the dialogue l^ecame the prin- 
cipal feature, while the chorus was used chiefly to echo the 
emotions produced by the play. The cliorus still retained its 
central place in the theater, while the actors were elevated to a 
more conspicuous position on the stage. The chief purpose of 



208 



THE GREEK WOELD 



the poet now was not simply to compose the lyric hymn to be 
sung by the chorus, but to construct a worthy dialogue that 
would depict great events and stir the feelings of the people. 
It was ^Eschylus who lifted the dialogue to the plane of gen- 
uine art; and on this account he may properly be called the 
father of Greek tragedy. He was a man inspired with patriot- 
ism and religious fervor. He had been present at the battles 
of ]\Iarathon, Artemisium, Salamis, and Plattea. In what was 
probably his earliest tragedy, " The Persians." he followed his 
predecessor Phrynichus in picturing the efPect of the news of 
Salamis upon the Persian court. The subjects of his later 




Masks used in Tragedy 

tragedies were taken from the heroic myths, but infused with 
deep human feeling and religious sentiment. His greatest 
work was perhaps the " Prome'theus Bound," in which a god, 
chained to a rock by command of Zeus, is made to suffer for 
good deeds done to men. 

Sophocles, the Dramatic Artist. — If .Eschylus represented 
the patriotic and heroic si)irit born of the Persian wars, his 
successor, Sophocles, represented the finer artistic spirit of the 
age of Pericles. 

He introduced the third actor upon the stage, thus giving 
greater freedom to dramatic com]iosition. He also gave less 
prominence to the chorus, which he used chiefly to accompany 
the dialogue and to give a moral background to the play. 
Moreover, be introduced less of the heroic and superhuman 
element, and lirought his characters into closer relation to 
human life. Sophocles is said to have composed more than a 



ATTIC PERIOD OF HELLENIC CULTURE 



209 



hundred dramas, of which only seven have come down to us. 
The most important of his plays are perhaps " CEdipus the 
King," " Oedipus at Colonus," and the "Antig'one." These 
are all based upon stories related of the mythical king of 
Thebes and his family. 
But these stories are told 
with graphic power, and 
in such a way as to illus- 
trate the poet's idea of the 
supremacy of fate and the 
moral law, the penalty 
awaiting those who disobey 
that law, and the suffering 
which must often be en- 
dured even by those who 
strive to obey it. The 
character of Antigone is 
one of the noblest in all 
literature. She presents 
the most beautiful exam- 
ple of filial devotion and 
of feminine courage, by 
clinging to her unfortu- 
nate father in his distress 
and by always doing what 
she believes to be her duty. 
In estimating the sig- 
nificance of Sophocles we 
should look at him not 
simply as a tragedian but 
as an artist — as truly an 
artist as was Phidias or 
Praxiteles. His works, like theirs, are distinguished by pro- 
portion and symmetry, by extraordinary grace and beauty of 
form. In his dramas, as in the buildings and sculpture of the 




Sophocles 



210 



THE GREEK WORLD 



Acropolis, we see the distinctive features of the best Hellenic 
taste. 

Euripides, the Dramatist of the People. — The last of the 
great tragedians was Eurijyides, who began to write during the 
period of Pericles, but composed the most of his dramas during 
the Peloponnesian war. He thus represents to a certain de- 
gree the changing spirit of the age. While less of an artist 

than Sophocles, he appealed 
more strongly to the sympa- 
thies of the people. Aristotle 
called him the "most tragic of 
]»oets." Eighteen of his plays 
are still extant; and from 
these wo can judge of his 
style and method of treating 
his subjects. In his hands the 
chorus Ijecame less connected 
with the action of the play, 
and his characters were 
])rought into closer relation 
to common life. The ancient 
legends, whicli ^Eschylus had 
clothed with a sublime 
pathos, and Sophocles had invested with a dignified charm, 
Euripides often reduced to the level of ordinary events. Al- 
though he showed a lack of reverence for the old mythology, he 
was a poet of the common people, and appreciated more than 
his predecessors the human element in the drama. 

The Attic Comedy; Aristophanes. — In its origin the Greek 
comedy was closely related to tragedy; for they both sprang 
from the hymns which accompanied the worship of Dionysus. 
But while tragedy sprang from the graver choral songs which 
accompanied the winter festival, the other phase of the drama 
— that is, comedy — sprang from the more frolicsome songs 
which attended the rural festivals in the springtime. To each 



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Euripides 



ATTIC PEEIOD OF HELLENIC CULTURE 



211 



of them was added tlie dialogue; but each retained its own 
character — the one grave and the other gay. The comedy had 
already begun to be used at the time of Pericles; but it reached 
its highest development during the Peloponnesian war. The 
purpose of the comedy was to excite laughter and ridicule, 
and hence it shows the capacity of the Greeks for wit and 
humor. 

The greatest of all the comic writers of the Greeks was 
Aristoph'anes, who flourished during the period of the Pelopon- 
nesian war. He mingled in the political life of Athens, and 
belonged to the party which was " against the government." 
His comedies might give us the best picture we have of Athe- 
nian life, if they contained less of caricature and satire. From 




Masks used in Comedy 



other sources we may learn that some of his pictures are fairly 
just, while others are marked by the grossest injustice. Among 
his most noted works are the " Clouds," the " Knights," the 
" Wasps," and the " Birds." The " Clonds " is chiefly noted 
for the unjust attack which it makes upon the philosopher Soc- 
rates. The " Knights " describes with brilliant satire that 
coarse demagogue Cleon, who, though not an admirable charac- 
ter, perhaps does not merit all the abuse he received. The 
" Wasps " is an amusing picture of the Athenian jury system, 
in which every man is represented as trying to get a day's pay 
without a day's work. Tlic " Birds " is " a fantastic satire 
upon the Athenian habit of building castles in the air, and of 
indulging in extravagant dreams of conquest." With all his 
ribaldry, Aristophanes was a poet of real genius, of sparkling 
wit, and sometimes of exquisite beauty. 



212 



THE GREEK WOELD 



III. Prose Literature: History and Oratory 




Herodotus 



Herodotus, the Father of History. — In Greece, as elsewhere, 
poetry preceded prose in the order of development. The epic, 
the elegy, the lyric, the drama, had been cultivated before any 
noteworthy works in prose were written. The first really great 
work of prose literature in the Greek language was the history 
written by Herodotus, a native of Halicar- 
nassus. Herodotus was born during the 
period of the Persian wars. This great con- 
flict between the Greeks and the Persians 
was to him the greatest of all events. It be- 
came the subject of his history, and furnishes 
to us our chief knowledge of that struggle. 
He traveled extensively, and became ac- 
quainted with the manners, institutions, and 
legends of many countries. He came to 
Athens when the culture of tliat city was at its height; and he 
became a close friend of Sophocles and an ardent admirer of 
Pericles. Under these influences 
his history became imbued witli an 
Athenian spirit, and acquired the 
character of an artistic literary 
composition. Into liis work are 
skillfully woven the narrative of 
historical events and the descrip- 
tion of foreign countries, facts 
which he himself ol)served as well 
as stories and myths told him by 
others. The critical accuracy of 
Herodotus has often been ques- 
tioned; but the charming qualities 
of his simple and graphic style have always been admired. 
Thucydides, the Scientific Historian. — While we may re- 
gard Herodotus as the father of narrative history, we must 




Thucydides 



ATTIC PERIOD OF HELLENIC CULTUEE 213 

regard Thucydides as the creator of scientitic history. His 
subject was the Peloponnesian war — a war in which he had 
taken a subordinate part. His work is marked by calm 
judgment, a love of truth, honesty, and accuracy in the 
statement of facts, and a perception of the relation of cause 
and effect in historical events. His style, though sometimes 
obscure, is pure and forcible, and withal " classic," — which 
means "' the absence of all that is tawdry, the absence even of 
all that we call florid, a certain severity and reticence, which 
are as marked in the prose of Thucydides as in the marble of 
Phidias" (Mahalfy). 

Xenophon, the Historical Essayist. — Following in the wake 
of Thucydides was the genial historicak writer Xen'ophon. Al- 
though he can hardly be compared with Thucydides as an 
historian, he wrote in an easy and interesting manner upon 
a great variety of subjects. His " Anabasis " tells the story 
of the March of the Ten Thousand, in which he himself 
took part (see p. 188). His " Hellen'ica " continues that part 
of the Peloponnesian war left unfinished by Thucydides. His 
" JMemorabil'ia " draws a lifelike portrait of his great master, 
Socrates. His " Cyroptedi'a " professes to describe the educa- 
tion of Cyrus the Great, but is quite as much a description of 
what the author regards as a just prince. His " CEconom'icus " 
gives us an insight into the liome life of the Greeks. He 
wrote interesting works upon otlior subjects, the variety of 
which might justify us in calling him an essayist as well as an 
historian. 

Athenian Oratory; Lysias, Isocrates, Demosthenes. — That 
branch of prose literature which is distinctively Greek in its 
origin, is oratory. Indeed, it may be said that oratory was the 
product of the democratic institutions of Athens. The greatest 
orator of the age of Pericles was no doubt Pericles himself; 
since by his eloquence he controlled for twenty years the Athe- 
nian assembly. But his speeches have been preserved to us 
only in the reports contained in the history of Thucydides. 



21-1 



THE GEEEK WORLD 





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Lysias 



Not only the Athenian assembly, but the Athenian courts af- 
forded a field for the cultivation of eloquence, for here every 

man was compelled to plead his 
own cause. 

Of the many Athenian orators 
who attained distinction, we may 
select tliree as the most representa- 
tive — Lys'ias. Isoc'rates, and De- 
mosthenes (who is not to l)e con- 
fused with the general of the same 
name). Lysias was employed, like 
many others, to Avrite speeches for 
those who were obliged to plead 
their own cause in the courts. As 
he wrote for plain men, he used a 
plain, direct, and simple style. By 
writing clearly and distinctly, lie ))ecame a master of vivid and 
effective speech. Somewhat 
different from Lysias was 
Isocrates. Tie was primarily 
a teacher of rhetoric, and 
hence the orations which he 
wrote — but did not deliver — 
have more of a rhetorical fin- 
ish, and are perhaps more at- 
tractive in language than ef- 
fective in thought. But the 
greatest of all the orators of 
Cire(>ce was Demosthenes, who 
holds the same ]:)reeminent 
place in oratory that Thucyd- 
ides does in history. His life 
belongs to the later part of 
the Attic period, and even reaches over into the Macedonian 
epoch. In the face of innumerable ol)stacles he attained the 




Isocrates 



ATTIC PEEIOD OF HELLENIC CULTUEE 



215 



greatest skill and power in the art of expression. He com- 
bined the vivid effective speech of Lysias with tlio finished 
periods of Isocrates; but he 
possessed, more than either of 
these, an earnestness of pur- 
pose, a force of argument, a 
power of persuasion, and an 
energy of diction which have 
given him a place among the 
world's greatest orators. The 
most celebrated of his orations 
are his twelve " Philippics," in 
which he appealed to his coun- 
trymen to resist the encroach- 
ments of Philip of Mac'edon. 




Demostiiexes 



IV. The Philosophy of Athens 



Anaxag-oras, the First Athenian Philosopher. — One of the 

greatest gifts of Athens to the world has been, no doubt, the 
contributions made by her philosophical thinkers. It was not 
until after the Persian wars that Athens became the philosoph- 
ical centel' of Greece. The first thinker who belonged to what 
we might call the Athenian school was Anaxag'oras. Although 
born at Clazomen^e in Asia Minor, he early came to Athens, 
where he spent the most of his life, and numbered among his 
friends Pericles and Euripides. His name marks an epoch in 
the development of Greek thought, because he seems to have 
been the first to recognize the controlling influence of mind 
and reason in the universe. He seems to have believed that 
matter is subordinate to mind — that as the actions of the 
human body are controlled by the human intelligence, so the 
movements of the universe are controlled by a universal in- 
telligence. This doctrine was opposed to the old mythology; 
and as the people were jealous of their ancient beliefs, 



MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST.- 



13 



216 



THE GREEK WORLD 



Anaxagoras was charged with atheism and banished from the 
city. 

The Sophists and Greek Dialectics. — There grew up in 
Athens a certain class of men known as " sophists." They 
were not so much philosophers in the old sense as thinkers. 
That is, they did not seek to discover the laws of the universe 
so much as the laws of the human mind. They sought to find 
out the methods in whicli men reason and arrive at conclusions. 
This study of the methods and the art of reasoning was the 
essential feature of Greek " dialectics." We might therefore 
properly characterize the Greek sophists as " dialecticians." 
They gained their living by teaching the subjects of grammar, 
rhetoric, and logic, and preparing young men for the practical 
affairs of life. It was often charged against them that their 
learning was more of a pretense than a reality; and it was as- 
serted that their art of reasoning degenerated into mere 

quibbling, or the attempt " to 
make the worse appear the bet- 
ter reason." . But with all the 
faults charged against them, they 
no doubt exercised some benefi- 
cial influence, both upon Greek 
education and upon Greek philos- 
o]ihy. 

The Practical Philosophy of 
Socrates. — The name of Socra- 
tes was associated with that of 
the sophists. He adopted some- 
thing of the same method of 
dialectics: But he believed that 
the art of reasoning should be employed not as mere exer- 
cise or discipline, but as a means of discovering those 
practical truths which are important in the conduct of 
human life. The son of a poor sculptor, with no personal 
attractions, he became one of the most conspicuous figures 




Socrates 



ATTIC PERIOD OF HELLENIC CULTURE 



217 



in Athens. He turned the thoughts of men into new chan- 
nels. He showed them how foolish it was to follow the method 
of the old philosophers and to speculate about things which 
cannot be known. His first maxim was, " Know thyself." 
He taught men that true wisdom consists in knowing that 
which is good and doing that which is right. He taught them 
the difference between justice and injustice, between virtue and 
vice, between courage and cowardice. He taught them their 
duties to themselves, to their fellow-men, and to God. His 
long life extended beyond the period of the Peloponnesian 
war. He was finally tried and condemned to death by a small 
majority of his fellow-citizens, 
on the charge of introducing 
new gods into the state and of 
corrupting the youth. Soc- 
rates represented the higher 
intellectual and moral life of 
Greece. He left no writings; 
but his beneficial influence 
upon the world has never 
ceased. 

The Idealistic Philosophy 
of Plato. — Socrates left be- 
hind him many disciples who 
founded new schools. But the 
most distinguished of these 
was Plato, the founder of the 
so-called " Academic school." 

He carried out still farther the method of Socrates. In order 
to discover truth, he studied the ideas in the human mind, 
which he believed are reflections of the ideas in the divine 
mind. He believed that our ideas are born with us, brought 
into the world from our preexistent state. The divine ideas 
are embodied, not only in us, but in the world; and we should 
study the universe to discover these ideal principles in accord- 




Plato 



218 



THE GEEEK WOKLD 



ance with which all things are governed. So, in human life, 
we should conform to the ideal principles of Justice and virtue; 
in other words, a perfect life is a life in harmony with the di- 
vine Idea. B}^ such a method of thinking, Plato constructed a 
broad system of idealistic philosophy. The writings of Plato 
are in the form of dialogues, in which Socrates is often repre- 
sented as the chief speaker. The dialogues are often named 
after some person; for example, the " Protag'oras," which dis- 
cusses the nature of virtue; the " Phffido," which sets forth the 
arguments in favor of immortality. One of the most cele- 
brated of Plato's Dialogues is " The Republic," which dis- 
cusses the principles which should govern the perfect state. 
From the political conflicts of the time Plato stood aloof; and 
hence he shows to us the 
Greek mind in its purest and 
most tranquil frame. 

The Kealistic Philosophy 
of Aristotle. — The course of 
Greek philosophy was contin- 
ued in Aristotle, who, though 
born in the city of Stagi'ra 
(or Stagirus) in Chalcidice, 
came to Athens and became 
a pupil of Plato. Although 
he regarded himself as a fol- 
lower of Plato, his method 
differed considerably from 
that of bis master. If we call 
Plato's philosophy idealistic, 

we may call Aristotle's realistic. Instead of beginning with 
ideas, Aristotle began with facts; and he tried to discover the 
general laws which govern the facts of nature. He was there- 
fore a man of wide observation and general learning. By gath- 
ering and classifying a vast number of facts, he became the 
founder of many sciences^of Logic, which treats of the laws 




Aristotle (So-called) 



ATTTC PEKTOD OF HELLENIC CULTURE 219 

of thought; of Psychology, or the science of the human mind; 
of Biology, or the science of living things; of Politics, or the 
science of the state. He is said to have studied the constitu- 
tions of many of the states of Greece; and the recently dis- 
covered work on the Athenian constitution, which is attributed 
to him, has added much to our knowledge of that government. 
Aristotle, like Demosthenes, belongs to the later part of the 
period we are now considering, and his life extended into the 
Macedonian period. 

V. Social Life and Manners 

Industrial Occupations. — As we regard Athens as the intel- 
lectual center of (Jreece, so we may regard its social life as 
typical of that which prevailed in most of the Grecian cities. 
The democratic spirit of the Athenian people was opposed to 
any strict division into classes — except the distinction between 
freemen and slaves. All freemen were equal, having tlie same 
rights and privileges. We may, however, group the free in- 
habitants of Attica according to their industrial occupations, 
or the modes in which they obtained their living. We might, 
in the first place, regard " politics " as a business at Athens. 
It is true that the higher officers of the state received no pay; 
but pay was given to those who served in the army and fleet, in 
the council, and in the courts. The courts often swarmed with 
persons who desired to make their living by receiving the small 
pay given to jurors. Again, there was a class of professional 
men like physicians, artists, teachers, legal advisers, some of 
whom received not only fees for their services, but fixed sal- 
aries paid by the state. Besides these were the commercial 
classes, including the merchants, brokers, and traders, who 
formed the wealthier body of the citizens. Moreover, there 
was a large class of artisans, such as workers in wood, iron, 
clay, glass, silver and gold, who furnished many products that 
were exported to other parts of Hellas. Agricultural pursuits 



330 



THE GEEEK WORLD 



were always regarded as honorable by the Athenians, and it is 
said that no one but a free citizen could own land in Attica. 
The more menial kinds of labor were performed by the slaves, 
of whom there were a very large number in Attica, but whose 
condition cannot be regarded as very wretched, since they gen- 




Interior of a Greek House (Restoration) 



erally received humane treatment at the hands of their masters. 
The worst feature of Athenian slavery was to throw a re- 
proach upon manual labor, and thus degrade the poorer class 
of freemen who were obliged to engage in such work. 

The Athenian House, Furniture. Dress. — Although the pub- 
lic buildings of Athens were magnificent and expensive, the 
ordinary dwelling house was in its external appearance simple 
and unpretentious. It consisted of a series of rooms, surround- 
ing a court which opened to the sky. The interior of the finer 
houses, however, presented a dignified and artistic appearance, 
with their peristyles of columns and rich decorations and fur- 
niture. Chairs and couches of ornamental woodwork, artistic 



ATTIC PEKTOD OF HELLENIC CULTUEE 



221 




Athena 
illustrations. 



lamps of bronze or terra cotta, bronze or marble statuettes, and 
elegant vases of precious metal, all showed 
the refinement of the Greek taste. 

The Greeks also showed their simple 
and refined taste in their dress, which 
presented a strong contrast to the elaborate 
and gaudy apparel of the Oriental peoples. 
It consisted usually of two garments : first 
a tunic called cltiioii (pron. l-i'ton), held 
in place by clasps upon the shoulders; 
and second, a broad cloak, called liima'- 
tion, thrown in loose folds about the per- 
son. The dress of the men and that of 
the women were quite similar, although 
the latter was more full and flowing. 
The graceful effect of the simple female 
costume may be seen in the accompanying 

Marriage and the Position of Women. 
— The father of the family provided for 
the marriage of his children, and the 
))etrothal was really an engagement be- 
tween the parents of the bride and 
groom. Although marriage was a legal 
contract, the wedding was a sacred as 
well as a festive ceremony, attended 
with a sacrifice to the gods, and a ban- 
quet in which the guests partook of the 
wedding cake and joined in the nuptial 
song. 

The Athenians believed that the 
proper sphere of woman was the home, 
and hence she was deprived of the lib- 
erty which she enjoyed in Homeric times, and even at this 
time in Sparta. She was taught that politics and the turmoil 
of the street should be left to men. Her domestic employ- 




POLYMMA 



223 



THE GREEK WORLD 



ments — spinning, weaving, and embroidering — were not of 
course conducive to high intellectual culture. She could not, 
therefore, exercise the elevating social influence that is ^jos- 
sible in modern times. But in spite of her inferior position, 
the Athenians were not unappreciative of the nobler qualities 
of the female character, as is seen, for example, in the " Antig- 
one '' of Sophocles. 

Athenian Education. — Education formed a very important 
part of Greek life. Its aim was to develop as far as possible a 
perfect ph3sical, intellectual, and moral manhood, and to pre- 
pare young men for the duties which belong to free citizens. 
The Athenians were thoroughly impressed witli the importance 
of training the body, the mind, and the character. Gymnastics, 
mental discipline, and moral inspiration were the chief fea- 
tures of their educational methods. The boy was not only 
taught by his teacher at school, Init was constantly under the 
supervision of his " pedagogue," a trusty sei'vant who accom- 
panied him to school and watched over him elsewhere. The 
elomentarv training consisted of reading, writing, and arith- 
metic. The boy com- 
mitted to memory the 
Avise sayings of the old 
poets, and copied these 
provei'bs upon a waxen 
tablet by means of the 
stylus: and his arith- 
metical computations 
were made with the aid 
of the abacus, or count- 
ing board. To this was 
a'dded music, for the cultivation of the feelings; while his sys- 
tematic exercise in the gymnasium was intended to give him a 
sound, symmetrical, and vigorous body. Besides this elemen- 
tary discipline there was added the more arlvanced education 
obtained from the conversation and lectures of professional 




A Lesson in the Poets 



ATTIC PEEIOD OP HELLENIC CULTUEE 223 

teachers, like the sophists. Such instruction was given in the 
porches of the Agora, and in other public places. It included 
all branches of practical and theoretical knowledge; and its aim 
was to give what we should call a liberal education — to make 
broad-minded men and enlightened citizens. 

Athenian Sociability; the Banquet and Symposium. — The 
Athenians were essentially a sociable people. This is seen in 
their hospitality, their love of companionshijj. of conversation, 
and of social entertainments. The open air was in many re- 
spects the home of the Athenian gentleman; for in the streets 
he could always find his friends, with whom he was accustomed 
to pass away many hours of the day. One of the chief centers 
of the social life of Athens — as it was of the political and com- 
mercial life — was the Agora. The Athenians also found other 
places of resort and social pleasure in the gymnasia, of which 
the most famous were the Lyceum and the Academy — the 
former situated just outside of the city to the east, and the 
latter about a mile to the north. There were also clubs, 
originally founded for the sake of companionship, and after- 
ward acquiring a political character as well. 

The chief soiirce of social entertainment in the evening was 
the banquet, with the accompanying " symposium." Eeclining 
on couches, the guests partook of the repast furnished by the 
host, and then were regaled with dashes of oratory, sparks of 
wit, rehearsals from the poets, and the music of the flute or 
lyre, or perhaps amused by professional dancers, jugglers, and 
contortionists. The character of the symposium of course 
varied with the refinement of the guests ; but it was a fair 
expression of Greek social and intellectual culture. 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. Athens as the Center of Hellenic Art. — Greek Politics 
and Hellenic Culture. — The Attic Period, its Character and 
Phases. — The City of Athens. — Athenian Architecture. — Athenian 
Sculpture.— Athenian Painting. 



234 THE GREEK WORLD 

II. The Theater and Dramatic Literature. — The Theater 
of Dionysus. — Orio-in of the Greek Drama. — Aeschylus, the Father 
of Tragedy. — Sophocles, the Dramatic Artist. — Euripides, the 
Dramatist of the People. — The Attic Comedy; Ai-istophanes. 

III. Prose Literature: History and Oratory. — Herodotus, 
the Father of Histoi'y. — Thucydides, the Scientific Historian. — 
Xenophon, the Historical Essayist. — Athenian Oratory; Lysias, 
Isocrates, Demosthenes. 

IV. The PniLOSOPiiY of Athens. — Anaxag-oras, the First 
Athenian Philosopher. — The Sophists and Greek Dialectics. — The 
Practical Philosophy of Socrates. — The Idealistic Philosophy of 
Plato. — The Realistic Philosophy of Aristotle. 

V. Social Life and Manners. — Industrial Occupations. — The 
Athenian House, Furniture, Dress. — INlarriage and the Position 
of Women. — Athenian Education. — Athenian Sociability, the 
Banquet and Symposium. 

BEFERENCES FOR READING 

Allcroft, Vol. II., Ch. 1?,, "The Imperial City"; Ch. 15, "Litera- 
ture" (10).' 

Abbott, Pericles, Ch. 17, "The Athens of Pericles" (27). 

Ducoudray, Ch. 9, "Greek Literature and Art" (1). 

Smith, Wm., Ch. 34, "Athens and Athenian and Grecian Art 
during- the Period of her Empire"; Ch. 35, "History of Athe- 
nian Literature to the End of the Peloponnesian War" (10). 

Mahatfy, Survey, Ch. 4, "Passage from Sporadic to Systematic 
Culture" (10). 

Bury, Ch. 11, § 6, "The Restoration of the Temples"; § 11, 
"Higher Education; the Sophists" (10). 

Curtius, Vol. II., pp. 592-641, "Athens the Center of Intellectual 
Life" (10). 

Holm, Vol. II., Ch. 20, ''Athens under Pericles"; Ch. 26, "The 
New Culture, Rhetoric and Sophistry"; Ch. 29. "Art and 
Literature" (10). 

Macaulay, Essay on History (Herodotus and Thucydides com- 
pared). 

Zeller, Second Period. "Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle" (15). 

Guhl and Koner, § 30, "The Theater" (11). 

Symonds, Greek Poets, Ch. 9, "Ancient and Modern Tragedy" 
(15). 

Tarbell, Chs. 8, 9, Great Age of Greek Sculpture (12). 

Gulick, Ch. 14, "Social Life and Entertainments" (11). 

Bliimner, Ch. 4, "Marriage and Women" (11). 

Mahaffv, Old Greek Life, Ch. 4, "Public Life of the Greek 
Citizen" (11). 

Felton, Vol. II., Second Course, "The Life of Greece" (10). 

•The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the 
Appendix, where a fuller title of the boolj will be found. 



PEEIOD IV. THE UNION OF GREECE AND THE ORIENT 
(359-146 B. 0.) 



CHAPTER XV 

MACEDONIA AND THE EMPIRE OF ALEXANDER 

I. The Eise of Macedonia under Philip 

The New Epoch in Greek History. — We have now reached a 
new and ini|)ortant epoch in the history of Greece — and, in 
fact, in the history of the ancient world. The failure of the 
Greek states to develop a national government — either in 
the form of a permanent confederacy, or hy submitting to the 
leadership of one of their own number — led to the final over- 
throw of the very liberties which they were so anxious to pre- 
serve. In striving to maintain their independence from one 
another, they were compelled at last to submit to the control 
of a foreign power. The supremacy which they were unwilling 
to give to Athens, to Sparta, or to Thebes, they were at last 
obliged to yield to Macedonia. The rise of Macedonia, and the 
interference of this new power in the internal affairs of Greece, 
therefore, mark a crisis in the history of the Grecian states. 

But we shall see that Macedonia establi^:hed her supremacy 
not only over the states of Greece, but also over the countries 
of western Asia; so that Greece and the Orient became united 
in a common world-empire. The most important feature of 
this new period, however, is not so much the establishment of 
a common political authority over the countries of the ancient 

225 



226 



THE GREEK WORLD 



world, as the cliiTusion of the Greek genius among the peoples 
of the East. If in earlier times die tide of Orientalism once 
flowed toward the ^^gean, now the tide of Hellenism is to flow 
back toward t])e Orient. If during the Attic period the Hel- 
lenic culture tended to become centralized in Athens, now the 
culture of Greece is to transcend the narrow limits of Hellas 
and to become a possession for ever}^ people. The essential 
feature of the coming epoch is, therefore, the union of Greece 
and the Orient in a wider civilization, wdiich we may call 
" Gra?co-Oriental." But first let us see how this union was 
accomplished, under the supremacy of Macedonia and the lead- 
ership of Philip II. and Alexander the Great. 

Macedonia and the Greeks. — ^Macedonia was a country lying 
to the north of Tliessaly, beyond the Caml)unian Mountains. 

The people were re- 
motely related to the 
Greeks. But they 
were still for the most 
part in a semi-bar- 
barous condition, al- 
though they were 
capal)le of becoming a 
strong nation. They 
were a hardy race, 
and had in them the 
making of good sol- 
diers. In the high- 
lands they were separated into many tribes, each under its 
own chief. But in the lowlands, near the sea, they had 
come into contact with the Greek colonies, and had begun 
to be more civilized and to have something like a united gov- 
ernment. At the time of the Theban suj^remacy, Macedonia 
became so strong and threatening that Pelopidas invaded the 
country, checked the ambition of ii;s ruler, and brought back to 
Thebes the young prince Philip as a hostage. This young 




Macedonia at the Accession of 
Philip IT. 





MACEDONIA 227 

Philip, while in bondage, became versed in the civilized arts 
of Greece and especially in the military system of Epaminon- 
das, and thus became fitted for his future work as the king 
of Macedonia. 

Accession and Character of Philip II. (359 b. c). — On his 
return to Macedonia Pliilip was appointed regent of the king- 
dom at the age of twenty-three; and in a sliort time he had 
himself proclaimed king. 
He proved to be a man of 
wonderful ability, versed 
in the best as well as the 
worst arts of statecraft. 
He possessed unusual 

powers of organization. ""philip II. (Coin) 

He was able as a warrior, 
and still more able as a wily diplomatist. He extended his 
power over the mountain tribes, and pushed back the barl)a- 
rians who were threatening the frontiers of his kingdom on 
the north and west. But more than this, he gathered together 
his scattered subjects into a well-organized army. This gave 
to the people a common military discipline and a common 
national spirit. In organizing his army, Philip adopted tlie 
Greek phalanx; but he strengthened it by making the line six- 
teen instead of eight men deep. He armed the men with lances 
twenty-one feet long, so that the front of tlie phalanx presented 
a projecting forest of bristling spears. He also organized a tine 
body of heavy-armed cavalry, made up of the liest men of the 
kingdom and called " companions," which formed in action the 
right arm of his battle line. By his political and military skill 
he was able in a few years to convert a semi-barbarous country 
into a well-organized and growing kingdom. 

The Aggressions of Philip upon Greece, — The chief ambi- 
tion of Philip was to make himself master of Greece. He 
first interfered in the affairs of tlie Athenian colonies in Chal- 
cidice, which Athens was not able to prevent, as she was at 



228 THE GEEEK WOELD 

the same time engaged in an unsuccessful war with some of 
her allies — the "Social war" (358-355 b. c). Philip was 
aided in his aggressions upon Greece by the distracted condi- 
tion of the Greek states themselves, — especially in the so-called 
" Sacred war " (357-316 b. c). This war grew out of the at- 
tempt of Thebes and the Amphictyonic League to punish 
Phocis for seizing lands belonging to the temple of Apollo at 
Delphi. Nearly the whole of Greece was affected, either 
directly or indirectly, by this war. Philip now appeared as 
the ally of Thebes and the champion of Apollo. He invaded 
Thessaly and made himself master of that country. Pressing 
on to ThermopylfB, he found this pass held by an Athenian 
army. Instead of exposing his own army to slaughter, he 
deemed it wiser to withdraw and to wait for a more convenient 
season in which to extend his influence in Greece. 

Demosthenes and Philip. — The one great man who now ap- 
peared as the defender of Greece against Pbilip was Demos- 
thenes. He had already made a reputation as an orator; and 
he now assumed the role of a statesman. To arouse Greece to 
a sense of her danger, he delivered the first of a series of fa- 
mous orations known as " Philippics." Philip was now busy in 
the north, trying to get possession of Olynthus, and to reduce 
to his power the whole Cbaleidian confederacy. Olynthus ap- 
pealed to Athens for aid ; and Demosthenes delivered his 
" Olynthiac orations," to urge the people to make war upon 
Pliilip and to save the Chalcidian citv. His earnest efforts in- 
duced the Athenians to declare war, but failed to save the be- 
leaguered town. Olynthus fell (348 b. c), and with it all the 
Chalcidian cities, whose inhabitants, according to the ancient 
custom, were either put to death or sold into slavery. The 
kingdom of Philip now extended nearly to the Hellespont on 
the east, and to the pass of Thermopylae on the south. 

To allay the fears which had been inspired by Demosthenes, 
Philip consented to a peace with Athens — the Peace of Philoe'- 
rates (346 b. c.) — in which each party professed friendship for 



MACEDONIA 229 

the other and each agreed to respect the other's possessions. 
Having conciliated Athens, Philip marched to Delphi, dis- 
mantled the Phocian towns, scattered their inhabitants in 
small villages, and received himself the two votes in the 
Amphictyonic council that hitherto had belonged to Phocis. 
To extend his influence in Greece, he then formed friendly al- 
liances with a number of the states in the Peloponnesus. 

Battle of Chaeronea ; the End of Greek Freedom (338 b. c). 
— But Athens was still suspic-ious of the designs of the Mace- 
donian king. She saw that Philip was threatening to make 
further aggressions in Thrace and also in central Greece. 
Through the influence of Demosthenes Athens and Thebes now 
joined in a final effort to crush the king. But at Chaeronea, in 
Bceotia (map, p. 1!)1), Philip defeated the combined forces of 
the Grecian allies, and destroyed the last opposition to his 
power. This battle is generally regarded as marking the loss 
of Grecian independence. But we can see that the independ- 
ence of Greece had been gradually declining since the first 
interference of Pliilip in Grecian affairs. Greece fell before 
Macedonia on account of her incapacity to form a united state, 
like that which Philip had created for his people. 

The Congress of Corinth; Death of Philip. — Philip now 
proceeded to do for Greece what Greece had failed to do for 
herself. He called together at Corinth a congress of all the 
states. This congress is said to have been the most repre- 
sentative l)ody that the Hellenic world had ever seen — Sparta 
only standing aloof. Tlie king gave to the Greeks a constitu- 
tion which formed a kind of federal state. Every city was to 
be free, and to manage its own affairs, and not to be subject to 
any tribute. The Amphictyonic council was to be the supreme 
arbiter in the settlement of disputes between the different 
states. The king was to be the j^resident, having the power 
to declare war and peace. At this congress Philip also re- 
vealed his greatest project, which was nothing less than the 
conquest of Persia, in which Greeks and Macedonians would 



330 



THE GEEEK WOKLD 



unite In avenging the wrongs done to Greece since the days of 
Xerxes. The proposals of the king were accepted, and he was 
appointed commander in chief of tlie armies which were to 
invade the Persian empire. But wliile making plans for this 
expedition, Philip was assassinated (336 b. c), and the comple- 
tion of his work was left to his son, Alexander the Great. 



II. The Empire oe Alexaxder 

Beginning of Alexander's Career. — Alexander was well 
qualified to carry on the work begun by Philip. He was fitted 
both by nature and by education for a career which in many 
respects has no parallel in the world's history. From his 

I'allier he inherited an imjoerial 
will, a keen insight into men 
and things, and a genius for 
military organization. From 
his mother — a half-barbarian 
princess — he inherited an im- 
petuous nature, a fitful, fiery 
temper, and a" tendency to su- 
perstition. V>y bis great teach- 
er, Aristotle, he was trained to 
virtue and the love of truth, to 
an exalted appreciation of 
knowledge, and to a sympathy 
with the Hellenic s]urit. From 
his favorite author. Homer, he 
derived a heroic inspiration, a zeal for warlike action, and a 
passion to rival the deeds of Achilles. From the time that he 
was a boy of twelve — when, according to Plutarch, he had 
tamed the fiery steed Buceph'alus — to the battle of Cha?ronea, 
where he had led the Macedonian cavalry, he had shown that 
he was born to rule. At the age of twenty he ascended his 
father's throne. His first work Avas to quell the spirit of re- 




Al.EXANDER 



THE EMPIRE OF ALEXANDER 



231 




I I I I en ,,Qt« 



PARMENIO 
MACEDONIANS 



volt which seemed everywhere to show itself with the news of 
his father's death. He put out of the way his possible rivals. 
He entered Greece and had himself proclaimed commander in 
chief, as his father had done. He punished the tribes of the 
nortli and west which threatened the frontiers of his kingdom. 
Angered by a Grecian revolt led by Thebes, he wiped that city 
from the earth, sparing only the temples and the house of the 
poet Pindar. Having pacified his kingdom in Europe, he was 
ready to enter upon the conquest of Asia. 

Asia Minor; Battle of the Granicus (334 b. c.).— The first 
country to be brought under his control was Asia Minor. He 
crossed the Hellespont with a 
small but well-trained army, con- 
sisting of thirty thousand infan- 
try and five thousand cavalry. He 
first visited the plains of Troy, al- 
ready hallowed in his imagination 
by the tales of Homer; here he of- 
fered a sacrifice to Athena, and 
paid homage to the tomb of 
Achilles. His first battle was 
fought at the river Grani'cus, a 
small stream flowing into the Propontis, where he practically 
destroyed the whole Persian army, with but a small loss on 
his own part. The victory at the Granicus was followed by 
the speedy submission of the cities in Asia Minor. Alexander 
then moved north to Gordium, the old capital of Phrygia, 
where he quartered his army for the winter, and according to 
the well-known story " cut the Gordian knot." 

Syria; Battle of Issus and Siege of Tyre (333 b. c.).— The 
next country to be conquered was Syria. Alexander marched 
from Gordium southward through the passes of the Taurus 
Mountains to Tarsns; then through the city of Issus into the 
open plains of Syria, where he expected to meet the armies of 
the Persian king, Darius III. In the meantime, Darius had 



Battle of Granicus 

a, Macedonian phalanx : 6, al- 
lied cavalry ; c. companion 
cavalry ; d, light infantry ; 
e, archers and javelin 
throwers 



TPuncTiT^ — st^'^tt: ]m:a.t> isto. lo. 




332 



THE EMPIRE OF ALEXANDER 



23b 




>^~^+'<- 

<i^^ 



PARMEMO 
MACEDONIANS 



Battle of Issus 
(For letters, see p. 231) 



assembled a vast horde of six hundred thousand men and 
moved to the north and to the rear of Alexander's army, hop- 
ing to cut off its retreat. Alexander marched back and at- 
tacked Darius in his chosen posi- 
tion, near Issus. After a severe 
conflict, a large part of the Per- 
sian army was destroyed and the 
rest put to flight. Alexander then 
continued his march southward 
through Sidon and reached Tyre. 
At til is place he met the most seri- 
ous resistance that he encoun- 
tered in all his campaigns. The 

new city of Tyre was situated on an island about half a mile 
from the coast. Having no fleet at hand, Alexander could 
reach tlie city only by building an im- 
mense mole, or causeway, through the 
sea to the walls. By this stupendous 
piece of work he was able to storm and 
capture the city. The overtures for 
peace which the Persian king now felt 
disposed to offer him were scornfully 
rejoetpfl. 

Egypt; Founding' of Alexandria 
(332 B. c). — There remained only one 
more province on the Mediterranean 
to be secured, and that was Egypt. 
The march to the south, however, was blocked at Gaza, a 
strongly fortified town defended by its faithful governor, Batis. 
To assault these walls Alexander performed another great feat 
of engineering skill. He built a mound of earth, two hundred 
and fifty feet high aud twelve hundred feet broad at the base, 
around the entire city. Although repulsed three times, he 
finally took the town by storm. He put to death what re- 
mained of the garrison, and sold the women and children into 



5" 


MILES 


1 


k k 


-Si 

W 

M 


,/}V , u^'-''"' 








J 


s 




& 

I 1 



Siege of Tyre 



MOREY'S ANCIENT HI.ST. 



14 



234 THE GREEK WORLD 

slavery. The way was now open to Egypt, which wel- 
comed Alexander as a deliverer. On the coast west of the 
Delta, he founded the new city of Alexan'dria, the first and 
most famous of many towns which perpetuated his name. 
Thence he moved westward along the coast, and then south- 
ward through the Libyan desert to the noted temple and oracle 
of Zeus Amnion. Here, it is said, the oracle addressed him as 
the son of Zeus and the future conqueror of the world. This 
may have had some influence upon Alexander, in leading him 
to claim divine honors for liimself. 

Central Persia; Battle of Arbela (331 b. c). — Having or- 
ganized the government of Egypt, Alexander returned to Tyre 
and made his preparations to pierce the heart of the Persian 

empire. He crossed the Eu- 



MACEDONIANS 



^ pABMENIO 



►■^.O II M I I 

CON -^^^ 



^^<c+^'§^ I I M I I I M B 



P E R S I A N S 



Battle of "Arbela" 
(For letters, see p. 2.31) 



phrates Kiver and passed 
through ujjper Mesopotamia 
beyond the Tigris. In a 
broad plain near the village 
of Gaugame'la, and thirty 
miles west of Arbe'la, he 
came face to face with the 
army of the great king. 
Here was to be fought the battle which was to decide the fate 
of Persia. Since his defeat at Issus, Darius had gathered an 
immense armament which rivaled that of Xerxes, — a million 
infantry, forty thousand cavalry, two hundred scythed 
chariots, and fifteen elephants. To meet tliis liost Alexander 
had now an army of forty thousand infantry and seven thou- 
sand cavalry. His attack began with a cavalry charge toward 
the enemy's left; and this he suddenly changed and directed in 
the form of a wedge against the center, where Darius himself 
was urging on his troops. The frightened king fled; his army 
became demoralized; while the rest of Alexander's troops 
pressed forward and gained a complete victory. The battle at 
Gaugamela — usually called the "" battle of Arbela " — sealed 



THE EMPIRE OF ALEXANDER 235 

the doom of the empire. Alexander then moved south to 
Babylon, which surrendered to him; next to Susa, which also 
opened its gates; and then to Persepolis, which was taken after 
a feeble resistance. These three cities were the richest in the 
world; and by their capture Alexander came into possession 
of immense treasures. He proclaimed himself the monarch of 
Persia; but he disgraced his name by wantonly firing with his 
own hand the magnificent palace at Persepolis. 

The Far East; Battle of the Hydaspes (326 b. c). — Alex- 
ander had now traversed the western and central provinces of 
the Persian empire. There remained the far eastern provinces, 
which were speedily reduced to his authority. It was during 
this period that Alexander blackened his name by two of his 
most infamous crimes. The one was the assassination of his 
faithful general, Parme'nio, on the charge of conspiracy; the 
other was the murder, in a fit of drunken frenzy, of his dearest 
friend, Clitus, who had saved his life at the battle of the 
Granicus. Of these dastardly crimes, it can only be said to 
his credit that he bitterly repented of them. 

Not satisfied with tlie conquest of Persia, Alexander crossed 
the Indus, and proceeded through the Punjab to the river 
Hydas'pes. Here, after a severe engagement, he gained a 
victory over the armies of India, led by Porus, the most able 
king of the Far East. Struck by the royal bearing of Porus, 
Alexander made him viceroy of his new Indian province. The 
Macedonian soldiers, now wearied with years of marching and 
fighting, refused to go farther into unknown lands; and Alex- 
ander was obliged to return. Down the Indus and then west- 
ward through the sands of the desert, his army marched back 
to Persepolis and Susa; wliile his fleet under Nearchus ex- 
plored anew the ancient water route from the Indus to the Eu- 
phrates. Alexander n^paired to Bal^ylon, now the capital of 
his newly conquered world. 

Death and Character of Alexander. — On his return to Baby- 
lon Alexander did not rest. He lioped to push his conquests 



236 



THE GEEEK WORLD 



into Arabia, and to give a firmer oj'ganization to his Grseco- 
Oriental emiiire. But in a short time he was stricken down by 
a fever, and died (323 b. c.) at the age of thirty-two years and 
eiglit months. His last words were a request that the empire 
be given " to tlie most worthy." His body was carried to 
Egypt, and was buried at Alexandria with divine honors. 

What shall l)e thought of Alexander? This is a question 
upon which there has been much dift'erence of opinion. Some 










Sarcophagtts of Alexander (So-called) 

have regarded him as scarcely more than a brilliant military 
adventurer. Otliers have looked upon him as having done 
more for tbe world's civilization than any other human being. 
Without assuuiing too much confidence in our own opinion, let 
us look at his chief characteristics as a man, as a soldier, and 
as a statesman. 

As a man Alexander possessed reraarkal)le natural endow- 
1-,-ients — ^a body of great beauty, agility, and strength, capable 
of extraordinary feats of endurance; a mind of transcendent 



THE EMPIEE OF ALEXANDER 237 

genius, of restless activit}^ of wonderful powers of insight, of 
broad and comprehensive views, prolific in resources, and un- 
erring in the adjustment of means to ends; a will power such 
as is rarely given to men, irresistible and untiring; and an emo- 
tional nature made up of a strange mixture of generosity and 
cruelty, of self-control and self-indulgence, of calm repose and 
furious passion, capable of performing the worst of crimes, 
and immediately giving way to penitence and remorse. 

As a soldier ho has had scarcely a peer in the world's his- 
tory — a born commander of men, a supreme master of strategy 
and tactics, equally great in marches, sieges, and battles. 

As a statesman he possessed a cosmopolitan breadth of view. 
He believed that the state should not be narrowed to the limits 
of a city or small territory, like that of the Greeks, but should 
take in all civilized peoples. He showed his broad ideas by 
favoring the mixture of races, by encouraging a wider com- 
mercial intercourse, by patronizing the arts and the sciences, 
by building up new cities as centers for the diffusion of Greek 
civilization. He adopted, in some respects, higher methods of 
government than those which had hitherto prevailed in the 
East. But it remains true that the great world empire which 
he carved out with the sword fell to pieces almost immediately 
after his death. 

III. Dissolution of Alexander's Empire 

The Wars of the Diadochi. — The years which followed the 
death of Alexander were years of intrigue and war between 
his different generals, who are known in history as the " Diad'- 
ochi," or the successors of Alexander. Various attempts were 
made to keep the empire together. At first one of the generals, 
Perdic'cas, tried to rule, and divided the provinces between 
himself and the other chieftains; but they refused to recognize 
his authority. Afterward another general, Antig'onus, aspired 
to the position of the great king; but he was opposed by the 



PROORKSsiVE m:ap isra. 11. 




THE EMPIRE OF ALEXANDER 239 

other generals, who were themselves getting control of various 
provinces. After years of bitter strife, Antigonus was de- 
feated and slain at the battle of Ipsns in Phrygia (301 b. c.) ; 
and the victorious generals divided among themselves the frag- 
ments of the empire that Alexander had established (map, 
p. 238). 

Kingdom of the Seleucidge; Syria. — Seleucus was the gen- 
eral who had already taken possession , of Babylon, together 
with a large part of the eastern provinces. He now received 
in addition Mesopotamia, Syria, and the eastern part of Asia 
Minor. He removed his capital from Babylon to An'tioch 
in Syria; but in this way he also weakened his hold upon his 
eastern provinces. He divided his whole territory into seventy- 
two satrapies, ruled not by natives but by Greeks and Mace- 
donians. The eastern provinces were intrusted to his son 
Anti'ochus, who afterward succeeded to his father's throne 
(280 B. c). This extensive empire was known as Syria, or 
rather the " Kingdom of the Seleu'cida?," and remained the 
greatest power in Asia until tlie lioinan conquest (6-1 b. c). 

Kingdom of the Ptolemies ; Egypt. — Ptolemy I. (Soter) was 
one of Alexander's generals who was put in possession of Egypt 
directly after the death of the conqueror, and had maintained 
himself there during the wars of succession. He afterward 
added to his kingdom Palestine, lower Syria, and Cyprus. 
Under his administration and that of his successors Egypt 
rose to prosperity and greatness. The first Ptolemy organ- 
ized the kingdom into provinces based upon the ancient 
divisions of the country; but the civil and military authority 
was placed in the hands of Greeks and Macedonians. Alexan- 
dria became the great commercial emporium of the Mediter- 
ranean, and the center of the world's learning. Egypt re- 
mained the land of commerce and of culture until it was 
absorbed by the Roman empire (30 b. c). 

Kingdoms in Asia Minor. — No part of Alexander's empire 
was so completely broken up after his death as was Asia Minor. 



240 THE GREEK WORLD 

Here, after some years, we find the new kingdoms of Per'- 
gamum, Bithyn'ia, and other smaller states, as well as the 
island republic of Bhodes, which included some of the cities on 
the adjacent coast. Of these several states the kingdom of 
Pergamum was the most important, and under its kings Eu'- 
menes I. and At'talus I. rose to a position of considerable 
power and influence. 

Macedonia and the Greek Federations. — After the death of 
Alexander the (i reeks made a fresh attempt to throw off the 
power of Macedonia. This unsuccessful revolt, which is known 
as the " Lamian war " (323-321 b. c), was inspired chiefly by 
Demosthenes, who after its disastrous close fled from Athens 
and took his own life by poison. . After the battle of Tpsus, 
Macedonia fell into the hands of Cassander, who received it 
as his share of Alexander's empire. 

While weak successors of Cassander were trying to main- 
tain their authority in Greece, there grew up two confed- 
erations which were tlie most important factors in later Greek 
politics. In the course of time they came to include the most 
important states of Greece, except Athens and Sparta. One 
of these confederations was the ^tolian League in central 
Greece. This was originally a union of warlike mountain 
tribes in ^Etolia, but it gradually extended its power so as to 
include a considerable number of states north of the Gulf of 
Corinth, and also Elis in the Peloponnesus. 

A body quite similar to the ^^tolian League in its organ- 
ization, but far superior in its character, was the Achaean 
League, which comprised most of the states in the Pelopon- 
nesus. Tbe power and greatness of the Achaean League were 
due to the famous leader Ara'tus, who for a time apneared 
as the deliverer of Greece from Macedonian rul ■ In a 
few years the whole Peloponnesus, except Lacdnia . .id Elis, 
was combined (229 b. c.) in a single federal state — the most 
advanced political organization that had ever existed in 
Greece. 



THE EMPIRE OF ALEXANDER 



241 



Constitution of the Achaean League. — The Achaean League 
is often referred to as the most striking example of a federal 
republic existing in the ancient world ; and we should therefore 
notice its principal ^^^^ 
features. In the first || 
place, each city re- 
tained its equality 
and independence — 
having its own gov- 
ernment, electing its 
own officers, and 
managing its own 
local affairs. In the 
next place, the gen- 
eral powers of the 
league were vested in 
a central or federal 
government. This 
consisted of (1) a 
general (or presi- 
dent), and a council 
or cabinet of ten per- 
sons who exercised 
administrative pow- 
ers; (3) a boule, or senate, of about one hundred and twenty 
persons, which prepared measures for the assembly and man- 
aged foreign affairs; and (3) an assembly of the whole people, 
in which the citizens of each city possessed one vote. The 
assembly passed all federal laws, and elected all federal offi- 
cers. As the federal assembly was not a representative body, 
and '.s all the citizens would not be disposed to attend its 
meetings, there was a tendency for the league, although dem- 
ocratic in theory, to become aristocratic in fact, and also 
for the " general " to exercise a great influence in shaping its 
policy. 




The iExoLiAN and Ach.^an Leagues, 
ABOUT 229 B. c. 



243 THE CiKEElv WOKLD 

Conflict between the Achaean League and Sparta. — The 

only state of the Pelopomicsus whicli now reniainL'tl outside of 
the Greek federations was Sparta. Once the head of the Pelo- 
ponnesian League, Sparta was now envious of the growing in- 
fluence of the Aeha^ans. She was herself trying to recover 
some of her ancient prestige. She had reformed and strength- 
ened her decaying institutions through the efforts of her two 
energetic kings, Agis III. and Cleomenes III. Cleomenes be- 
lieved that the interests of Sparta required the breaking up 
of the Achaean League. He appealed to the .Etolians. and 
with their aid waged a successful war against the Achsans. 
The cause of the Achaans scorned about to be lost, when their 
general Aratus felt obliged to njijx'al to jMacedonia for aid. 
The Macedonian king, Antigonus. was quite willing to inter- 
fere in this conflict, since he saw an opportunity to strengthen 
his own authority in Greece. He invaded the Peloponnesus, de- 
feated Cleomenes in the battle of Sella'sia (221 b. c), and 
forced Sparta into sulnnission. But the most unwelcome result 
of this so-called " Cleomenic war " was its effect upon the 
Achfean League. The league was originally organized to repel 
the power of Macedonia; but now, by accepting an alliance 
with ^Macedonia, it was compelled to sulimit to her authority. 
Macedonia and the .ffitolian League. — When Macedonia had 
defeated Sparta and had brought the Achasans into subjection, 
the .Etolians were left the chief inde- 
pendent power in Hellas. It was now 
their turn to make an attempt to estab- 
lish their supremacy in Greece. The 
time seemed especially favorable on ac- 
count of the recent death of the warlike 
king Antigonus, and the accession of 
Phiiip V ^^^^ young prince Philip V. to the Mace- 

donian throne. The .Etolians accord- 
ingly invaded the Peloponnesus and made war upon the 
Achgeans. They obtained the assistance of Sparta, still smart- 




THE EMPIRE OF ALEXANDER 343 

ing under her recent defeat at Sellasia. In this war between 
the leagues — called the "Social war" (220-217 b. c.) — the 
young Macedonian king felt bound to protect his Achasan 
allies. He therefore entered upon a series of vigorous cam- 
paigns by land and sea against the ^Etolians. He was every- 
where successful. ^Etolia and the whole of Greece seemed 
on the point of being reduced to the condition of a Mace- 
donian province, when Philip received the news that the 
Eomans had been defeated in a great battle by Hannibal. 
He determined to make peace with the Greeks, and to join 
Hannibal against the Eomans. By the terms of this peace, 
called the Peace of Naupactus (217 b. c), the two leagues 
were compelled to lay down their arms and to return to the 
condition in which they were at the beginning of the war — • 
that is, the Acha^ans continued to recognize the authority of 
the Macedonian king; the Spartans withdrew into their own 
territory of Laconia ; and the ^Etolians retained their inde- 
pendence. 

The Intervention of Rome. — During this period in which 
the Grecian leagues were striving to resist the encroachments 
of Macedonia, events were taking place which finally led to the 
supremacy of a new foreign power in Greece. This new power 
was Pome, which was beginning to make its influence felt to 
the east of the Adriatic Sea. It was tlie interference of the 
Macedonian king, Philip Y., in the war between Pome and 
Hannibal that led, as we shall hereafter see, to the interfer- 
ence of Pome in the affairs of Macedonia and Greece. From 
this time the history of Greece became a part of the history 
of Pome. But before we begin to study the rise and exten- 
sion of the Poman power and the development of its new 
world empire — which absorbed not only Macedonia and 
Greece, but all the countries bordering on the Mediterranean 
Sea — we must first get some idea of that new culture which 
the ancient world received through Alexander's conquests and 
the work of his successors. 



344 THE GREEK WORLD 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. The Rise of iNfACEDONiA under Philip. — The New Epoch 
in Greek History. — Macedonia and the Greeks. — Accession and 
Character of Philip II. — The Aggressions of I'hilip upon Greece. 
— Demosthenes and Pnilip. — Battle of Cha^ronea; the End of 
Greek Freedom. — The Congress of Corinth; Death of Philip. 

II. The Empire of Alexander. — Beginning of Alexander's 
Career. — Asia INIinor; Battle of the Granicus. — Syria; Battle of 
Issus and Siege of Tyre. — Egypt; Founding of Alexandria.— 
Central Persia; Battle of Arbela.— The Far East; Battle of 
the Hydaspes. — Death and Character of Alexander. 

III. Dissolution of Alexander's Empire. — The Wars of the 
Diadochi. — Kingdom of the Seleucida^; Syria. — Kingdom of the 
Ptolemies; Egyjot. — Kingdoms in Asia Minor. — Macedonia and 
the (Jreek Federations. — Constitution of the Achaean League. — 
Conflict between the Achiean League and Sparta. — Macedonia 
and the ^tolian League. — The Intervention of Rome. 



REFERENCES FOR READING 

Curteis, Ch. .3, "Macedonia and Hellasat Philip's Accession" (10).^ 
Oman, Ch. 42, "Philip and Demosthenes"; Ch. 43, "The End of 

Grecian Freedom"; Ch. 44, "Alexander the Great" (10). 
Bury, Ch. Ki, "The Rise of Macedonia"; Ch. 17, "The Conquest 

of Persia" (10). 
Wheeler, Alexander, Ch. 12, "The Persian Empire"; Ch. 31, 

"Death of Alexander" (27). 
Mahaffy, Survey, Ch. 8, "Alexander and His Successors" (10). 

Greek Life, Ch. 18 (Hellenism, society, literature, art) (10). 

Alexander's Empire, Ch. 8, "The Invasion of the Celts 

[Gauls] and its Consequences" (10). 

Schuckburgh, Ch. 22, "^tolian and Achaean Leagues" (10). 

Curtius, Vol. v., Bk. VII., Ch. 3, "Athens and Philip" (10). 

Holm, Vol. III., Ch. 26, "Concluding Years of Alexander's Reign"; 
Index, "^tolian League," "Achiean League" (10). 

Dodge, Alexander, Ch. 12 (military system of Philip and Alex- 
ander); Ch. 48, "The Man and the Soldier" (27). 

Freeman, Essay, "Alexander the (!reat" (3). 

Bredif, Demosthenes, Ch. 2, "Philip— the Athenians" (the Athens 
of Demosthenes) (27). 

Plutarch, "Demosthenes," "Alexander," "Aratus," "Agis," 
"Cleomenes" (26). 

Arrian, Bk. II., Chs. 18-24 (siege of Tyre); Bk. III., Ch. 1 (con- 
quest of Egypt); Bk. IV., Ch. 8 (murder of Clitus) ; Bk. VIL, 
Ch. 1 (Alexander's plans); Chs. 8-11 (mutiny of Alexander's 
army) (17). 

Demosthenes, Orations, "The First Olynthiac," "The First 
Philippic" (17). 

'The flgiu-e in parenthesis refers to the numlier of the topic in the 
Appendix,' where a fuller title of the hook will he found. 



CHAPTER XVI 

THE NEW GE.^CO-ORIEXTAL, OR HELLENISTIC, CULTURE 

I. Hellenic and Hellenistic Culture 

Hellenic Culture in Greece. — In taking a brief review of the 
general culture which had its beginning in the Macedonian 
period, we may first look at Greece itself, where the Hellenic 
spirit was least affected by 
Oriental influences. Athens 
was still the center of Grecian 
life and thought. Here flour- 
ished the men who represented 
better than elsewhere the con- 
tinuance of the old Hellenic 
spirit. Here Demosthenes 
and ^Es'chines continued to 
deliver their orations in pure 
Attic Greek. Here Aristotle 
continued to write his works 
on philosophy and science. 
Here comedy continued t o 
flourish in the writings of 
Menan'der; and painting sur- 
vived in the famous portraits 

and other works produced by Apel'les. These men represented 
the old Hellenic culture — a culture which had been developing 
in Greece since the days of the Persian wars, but which was 
destined to lose its Attic purity by contact with the thought 
and spirit of the East. 

345 




Meaaindek 



246 THE GREEK WORLD 

Post-Aristotelian Philosophy. — One of the evidences of the 
intiuence of the East upon the native culture of Greece is 
seen in the growth of certain new schools of philosophy which 
followed Aristotle. These schools were a protest, not only 
against the old religious ideas of the Greeks, but also against 
the foreign superstitions which were coming into Greece from 
the East. The foremost of these schools were the Epicure'an 
and the Stoic. The Epicurean school took its name from 
Epicu'rus, wlio was born at Samos and had taught in the cities 
of Asia Minor before he came to Athens. Epicurus tried to 
rescue men from the influence of superstition and the old 
mythological ideas concerning the gods. Ho taught that men 
should be influenced, not by the fear of the gods, but by the 
desire to obtain the liighest happiness — not the passing pleas- 
ure of the hour, but the permanent happiness of a lifetime. 
The Stoic philosopliy, which w^as a higlier system than the 
Epicurean, was founded by Zeno. He taught at Athens in a 
portico on the Agora (Sto'a Pac'ile, or Painted Porch), from 
which his school received its name. He also rejected the pre- 
vailing mythological notions, and believed that the world is 
governed by a Universal Reason which is revealed in the laws 
of nature. According to Zeno. men should live, not to ap- 
pease the gods, but to conform to the highest " law of nature." 
He also sympathized with the broader ideas of the age, and 
believed that men's duties should not be limited to their own 
city or even to Greece, but should extend to all mankind. 

In these new schools of philosophy we may see some of the 
influences of the new period — the influx of Oriental supersti- 
tion which these schools tried to withstand, and also the desire 
to enter into the new world spirit which followed the break- 
ing down of national barriers. The new philosophy taught 
that every one should be. not simply a member of his own city, 
but a " citizen of the world." 

The Spread of Hellenism in the East. — But the most inter- 
estino- feature of this age is not so much the influence of Orien- 



HELLENISTIC CULTUKE 247 

tal ideas upon the old cultiu-e of Greece, as the diffusion of 
the Hellenic culture into other parts of the world — that is, the 
" Hellenizino; " of the Orient. This was due, not only to the 
work of Alexander himself, but to the continuance of his policy 
by his successors. J.ike him, they also planted new cities; 
placed over them Greek and Macedonian governors; encouraged 
Greek colonization; introduced the customs of Greek life; fa- 
vored the use of the Greek language; and patronized Greek 
learning and art. These new cities became new centers of 
Greek civilization, and in some respects they surpassed the 
older cities of Greece. The accumulated wealth of the East 
was used to construct splendid works of art, fashioned upon 
Greek models^ — temples, colonnades, sculptures, market places, 
gardens. In such ways as these the Greeks became the citizens 
of the world, and the culture of Greece became the heritage of 
other people. 

Meaning of Hellenistic Culture. — As we consider this great 
movement l)y which the Greek language and civilization were 
gradually extended over the East, there is one important point 
which should be kept in mind. This is the fact that the 
culture which had been developed by the Greeks themselves 
was considerably modified by being taken up by the people of 
foreign countries. For exami^le, the Greek language, when 
spoken by a Syrian, a Jew, or an Egyptian, would not longer 
remain the pure language of Sophocles or Plato, but would 
acquire features foreign to the Attic tongue. So the architec- 
ture and sculpture of Greece would have impressed upon them 
a certain Oriental character and spirit, which would distin- 
guish them from the more refined art of Phidias and Prax- 
iteles. To this Greek culture modified by Oriental influences 
we apply the term " Hellenistic," to distinguish it from the 
purer Greek culture of the Greeks themselves, which we call 
" Hellenic." Tlie Hellenistic culture, then, means the lan- 
guage and civilization of the people of the East who adopted 
the speech and culture of the Greeks. It is, in short, the 



248 



THE GKEEK WOT^LD 



Orientalized form of Hellenism. The Greek influence ex- 
tended into central Asia and as far east as the Indus; but the 
chief seats of the Hellenistic culture were the countries on the 
eastern shores of the Mediterranean — Asia Minor, Syria, and 
Egypt. 

II. Hellenistic Culture in Asia Minor 

Pergamum as a Center of Culture. — Tlio chief seat of the 
new civilization in Asia Minor was the city of Pergamum — 
the capital of the kingdom of the same name. The kings of 




The Great Altar at Pergamum (Restoration) 

this country came to be Avealthy and somewhat powerful mon- 
archs. They gained an enviable reputation by ending the 
depredations of the Gauls — a barbarian people who in the third 
century invaded Greece and Asia jMinor. and were finally 
settled in the province of Gala'tia, in tlie interior of Asia 
Minor. Tliis victory over the Gauls was the heroic event in 
the history of Pergamum, and was commeuiorated in many 
works of art. 

Architecture and Sculpture of Pergamum. — Tlie kings of 
Pergamum adoi-nod their capital with splendid buildings, 



HELLENISTIC CULTURE 



249 



which rivaled the architecture of iVthens. The central archi- 
tectural feature of the city was a vast altar dedicated to Zeus 
Soter (the Savior). This was built by Eumenes II. to com- 
memorate the victory over the barbarian Gauls, and the divine 
assistance then given. The altar was situated on the summit 
of the acropolis, said to have been more than eight hundred 
feet above the level of the sea. It was adorned with elaborate 
sculptures and especially with a gigantic frieze, on which was 




The Dying Gaul 



represented the battle between the gods and tlie barbarian 
giants. This altar witli its decorations was regarded as one 
of the marvels of the ancient world. We have preserved to us 
a valuable relic of the Pergamean art, and also of the Gallic 
invasion, in the well-known copy of the Dying Gaul (usually 
called the "Dying Gladiator"). This is worth our careful 
study as a specimen of Hellenistic art, showing a departure 
from the purest Greek models in the realistic representation 
of a wounded barbarian warrior. 



250 



THE GKEEK WOELD 



Literature and Science of Pergamum. — This city was a cen- 
ter not only of art, but also of learning. Although it made no 
important contributions to literature, it was distinguished for 
a remarkable collection of literary works — a library of two 
hundred thousand volumes, which rivaled the more renowned 
collection at Alexandria. Books, or rather manuscripts, had 
previously I^een written upon Egyptian pap3a'us. But as the 
exportation of this material was prohibited by the Egyp- 
tians, the kings of Pergamum adopted in its place the skins 
of animals (called Pergamence cliartce, from which comes our 
word " parchment '"). The city of Pergamum also became the 
home of many scientific men, — grammarians, mathematicians, 
natural philosophers, and physicians, — of whom many ac- 
quired great renown, as 
Cra'tes in philology, and 
Galen in medicine. 

The School of Rhodes. 
— Another important cen- 
ter of Hellenistic culture 
in Asia Minor was 
Ehodes, famous for its 
school of I'hetoric and its 
code of maritime law. 
Tlie art of I'liodes reveals 
tlio same Oriental influ- 
ences tiiat a])peared at 
Pergamum. Tliis is seen 
in the taste for colossal 
figures and impressive 
groups of statuary. The 
famous Colossus of 
Ehodes, a statue one hun- 
dred and fifty feet high, was reckoned as one of tlie seven won- 
ders of the world. The most important example of Ehodian 
sculpture that renuiins to us is the group of Laoe'oon, a priest 




LauCOOA AM) lUS Su.NS 



HELLENISTIC CULTURE 



251 



of Apollo, and his sons, who were destroyed by serpents sent 
by Ath('n^K T1i(» agony do]iiotpd upon the face of tbo ]iriest, 




Head of the Apollo Belvedere 

though wonderfully expressive, is far removed from the calm 
repose which marks the purer Hellenic art. 

Examples of Pure Hellenic Art.— As we study the art of 
what is called the " Hellenistic period," we should bear in mind 
the fact that not all the works produced at this time show in an 
equal degree the influence of Orientalism. Some works show 



252 



THE GEEEK WORLD 



this influence to a greater, and some to a less extent. Before 
we leave the shores of the iEgean, we should therefore notice 
at least two examples of the art of this period which preserve 
in the greatest degree the pure Hellenic spirit, and to which 
is given a high rank among the statues of the world. One 
of these is the Apollo Belvedere, which is now generally as- 
signed to this period, although the place whore it was produced 

is not known. So nearly 
does it approach the per- 
fect Greek style, that it 
has been said that in it 
" we see Lysippus in the 
form and Praxiteles in 
the face" (Perry). The 
other example of tlie pure 
Hellenic art of this 
period, and one which is 
perhaps still more re- 
markaDle, is the Aphro- 
dite found on the island 
of Melos, and usually 
called the " Venus of 
Melos.-' The faces of 
these two marble statues 
express the Greek ideal of 
perfect masculine and feminine beauty. In them we see that 
grace of form and calmness of spirit which the Greeks re- 
garded as essential to the purest art. 




Head of the Aphrodite of Melos 



TTT. Hellenistic Culture in Syria 



The Civilization of the Seleucidse. — The Seleiicidre were the 
most zealous followers of Alexander in the founding of new 
cities. Tliese new towns, which numbered more than seventy, 
l)ecame the active centers of Greek influence. They were 



HELLENISTIC CULTURE 253 

colonized by Greeks. In them the Greek language was spoken; 
Greek methods of city government were adopted; the commer- 
cial spirit of the Greeks was present ; and Greek buildings were 
erected. But these Greek towns, springing up by the side of 
the older Asiatic cities, felt the influence of Oriental cus- 
toms and ideas. The Greeks absorbed the Oriental love of 
wealth and passion for luxury, and developed a form of life \ 
which was neither purely Greek nor purely Eastern, but a 
mingling of the two — a composite culture in which the Orien- 
tal features were improved and the Hellenic features debased. 

Antioch as a Center of Culture. — The city which presented 
the most conspicuous type of this Grffico-Oriental or Hellen- 
istic culture in Syria was Antioch, the capital of the kingdom. 
The original city was founded by Seleucus I. (Nica'tor), and 
named in honor of his father Antiochus. Here were gathered 
the people of many nations; but the prevailing form of culture 
was Greek, imbued with the Oriental taste for magnificence. 
The buildings glistened with precious stones and ornaments 
of gold. The broad, regular streets were lined with the most 
splendid porticoes, colonnades, and statues. Beyond the walls 
of the city was the cypress grove of Daphne, said to be one of 
the most attractive places in the world. It contained the tree 
of Daphne, into which this nymph, according to tradition, was 
changed when fleeing from Apollo. The grove was reached 
by a road passing through beautiful villas and gardens en- 
livened with fountains and medicinal springs. It was adorned 
with stately temples, baths, and places of amusement. In the 
temple of Apollo was a colossal statue of that god, said 
to rival the Zeus of Phidias. All this fondness for luxury 
shows that the Greeks, while exercising a powerful influence 
upon the East, were themselves coming under the spell of 
Orientalism. 

Attempt to Hellenize the Jews. — The only opposition to the 
Hellenizing movement in western Asia appeared in Judea. 
Here the people were attached to their ancient language and 

MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 15 



254 THE GREEK WORLD 

religion. It is said that Alexander offered strong inducements 
for the Jews to settle in Alexandria, where they could retain 
their religion unmolested. Many of them took advantage of 
tliis offer; but while preserving their own religion, they could 
not help imbibing much of the Hellenistic spirit. In Judea 
itself, however, the people succeeded in resisting these foreign 
influences. It is true that the Jews in Palestine sometimes 
affected the Greek culture, by learning to speak the Greek lan- 
guage and adopting Greek names; but the mass of the people 
clung to their Hebrew language and customs. When Palestine 
passed from the control of Egj'pt to that of Syria, a systematic 
attempt was made by the Syrian king, Antiochus IV. (Epiph'- 
anes), to force upon the Jews the Greek language and customs, 
including the Greek religion. This was accompanied by a 
most unjust and bitter persecution. It aroused a national re- 
volt, which ended only witli the establishment of the inde- 
pendence of the Jewish nation. 

IV. Hellenistic Culture in Egypt 

Alexandria as a Center of Culture. — In Egypt we find the 
most important intellectual center of the Hellenistic world. 
The Ptolemies did not, like the Seleucida?, attempt to bring 
the whole kingdom under Greek influence by the erection of 
many new cities. They I'athcr attempted to concentrate into 
a single focus the various elements of Greek culture. This 
focus was the city of Alexandi'ia, founded by the great con- 
queror himself. It was first of all a commercial center, tak- 
ing the place of Tyre as the important emporium of the Medi- 
terranean. It came to be the most cosmopolitan city of the 
world, with a population of nearly a million inliabitants, made 
up of Egyptians, Greeks, Macedonians, Jews, and people from 
nearly every Asiatic country. The ideas of various people 
found here a common meeting place. The Ptolemies respected 
the religion of the Egyptians antl that of the Jews, while cling- 



HELLENISTIC CULTURE 355 

ing to their own Grrecian gods. But these various religions 
were often mingled with one another. The god Sera'pis, for 
example, was a deity in whom were united the character of the 
Greek Zeus and that of the Egyptian Osiris. Though the coun- 
try surrounding Alexandria was not attractive, the architec- 
ture of the city united Greek taste with Oriental splendor. 
There were many public buildings, such as theaters, amphi- 
theaters, race courses, and sanctuaries ; but the most imposing 
of these was the Serape'um, the temple of the common god 
Serapis. 

Museum and Library of Alexandria. — Alexandria obtained 
its highest renown as the home of scholars. In this city we 
find blended the Greek and the Egyptian taste for philosophy 
and science. The most famous work of the Ptolemies was the 
establisliment of the Museum and the Library. The Museum 
was a collection of buildings dedicated to the Muses, and might 
not inaptly be called a " University." Here were gathered the 
philosophers, scholars, and students of all countries — Greece, 
Asia Minor, Judea, Babylon, and even India. It is said that 
at one time as many as fourteen thousand students found 
a home in Alexandria. In connection with the Museum were 
botanical and zoological gardens, dissecting rooms, and astro- 
nomical observatories. But the most famous of these buildings 
was the great Alexandrian Library, containing over five hun- 
dred thousand manuscripts. It was the desire of the Ptolemies 
to possess an authentic copy of every existing work of Greek 
literature. This library was the most extensive collection of 
manuscripts in the ancient world. 

The Literature and Scholarship of Alexandria. — The kind 
of literary work done at Alexandria was less creative than 
critical. The literature which was produced at this time was 
mostly elegiac and lyric poetry. One poet of this period holds 
the first rank among the pastoral poets of the world; this 
was Theoc'ritus. Although born at Syracuse, he lived at Alex- 
andria. His " Idylls," describing the beauties of nature, have 



356 THE GKEEK WORLD 

been admired by all people, and perhaps approach more nearly 
than any other literature of this period to the pure aesthetic 
spirit of the early Greeks. History also was cultivated by 
Manetho, an Egyptian priest, who wrote the " Chronicles of 
Egypt "; Avhile the Babylonian Berosus was doing a similar 
kind of work for Babylonian history. But the most thorough 
literary scholarship of Alexandria was devoted to the critical 
study of the ancient Greek texts. .Vristar'chus may be called 
the father of textual criticism and the science of grammar. 
Translations of important works of literature also formed a 
part of the work of these Alexandrian scholars. The most 
noted of these translations was the Sep'tuagiut, a Greek ver- 
sion of the Jewish Scriptures. 

The Alexandrian Science and Philosophy. — x\lexandria was 
also a meeting place for Greek and Oriental science; and a great 
impulse was given in the direction of a more strictly scientific 
method. There are many famous names of scientists connected 
witli this seat of ancient learning. Euclid was the founder of 
our modern geometry. ]\Iodern astronomy has grown out of 
tbe works of Hippar'chus and Ptolemy (Claudius Ptolemanis). 
Eratos'thenes was the first to give a matbematical estimate of 
the size of the earth. Archime'dcs, a native of Syracuse, came 
here to study ; he was a noted mathematician, and made bril- 
liant discoveries in physical and mechanical science. In Alex- 
andria, too, we see in later times a remarkalile mingling of the 
philosophical ideas of the world — Greek idealism, Jewish 
monotheism. Oriental mysticism, and afterward even Christian 
theology. But the complex systems which grew up under such 
names as " Neo-Platonism " and " Gnosticism," we need not 
attempt to explain. For us they simply illustrate, like the 
other phases of Alexandrian culture, the various ideas and 
forms of thought resulting from the union of the Greek and 
the Oriental world Avhich followed the eonciuests of Alexander. 

Influence of Greek Civilization. — As we look back over the 
history of Greece and its intluence upon other countries we 



HELLENISTIC CFLTURE 257 

may understand the important place which it occupied in the 
growth of ancient civilization. We have seen Greece at first 
the heir of the Orient, developing an early culture under for- 
eign influences, which soon passed away, leaving only the 
memories and monuments of the Mycenaean age. We have seen 
her afterward showing a spirit of freedom and independence, 
— in politics, in literature, in art, in philosophy, — breaking 
away from the servile spirit and despotic authority of the East, 
and developing in the age of Pericles a culture far superior 
to that of any earlier people. We have also seen her in her 
political decline and fall, still maintaining her intellectual 
supremacy and scattering the fruits of her culture among the 
various peoples with whom she was brought into contact. We 
must, therefore, look upon the influence of Greece as one of 
the most powerful factors in the civilization of the ancient 
world, and we should also remember that this beneficial influ- 
ence was not limited to the countries of the old world, but 
has continued down to our own day. Whatever flaws we may 
have discovered in the old Greek oiiaracter, we should not fail 
to appreciate that peculiar type of intellectual and sesthetic 
culture which was developed by the people of Hellas and 
which forms one of the great bequests of antiquity to modern 
times. 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. Hellenic and Hellenistic Cultltre. — Hellenic Culture in 
Greece. — Post-Aristotelian Philosophy. — Spread of Hellenism in 
the East. — Meaning- of Hellenistic Culture. 

II. Hellenistic Cl^lture in Asia Minor. — Perg-amum as a 
Center of Culture. — Architecture and Sculpture of Perganiiim. — 
Literature and Science of Pergamum. — The School of Rhodes. — 
Examples of Pure Hellenic Art. 

TIL Hellenistic Culture in Syria. — The Civilization of the 
Seleucidre. — Antioch as a Center of Culture.— Attempt to Hellen- 
ize the Jews. 

IV. Hellenistic Culture in Egypt. — Alexandria as a Center 
of Culture. — Museum and Library of Alexandria. — The Literature 
and Scholarship of Alexandria. — Alexandrian Science and Philos- 
ophy. — Influence of Greek Civilization. 



258 THE OPvEKK WOr.LD 

BEFERENCES EOS, READING 

Ducoudray, Ch. 10, "The Diffusion of the (!reek Genius" (1).' 
Felton, Vol. II., pp. 275-278, "Spread of Hellenism" (10). 
Mahaffy, Survey, Ch. 9, "The Hellenistic World" (10). 

Greek Life, Ch. 9, "Alexandria and its Rivals" (10). 

Alexander's Empire, Ch. 10, "The Golden Age of Hellen- 
ism"; Ch. 20, "Commerce and ("ulture of Peigamum and 
Rhodes" (10). 

Holm, Vol. IV., Ch. 14, "Culture of the Greek World, 300-220 
B. c." (10). 

Gardner, P., Ch. 15, "Successors of Alexander and Greek Civiliza- 
tion" (10). 

Gardner, E. A., Handbook, Ch. 5, "The Hellenistic Age" (12). 

Freeman, Essay, "The Macedonian Period" (3). 

Tarbell, Ch. 10, "Hellenistic Period of Greek Sculpture" (12). 

Butcher, pp. 1-40, "What We Owe to the Greeks" (10). 

'The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the 
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. 



THE ROMAN WORLD 

PERIOD I. BEGINNINGS OP THE EOMAN STATE 
(753-343 B. 0.) 



CHAPTER XVII 

ITALY AND THE TRADITIONAL ORIGIN OF ROME 

I. The Geography of Italy 

Transition to Roman History. — In our study of the history 
of the ancient world we have considered the early stages of 
civilization among the peoples of the Orient, and also the 
great advancement made by the Greeks in the way of intel- 
lectual and aesthetic culture. We are now to consider the 
work performed by another people in promoting the progress 
of mankind. This people was the Eomans. It was the Eo- 
mans who supplied what was lacking in all the other great 
nations of antiquity — the genius for political organization. It 
is true that we have seen great empires established in the East ; 
but these empires were founded only upon conquest, and did 
not incorporate their subjects as a part of the state. It is 
also true that the Greeks developed a great love of liberty; but 
their love of liberty was so great as to prevent them from form- 
ing a political union with a common national authority. The 
Romans, on the other hand, not only conquered the most im- 
portant countries of the old world; they also made of these 

359 



•^60 



THE ROJVIAN WORLD 



different countries one united people organized under a com- 
mon government and a common system of law. 

In our study of the history of Rome there are three things 
which we should constantly keep in mind. In the first place, 
we should notice the successive steps by which the Eoman 
territory was enlarged — expanding from a small spot on the 



SCALE OF MILES 




MonNTAINS, 

Rivers, and 
Divisions of 
Italy 



Tiber, until it too 
in the whole peninsula of 
Italy, and finally all the coun- 
tries on the Mediterranean Sea. 
In the next place, wc should 
notice the methods by which the 

various conquered peoples were gradually incorporated into the 
state, and the way in which the government was modified and 
strengthened to meet the wants of the growing nation. 
Finally, we should notice how the ideas and customs of the 



ITALY AND THE ORIGIN OF EOME 261 

conquered coimtries were taken up and welded together into a 
new and wider civilization. 

The Italian Peninsula. — The study of Eoman history prop- 
erly begins Avith the geography of Italy; because it was in Italy 
that the Roman people had their origin, and it was here that 
they began their great career. It was only when the Romans 
had conquered and organized Italy that they were able to con- 
quer and govern the world. The position of the Italian penin- 
sula was favorable to the growth of the Roman power. It was 
situated almost in the center of the Mediterranean Sea, on the 
shores of which had flourished the great nations of antiquity — 
Egypt, Phoenicia, Carthage, Greece, and Macedonia. By con- 
quering Italy, Rome thus obtained a commanding position 
among the nations of the ancient world. As the peninsula 
projects southward into the Mediterranean it bends toward 
the east, so that its southern coasts afforded an easy access 
to the civilized peoples of Greece. The eastern shores of the 
peninsula, washed by the Adriatic Sea, with few bays and 
harbors, were not favorable to the early progress of the people ; 
while the western coasts, bordering upon the Tyrrhenian Sea, 
Math their numerous indentations furnished greater opportu- 
nities for commerce and a civilized life. 

The Mountains and Rivers of Italy. — There are two im- 
portant mountain chains which belong to Italy, the Alps and 
the Ap'ennines. (1) The Alps form a semicircular Ijoundary 
on the north and aft'ord a formidable barrier against the 
neighboring countries of Europe. Starting from the sea at 
its western extremity, this chain stretches toward the north 
for about 150 miles, when it rises in the lofty peak of Mt. 
Blanc, 15.000 feet in height; and then continues its course in 
an easterly direction for about 330 miles, approacliing the 
head of the Adriatic Sea, and disappearing along its coast. It 
is crossed by several passes, through which foreign peoples 
have sometimes found their way into the peninsula. (2) The 
Apennines, beginning at the western extremity of the Alps, 



363 THE ROMAN WORLD 

extend through the whole length of the peninsula, forming the 
backbone of Italy. From this main line are thrown off numer- 
ous spurs and scattered peaks. Sometimes the Apennines have 
furnished to Rome a kind of barrier against invaders from the 
north. 

The most important river of Italy is the Po, which, with 
its hundred tributaries, drains the fertile valley in the north, 
lying between the Alps and the Apennines. In the peninsula 
proper the eastern and western slopes are drained by many 
streams, tlie largest and most noted of which is the Tiber, flow- 
ing into the Tyrrhenian Sea. 

Climate and Products. — The climate of Italy varies greatly, 
as we pass from the north to the south. In the valley of the 
Po the winters are often severe, and the air is chilled by the 
neighboring snows of the x\lps. In central Italy the climate 
is mild and agreeable, snow being rarely seen south of the 
Tiber, except on the ranges of the Apennines; while in south- 
ern Italy we a])proach a climate almost tropical, the land 
being often swept by the hot south wind, the sirocco, from the 
plains of Africa. 

The soil of Italy is generally fertile, especially in the plains 
of the Po and the fields of Campania. The staple products in 
ancient times were wheat, the olive, and the vine. For a long 
time Italy took the lead of the Avorld in the production of 
olive oil and wine. The production of wheat declined when 
Pome, by her conquests, came into commercial relation with 
more fertile countries, such as Egypt. 

The Divisions of Italy. — For the purpose of convenience 
and to aid us in our future study, we inay divide ancient 
Italy into tliree divisions: northern, central, and southern. 

(1) Northern Italy comprised the whole continental portion 
from the Alps to a line drawn along the Apeninnes from the 
river Macra on the west to the Ru'bicon on tbe east. It con- 
tained three distinct countries : Ijiguria toward the west, Cisal- 
pine Gaul in the center, and Venetia toward the east. 



ITALY AND THE ORIGIN OF ROME 263 

(2) Central Italy comprised the northern part of the penin- 
sula proper, that is, the territory between the line just drawn 
from the Macra to the Rubicon, and another line drawn from 
the Sil'arus on the west to the Frento on the east. This terri- 
tory contained six countries, namely, three on the western 
coast, — Etruria; Latium (la'shi-um) , and Campania; and 
three on the eastern coast and along the Apennines, — Umbria, 
Pice'num, and what we call the Sabellian country, which in- 
cluded man}^ mountain tribes, chief among which were the 
Sa'bines and the Sam'nites, 

(3) Southern Italy comprised the rest of the peninsula and 
contained four countries, namely, two on the western coast, 
Lucania and Bruttium, extending into the toe of Italy; and 
two on the eastern coast, Apulia and Calabria (or lapygia), 
extending into the heel of Italy. 

II. The Peoples of Italy 

The Settlement of Italy. — Long before Rome was founded, 
every part of Italy was already peopled. Many of the peo- 
ples living there came from the north, around the head of 
the Adriatic, pushing their way toward the south into dif- 
ferent parts of the peninsula. Others came from Greece by 
way of the sea, settling upon the southern coast. It is of 
course impossible for us to say precisely how Italy was set- 
tled. It is enough for us at present to know that most of the 
earlier settlers spoke an Indo-European, or Aryan, language, 
and tliat when they first appeared in Italy they were scarcely 
civilized, living upon their flocks and herds and just beginning 
to cultivate the soil. 

The Italic Tribes. — The largest part of the peninsula was 
occupied by a number of tribes which made up the so-called 
Italic race. We may for convenience group these tribes into 
four divisions, the Latins, the Oscans, the Sabellians, and the 
Umbrians. 



2G4 



THE ROMAN WORLD 



(1) The Latins dwelt in central Italy, just south of the 
Tiber. They lived in villages scattered about Latium, tilling 
their fields and tending their flocks. The village was a col- 
lection of straw-thatched huts; it generally grew up about a 
hill, which was fortified, and to which the villagers could 
retreat in times of danger. Many of these Latin villages 
or hill-towns grew into cities, whicli were united into a 

league for mutual pro- 
tection, and bound to- 
gether by a common 
worship (of Jupiter Lati- 
aris), and by an annual 
festival which they cele- 
brated on the Alban 
Mount, ]iear which was 
situated Alba Longa, 
their chief city (see 
map, p. 284). 

(2) The scans were 
the remnants of an early 
Italic people which in- 
habited the country 
stretching soutliward from Latium, along the western coast. 
In their customs they were like the Latins, although perhaps 
not so far advanced. Some authors include in this branch 
the ^Equians, the Her'nicans, and the Volscians, who carried 
on many wars with Eome in early times. 

(3) The SaheUians embraced the most numerous and war- 
like peoples of the Italic stock. They lived to the east and south 
of the Latins and Oscans, extending along the ridges and slopes 
of the Apennines. They were devoted not so much to farming 
as to the tending of flocks and herds. They lived also by 
plundering their neighbors' harvests and carrying off their 
neighbors' cattle. They were broken up into a great numl)er 
of tribes, the most noted of which were the Samnites, a hardy 





T Y R R II E y I 4 N 

SEA 

iLEI ^SICILY 



The Peoples of Italy 



ITALY AND THE OEIGIN OF KOME 



265 



race which became the great rival of the Roman people for the 
possession of central Italy. Another Sabellian people were 
the Sabines, who were early united to Rome. 

(4) The Umbrians lived to the north of the Sabellians. 
They are said to have been the oldest people of Italy. But 
when the Romans came into contact with them, they had 
become crowded into a comparatively small territory, and 
were not very important. They were broken up into small 




A TKiii'uiiAKY Village of Straw Huts in AIodern Italy — 

SUPPOSED to be like AN ANCIENT LaTIN VILLAGE 

tribes, living in hill-towns and villages, and these were often 
united into loose confederacies. 

The Etruscans. — Northwest of Latium dwelt the Etruscans, 
in some respects the most remarkable people of early Italy. 
Their origin is shrouded in mystery. In early times they 
were a powerful nation, stretching from the Po to the Tiber, 
and having possessions even in the plains of Campania. Their 
cities were fortified, often in the strongest manner, and also 
linked together in confederations. Their prosperity was 
founded not only upon agriculture, but also upon commerce. 

Their religion was a gloomy and weird superstition, in 



266 THE ROMAN WOELD 

which they thought that they could discover the will of the 
gods by means of augury, that is, by watching the flight of 
birds and by examining the entrails of animals. The Etrus- 
cans were great builders; and their massive walls, durable 
roads, well-constructed sewers, and imposing sepulchers show 
the greatness of their civilization. 

The Greeks in Italy. — But the most civilized and cultivated 
people in Italy were the Greeks, who had planted their colonies 
at Taren'tum, and on the western coast as far as Naples 
(Neapolis) in Campania. So completely did these coasts be- 
come dotted with Greek cities, enlivened with Greek com- 
merce, and influenced by Greek culture, that this part of the 
peninsula received the name of Magna Grajcia. The Greeks 
also, as we have already seen (p. 157), held the eastern and 
southern coasts of Sicily, while the Carthaginians were en- 
croaching upon the western coast of the island. 

The Gauls. — If the Greeks in the extreme south were the 
most civilized people of Italy, the Gauls or Celts, in the 
extreme north, were the most barbarous. Crossing the Alps 
from western Europe, they had pushed back the Etruscans 
and occupied the plains of the Po ; hence this region received 
the name which it long held. Cisalpine Gaul. From this land 
the Gauls made frequent incursions toward the south, and 
were for a long time a terror to the other peoples of Italy. 

III. The Early Legends of Eome 

Legends regarding the Founding of the City. — The ancient 
Eomans knew as little as we do regarding the way in 
which Italy was first peopled. But they fancied that 
they had in their legends the true story of the settlement of 
Latium and tlie founding of their own city. These legends — 
as told by the historian Livy and sung by the poet Vergil — 
recount the wanderings of ^ne'as with his heroic band of 
Trojan warriors after the fall of Troy; their landing upon 



ITALY AND THE OKIGIX OF RO.ME 



2G7 




^NEAS (Coin) 



the shores of Latii;m ; their founding of the city of Lavinium 
and later, of Alba Longa. These legends also tell of the 
miraculous birth of the twin children Rom'ulus and Eemus, 
whose reputed father was Mars, the god of war; of their 
being thrown into the Tiber and of their being rescued by 
a wolf, near the foot of the Pal'atine hill (map, p. 272) ; 
of their desire afterward to found a new city on the spot of 
their deliverance; of their quarrel, which 
resulted in the death of Eemus, leaving 
Eomulus as the surviving founder of the 
city. The date of the founding of the 
city, according to Eoman reckoning, was 
753 B. c. 

Legends of the Early Kings. — According 
to the old legends Rome was at first a 
kingdom, and the first king was Eomulus. To people his 
new city he opened an asylum for refugees, and he captured 
wives from the neighboring Sabines. He divided the people 
into tribes, curies, and clans. He formed an alliance be- 
tween the Eomans and the Sabines, who agreed to live peace- 
fully together as cit- 
izens of one town. 
After a reign of 
thirty-seven years 
he was translated to 
heaven and worshiped un- 
der the name of Quiri'nus. 
The second king was 
ISTuma Pompil'ius, a 
Sabine, who was elected 
by the people, after an 
interregnum of a year. 
He was a peaceful ruler; 
was said to hold communication with the gods ; and Vv^as 
regarded as the founder of the religious institutions of Rome, 




Romulus and Remus and 
THE Wolf. 



208 



THE ROMAN WORLD 



as Romulus was regarded as the founder of the political 
institutions. 

During the reign of the third king, TuUus Hostil'ius, a 
war was carried on with Alba Longa. The issue of this war 
was decided, so the story goes, by a combat between the three 
Hora'tii, champions of the Eomans, and the three Curia'tii, 
champions of Alba — resulting in the triumph of the Eomans 
and the submission of Alba to the Roman power. 

The fourth king, Ancus Marcius, was a Sabine, the grand- 
son of Numa. He too was a man of peace, but was drawn 
into a war with several of the Latin cities. Having subdued 
them, he transferred their inhabitants to the Av'entine hill 
(map, p. 272). 

Legends of the Later Kings. — The three later kings of 
Rome are represented as having been Etruscans. The first of 
these was Tarquin'ius Priscus, who migrated to Rome from 

the Etruscan city of Tar- 
quinii. He strengthened his 
position as king by adopting 
the royal insignia of the 
Etruscans— a crown of gold, 
a scepter, an ivory chair, a 
purple toga, etc. He car- 
ried on war with the Latins 
and Sabines. drained the cit}^, 
laid out the forum, and 
dedicated a temple to Jupiter 
on the Cap'itoline hill. 

The next of the later kings 
was Servius Tullius, the son 
of a slave woman of the king's 
household. He united Rome and the Latin cities in a 
league; reorganized the government, and erected a ncAv wall 
inclosing the seven hills. 

The last king was Tarquinius Superbus, who ruled as a 




The Elder Brutus 




ITALY AND THE ORICJIN OF ROME .269 

despot, and was at last driven from the throne by the elder 
Brutus and his friend CoUati'nns (510 b. C.) 

Legends of the Early Republic. — The legends contain many 
stories relating not only to the overthrow of the kingdom but 
to the early years of the republic. It is said that after the 
last Tarquin was expelled, the people elected in his stead 
Brutus and Coliatinus to rule them for a year; that Brutus 
condemned his own sons to death for conspiring to restore 
the Tarquins: that the Etruscans 
under a prince called Lars Por- 
sen'na (or Por'sena) lent their aid 
to the Tarquins, and that their armies 
were prevented from entering Rome 
by the heroic defense of the wooden 
bridge by Horatius Codes. It is re- 
lated that the cause of the banished 
king was then espoused by the Latins Horatius Cocles 
and that their armies were defeated at 

the battle of Lake Regil'lus (near Tusculum) by the aid of 
the twin gods Castor and Pollux. 

Significance of the Roman Legends. — 'Such were some of 
the stories which, embellished with many miraculous incidents, 
the Romans were proud to relate, as explaining the origin 
of their city and the beginning of their institutions. Like 
all other legends these stories have little value as evidence 
of what actually took place. 1'hey contain many improbable 
details, which were evidently based not upon fact, but upon 
fancy. They refer to particular persons as the creators of 
their institutions, although these must have been the result 
of a slow process of growth. Some of the stories were bor- 
rowed from the Greeks, and used by the Romans for their 
own purpose. So incredible are some of these legends that 
the whole body of this traditional history is sometimes set 
aside as unworthy of belief or even of serious consideration. 

But while their credibility may be questioned, the signifi- 

MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 16 



270 THE EOMAN WORLD 

cance of these traditions should not be overlooked. While they 
may not indicate what actually occurred, they show what the 
people really believed. They show that the Eomans took 
pride in their political institutions, that they honored the 
virtues of courage and patriotism, and that they believed their 
destiny was in the hands of the gods. They continued to be 
an inspiration to the Eoman people — in their wars, in their 
political life, in their literature and art. While we may not 
regard these legends as history, it is yet true that, without a 
knowledge of them, there is much in Roman history that we 
could not understand. 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. The Geography of Italy. — Trujisition to Eoman History.— 
The Italian Peninsula. — The Mountains and l\ivers of Italy. — 
Climate and Products. — The Divisions of Italy. 

II. Thk Peoples of Italy. — The Settlement of Italy. — The 
Italic Tribes. — The Etruscans. — The (ireeks in Italy. — The Gauls. 

HI. The Early Legends of Rome. — Legends reo-arding- the 
Founding' of the City. — Legends of the Early Kings. — Legends 
of the Later Kings. — Leg-ends of the Early Republic. — Signifi- 
cance of the Roman Legends. 

REFERENCES FOR READING 

Liddell, Bk. I., "Rome under the Kings" (18).' 

Merivale, General Histor\\ Ch. 3. "The Earliest Legends" (18). 

Pelham, Bk. I., Ch. 1, ''The Traditions" (IS). 

How and Leigh, Ch. 2, "The Peoples of Italy"; Ch. ,3 (legends of 

the kings) (18). 
Ihne, Earl v^ Rome, Ch. 5 (IS). 
Mommsen,' Vol. I., Bk. I., Ch. 9, "The Etruscans"; Ch. 10, "The 

Hellenes in Italy" (IS). 
Livy, Bk. I. (legends of the kings) (25). 
Vergil, Bk. I. (wanderings of ^neas) (25). 
Munro, Source Book, Part I., "Italy — Rome" (25). 

'The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the 
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. 



CHAPTER XVIII 



THE EAKLY CITY STATE— EEGAL ROME 

I. Origin of the Boman City 

The Site of Rome. — By studying the situation of Eonie 
itself we may perhaps get a clearer idea of the probable origin 
of the city than we can obtain from the traditional stories. 
The city was located on the southeast bank of the river Tiber, 
about eighteen miles from the sea. To the south of this 
locality was La- 
tium, or the coun- 
try of the Latins; 
to the northeast 
was the country of 
the Sabines ; and 
to the northwest, 
across the Tiber, 
was the land of 
the Etruscans. The 
city thus grew up 
at the point of con- 
tact between three 
different peoples, who exercised a great influence upon the 
early development of the state. 

If we look more closely at this locality, we shall see that it 
contained a group of seven hills which could be occupied and 
defended against the attack of enemies. Of these hills three lay 
to the northeast— the Quir'inal, the Yim'inal, and the Es'qui- 
line; three lay to the south — the Palatine, the Caelian, and 

271 




TYRRIIEXIAy 



Alha • 

Laurentuiii^ ^ M 

5() x •Lnviiiium 



Lands about the Tiber 



272 



THE ROMAN WOELD 




The Hills of Rome 



the Aventine ; while between these two minor groups rose 
the small and rugged elevation of the C!apitoline. The most 
important of these hills were the Quirinal in the first group, 

and the Palatine in 
the second. These 
hills were the best 
fitted for defense, 
and hence for occu- 
pation by settlers. 
If we compare these 
two hills, it is evi- 
dent that the Pala- 
tine occupies the most 
central and c o m - 
manding position, 
and its settlers, as we shall see, became tbe controlling people 
of the seven-hilled citv. 

The Latin Settlement on the Palatine. — So far as we know, 
the first people to get a foothold upon the site of Rome were 
the Latins, who formed a settlement upon and about the Pala- 
tine hill. Tliis Latin settlement was at first a small village. 
It consisted of a few farmers and shepherds who were sent out 
from Latium (perhaps from Alba Longa) as a sort of 
outpost, both to protect the Latin 
frontier and to trade with the neigh- 
I)oring tribes. The people who formed 
this settlement were called Ramncs. 
They dwelt in their rude straw huts 
on the slopes of the Palatine, and on 
the lower lands in the direction of the 
Aventine and the Cffilian. The out- 
lying lands furnished the fields which 
they tilled and used for pasturage. For protection against 
attacks, the sides of the Palatine hill were strengthened by a 
wall built of rude but solid masonry. This fortified place was 




Hut-shaped Urn 



THE EARLY CITY STATE 



2!VO 



called Roma Quadra' ta, or " Square Eome." It formed the cita- 
del of the colony, into which the settlers could drive their cattle 
and conduct their families when attacked by hostile neighbors. 
It is interesting to know that the primitive wall of the Palatine 




"w 



rJ til 






"Wall of Romulus" 




city, kno\^Ti as the " Wall of Romulus," has in recent years been 
uncovered, so tluit we can see its general character. 

The Sabine Settlement on the Quirinal. — Opposite the Pala- 
tine settlement there grew up a settlement on the Quirinal hill. 
This Quirinal settlement seems to have l)een an outpost or col- 
ony of the Sabine people, just as the Palatine settlement was a 
Latin colony. The Sabines were pushing southward from 
beyond the A'nio. The settlers on the Quirinal wore called 
Tit'i-es; their colony formed a second hill-town, similar in 
character and nearly equal in extent to the Palatine town. 

Union of the Romans and the Sabines. — The two hill-towns 
which thus faced each other naturally became rivals for the 



374 



THE ROMAN WORLD 



possession of the lands near the Tiher ; but being so nearly of 
equal strength, neither could conquer the other. They there- 
fore formed an alliance, were united by a permanent league, 
and really became a single city — or perhaps we might better" 
call it a double city. To celebrate this union, the intervening 
space was dedicated to the two-faced god, Janus, who watched 
the approaches of both towns, and whose temple was said to 
have been built by Numa. The Capitoline hill was chosen 




SCALE OF FEET 



The City of the Early Kings — The Three Tribes 

A, Roma Quadra ta. B, Arx. or Citadel 

Temples, Altars, etc.: 1, Jupiter Capitolinus ; 2, Janus; 3, Quirinus ; 

4, Vesta ; 5, Tarpeian Rock 



as the common citadel. The space between the two towns 
was used as a common market place (forum), and also as a 
place for the common meeting of the people ( comitium) . This 
union of the Palatine and Quirinal towns into one community, 
with a common religion and government, was an event of 
great importance. It was, in fact, the first step in the process 
of " incorporation " which afterward made Rome the most 
powerful city of Latium, of Italy, and finally of the world. 



THE EARLY CITY STATE 275 

The Third Settlement, on the Caelian. — The union of the 
Romans (Eamiu's) and the Sabines {Tities) was followed by 
the introduction of a third people, called the Lu'ceres. This 
'people was probably a body of Latins who had been conquered 
and settled upon the Ctelian hill, although they are sometimes 
regarded as liaving been Etruscans. Whatever may have 
been their origin, it is quite certain that they soon came to be 
incorporated as a part of the whole city community. The city 
of the early Roman kings thus came to be made up of three 
divisions, or "tribes" (trihus, a third part, from ires, three). 
The evidence of this threefold origin was preserved in many 
institutions of later times. Tlie three settlements were gradu- 
ally united into a single city state with common social, politi- 
cal, and religious institutions. By this union the new city 
became strong and able to compete successfully with its 
neighbors. 

II. The City State of the Early Kings 

The Early Roman Society.— To understand more fully the 
beginnings of the Roman state, we must look at the way in 
which the people were organized, that is, how they were ar- 
ranged in social groups. Each tribe was made up of a num- 
ber of smaller groups, called curies (curia',) ; and these in 
turn were composed of different clans (or gentes), which 
themselves consisted of several families. The early Roman 
society was therefore formed by the union of families, gentes, 
curiae, and tribes. 

(1) The f am ill/ was the smallest unit of Roman society. 
At its head was the household father (pater familias). His 
power extended to " life and death " — which is simply another 
way of saying that his authority was supreme within the house- 
hold. He performed the family worship about the domestic 
altar, upon which the sacred fire was kept burning. The 
family consisted of the mother, tlT£ sons and grandsons, the 



376 THE ROMAN WORLD 

unmarried daughters and granddaughters, as well as the 
adopted children — all of whom remained under the father's 
power as long as he lived. 

(2) The gens was a group of families who were related to 
one another, having the same name and supposed to be 
descended from a common ancestor. It was presided over 
by a common chief, who performed the religious rites of the 
gens, and led the people in time of war. 

(3) The curia was a collection of gentes which had united 
at first for their common defense, but had come to form an 
organized community, with a common chief, a council of 
elders, and an assembly composed of all men capable of bear- 
ing arms. 

(4) The tribe was composed of a number of curisie which had 
formed an alliance for their common protection. The tribe 
had come to have a political organization — a chief, who was 
priest, commander in war, and judge; a council of elders; and 
a general assembly. The communities on the Palatine and 
Quirinal hills were each such a tribe, before they united to 
form a common state. 

The Early Roman Government. — With the union of the 
first two tribes, their governments were also united so as to 
form a single government. For example, their two kings 
were replaced by one king chosen alternately from each tribe. 
Tlieir councils and assemblies were also united so as to form 
single bodies. And when the third tril)e is added, we have 
a single king, a single council of three hundred members, and 
a single assembly of thirty curiae {comi'tia curia'ia). 

(1) The Eoman king (rex) was the chief of the whole 
people. He was elected, or at least approved, by the people, 
and inaugurated under the sanction of the gods. He was in 
a sense the father of the whole nation — their chief priest, their 
commander in war, and their supreme judge. Like the father 
in the household, he had the power of life and death over all 
his subjects. 



THE EAELY CITY STATE 277 

(2) The Roman senate, or council of elders, was composed 
of the chief men of the gentes, who were chosen by the king 
to assist him with their advice. Upon the death of the king 
they might choose a temporary king (interrex) to act as ruler 
until the regular successor was elected. 

(3) The comitia curiata was the assembly of all the people 
capable of bearing arms, arranged by curiae. Each curia had 
a single vote, and the will of the assembly was determined by a 
majority of such votes. In a certain sense the assembly was 
the highest authority in the state. It elected the king and 
passed a law {lex curiata de imperio) conferring upon him 
his power. To it the king submitted important questions, like 
those regarding peace or war. The early city state may there- 
fore be described as a democratic monarchy, in which the king 
derived his power from the people. 

The Early Roman Religion. — The Eoman people were 
strongly influenced by religious ideas. All power, from that 
of the household father to that of the king, was believed to 
be sanctioned by the gods. The general character of the early 
Roman religion may be seen in the nature of their deities, 
their religious officers, and the religious observances. 

(1) To the ancestral gods, which were worshiped in the 
family and gens, were added the gods of nature, which the 
Romans saw everywhere. These early deities were those which 
naturally sprang from the imagination of a pastoral and agri- 
cultural people, — Tellus, the goddess of the earth ; Saturn, 
the god of sowing; Ceres, the goddess of the harvest; Minerva, 
of olives; Flora, of flowers; Liber, the god of wine. When 
the people were united into one state, they chose as their na- 
tional gods, Jupiter, the god of the sky ; Mars, the god of war ; 
and Quirinus, or the deified Romulus. 

(2) The religious officers were appointed by the king to 
maintain the national worship. To each of the three na- 
tional gods was assigned a special priest, called a flamen. The 
8alii watched over the shield of Mars, which was supposed 



278 



THE ROMAN WORLD 




to have fallen from heaven. Six vestal 

virgins kept always burning the fires of 

Verita, the goddess of the hearth and of 

domestic happiness. The fetia'les presided 

over the formalities of declaring war. 

Special pontiffs, under a pout if ex raaxbnus^ 

The Six Vestals had charge of the religious festivals and 
(MedaUion) 

ceremonies. 

(3) The religious observances of the Romans consisted 
chiefly of prayers, offerings, 
and festivals. Their prayers 
were addressed to the gods to 
obtain divine favors, and 
were often accompanied by 
vows. Their offerings con- 
sisted either of the fruits 
of the earth, as flowers, wine, 
milk, and honey; or the 
sacrifice of animals, such 
as oxen, sheep, and swine. 
Their festivals, which were 
celebrated in honor of the 
gods, were very numerous 
and were scattered through the different months of the year. 




A ROAIAN SACRIl-ItE 



III. The City State of the Later Kings 



The Etruscan Influence. — The city state of the early kings 
was, as we have seeu. extremely simple in its organization — 
with its king, its senate, and its general asseuibly. This politi- 
cal organization was somewhat changed by the later kings, 
who are supposed to have come from Etruria. The kings of 
Etruria were powerful rulers, and for a time threatened to 
become the sovereigns of central Italy. It seems quite cer- 
tain that Rome, during the later period of the kingdom, 



THE EARLY CITY STATE 279 

came under their control. These kings brought with them 
their own insignia of royal power — the golden crown, the 
ivory scepter, the ivory throne or " curule chair," the twelve 
lictors, each carrying a bundle of rods (fasces) containing 
an ax, the symbol of absolute power. The Etruscans also 
brought with them the art of the harus'pices, or soothsayers, by 
which the will of the gods was supposed to be discerned in the 
heavens, as well as in the entrails of the animals slain for the 
sacrifice. Moreover, the Etruscans were great builders; they 
introduced the arch, which they used in sewers, and which the 
Eomans afterward used in other public works. 

The Clients and Plebeians. — To understand the political 
changes made by the Etruscan kings, we must consider the 
new population which was growing up at Rome. The early Ro- 
man society, we remember, consisted of the old families and 
gentes which had united to form the original state. But there 
grew up in time a new body of persons, made up of refugees and 
other immigrants, and perhaps of captives taken in war. As 
these persons had at first no rights in the state, they attached 
themselves to the old Roman families, and were called 
"clients." The rights of such persons could be protected by 
the Roman citizen whom they might choose as their " patron." 
The persons who did not tlius attach themselves to a Roman 
citizen were in a certain sense the clients of the state, and 
were protected in their rights of person and property by the 
laws of the state. They had, however, no right to intermarry 
with Roman citizens, and no right to a share in the govern- 
ment.^ This new population came to be known as " plebe'- 
ians," as opposed to the old body of Roman citizens, who were 
known as " patricians." 

'The view here given is questioned by some writers, who hold that the 
plebeians, incliulinsr the clients, were citizens, having the right to vote in 
the assembly. Such an opinion, however, seems inconsistent with the later 
historical struggles between the patricians and the plebeians, unless the 
plebeians were disfrnnchised after the time of the Ijingdom— and there is 
no evidence of such disfranchisement. 



280 



THE TJOMAN WOPiLD 



The New Local Tribes. — The Etruscan kings were less 
desirous to preserve the okl distinctions than to make the 
state strong and able to defend itself from its enemies. They 
found that the old army — as well as the old tax-levy — was 
drawn from the three patrician tribes, each tribe furnishing 
1000 foot soldiers and 100 horsemen. It was evident that 
the state would be strengthened if the plebeians, as well as the 
patricians, Avere called upon to serve in the army and to pay 
taxes. An entirely new division of the people was therefore 
made, based not upon their birth and descent, like the old 
patrician tribes, but upon their domicile, that is, the place 
where they lived. This change is ascribed to Servius Tullius. 
He is said to have divided the whole Roman territory, city 
and country, into local districts, like wards and townships. 
There were four of these in the city, and sixteen in the coun- 
try, the former being called "city tribes" {trihiis urhana>), 
and the latter "rural tribes" {trihus 
Tusticce). All persons, whether patri- 
cians or plebeians, who had settled homes 
(assidvi), were enrolled in these new 
" local tribes," and were made subject 
to military service and the tribal tax 
(frU)uhiin). 

The New Military Organization. — The 
next step ascribed to Servius was the 
reorganization of the Eoman army, so 
that it should include all persons who 
resided in the Roman territory and were 
enrolled in the new local tribes. First 
came the cavalry (cq'nites), made up of 
young wealthy citizens, and arranged in 
eighteen centuries, or companies of 100 
men each. Next came the infantry (pcd'ites), which com- 
prised all the rest of the men capable of bearing arms. Tn 
ancient times every man was obliged to furnish his own 




Soldier with Full 
Armor 



THE EAKLY CITY STATE ii81 

weapons. Now as all the people could not afford to obtain 
the heavier armor, they were subdivided into "classes" accord- 
ing to their wealth, and according to the armor it was supposed 
they could afford to furnish. There were five of these classes, 
each containing a certain number of centuries — one half of 
which were made up of the younger men (iuniores) and held 
for active service, and the other half made up of the older men 
(seniores) and held as reserves. By this arrangement, in 
place of the old army of 3300 men, provision was now made 
for an army of nearly 20,000 men, which probably comprised 
the whole population of Rome capable of bearing arms.^ 

The New Assembly, Comitia Centuriata. — This arrangement 
of the people was first intended for a purely military purpose ; 
but it soon came to have a political character also. There was 
every reason why the important questions relating to war, 
which had heretofore been left to the old body of armed citi- 
zens, should now be left to the new body of armed citizens. 
As a matter of fact, in the course of time the new fighting body 
became a new voting body ; and there thus arose a new assem- 
bly called the assembly of the centuries (comitia centuriata). 
But this new assembly did not lose its original military char- 
acter. For example, it was called together, not by the voice of 
the lictors, like the old assembly, but by the sound of the 
trumpet. Again, it did not meet in the Forum, where the old 
assembly met, but in the Field of Mars (Campus Martins), 
outside of the city. It also voted by centuries, that is, by mili- 
tary companies. After a time the comitia centuriata acquired 

'We may perhaps get a clearer idea of this new military arrangement 
by the following table : 

I. Cavalry (Equites) . 18 centuries. 

II. Infantry iPedites) 

1st class (40 tMMJores, 40 scMiores) .... 80 centuries. 
2d " (10 " 10 " ) 

3d " (10 " 10 " ) 

4th " (10 '• 10 " ) 
5th " (10 " 10 " ) 
Musicians, Carpenters, Substitut 

Total 193 centuries. 





20 




20 




20 




20 


tes . 


1.5 






THE ROMAN WORLD 



the character of a real political and legislative body, of greater 
importance than the old comitia cur lata. 

Growth of the City. — These changes in the state show the 
influence of the Etruscan kings, who evidently broke away 




The City of the Later Kings — Walls of Servius 

The four Servian regions: I., Suburana ; II., Palatina ; III., Esquilina ; 
IV., Collina. 

The chief gates of Rome: a, CoHina ; b, Viminalis ; c, Esquilina; d, 
Querquetiilana ; e, Capena : f. Ratumena. 

The chief buildings, etc.: 1, Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus ; 2, Janus; 
3, Quirinus ; 4. Vesta : 5, Saturn ; 6, Diana ; 7, Circus Maximus ; 8, Cloaca 
Maxima ; 9, Vicus Tuscus. 

from the narrow ideas of the old patrician aristocracy. Their 
influence is also seen in the more durable temples and other 
buildings which were constructed during the later kingdom — 
the temple to Jupiter on the Capitoline hill, the one to Diana 
on the Aventine, and the one to Saturn at the foot of the 
Capitoline; the Circus Maximus laid out between the Pala- 



THE EAELY CITY STATE 283 

ine and the Aventine for the amusement of the people; the 
Jloa'ca Maxima, or the great drain which ran under the 
Forum and emptied into the Tiber; and the new Servian 
ws\\ by which the seven hills were encircled by a single forti- 
fication. The memory of this Etruscan influence was pre- 
served in the name of the "Tuscan Street" {vicus Tuscus) 
which was laid out near the Forum. 

Conquests in Latium. — While Rome was thus becoming 
strong, and her people were becoming more united and better 
organized, she was also gaining power over the neighboring 
lands. The people with whom she first came into contact were 
the Latins. A number of Latin towns were conquered or 
otherwise brought under her power, and some of the con- 
quered territory was added to the Roman domain {ager Roma- 
nus). She also pushed her conquests across the Anio into the 
Sabine country, and across the Tiber into Etruria. So that 
before the fall of the kingdom, Rome had begun to be a con- 
quering power. 

Review of the Roman King-dom. — By the end of the period 
of the Inter kings, Rome had come to be a strong city, and 
was growing into something like a new nation, with a kind of 
national policy. If we should sum up this policy in two 
words, these words would be expansion and incorporation. By 
" expansion " we mean the extension of Roman power over the 
neighboring territory, whether by conquest or by alliance. By 
" incorporation " we mean the taking of subject people into 
the political body. For example, Rome had first incorporated 
the Sabine settlement on the Quirinal ; then the Latin settle- 
ment on the Cfelian ; and finally the plebeian class, which had 
grown up by the side of the patrician class. By pursuing 
this kind of policy, Rome had come to be, at the end of the 
kingdom, a compact and quite well-organized city state with a 
considerable territory of her own (ager Bomanus) about the 
lower part of the river Tiber, and having a control over the 
cities of Latium.. 



i^ROGnicssiA^E; iM^r isto, 12 


• 




Falerii^ V__^^^ *' ^ ^ 






Sutriun? Nepete i? J^ ^ ^^^ ^ 






-^ U — ^ \, 






/ C\\y y^^^^^^^^^^^ 




\ 


Ceercy' ^ ^ ( /^'''"^^^ ) V'<'>,,^*NomentuiTi \y^ n^, 


a 


<> 


v^ ^\ / \ /' rv'V-v~->/jI>-= -^ibur 'j \ 




\_ 


X'Vh ( «if y '^oiiic/ Pedum. „ / 
^^ JJ—^ / .Tusculum / 




^ 


, ^ \ / >^# / /HERN 

tfi rp, \. ^/ Aricia,,.. /.-WJ"'* z^" 

^ ^ Laurentui^ Larinium/ /" | •yeUiiaj •Sigiiia 
^ -^i \ ( j Lariuviifm 1 H^ 




^ ^^ \/»Ardea\) Ik.hay, 






^ ^ \ \nUum( ^'^Mi 


s 

etia 


c ' 


RO]MA>" DOMINION ^^^^^^^^ />r!v 


t!i II 




B.C. 510 ^f 


\li , 




1 1 Subject territory in Latium \h- 

SCALE OF MILES \_ 


y 


5 lO 1'5 20 25 30 



384 



THE EARLY CITY STATE 285 



SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

T. Origin of the Roman City. — The Site of Rome.— The Latin 
Settlement of the Palatine. — The Sabine Settlement of the Quiri- 
nal. — Union of the Romans and the Sabines. — The Third Settle- 
ment, on the Cfellan. 

II. The City State of the Early' Kings. — The Early Roman 
Society. — The Early Roman Government. — The Early Roman 
Religion. 

III. The City State of the Later Kings. — The Etruscan In- 
fluence. — The Clients and Plebeians. — The New Local Tribes. — The 
New Military Organization. — The New Assembly. — Growth of the 
City. — Conquests in Latiuin. — Review of the Roman Kingdom. 

REFERENCES FOR READING 

Schuckburgh, Ch. 5, "The Regal Period" (18).^ 

Pelham, Bk. I., Ch. 2, "Origin of the City and Commonwealth"; 

Ch. 3, "Rome under the Kings" (IS). 
How and Leigh, Ch. 4, "The Regal Period" (18). 
Ihne, Early Rome, Ch. 9. " People of the Regal Period" (18). 
Abbott, Ch. 1, "Rome under the Kings"; Ch. 2, "^Monarchical In- 
stitutions" (22). 
Granrud, First Period, Ch. 1, "Original Constitution of Rome"; 

Ch. 2, "Later Royal Constitution" (22). 
Mommsen, Vol. I., Bk. I., Ch. 4, "Beginnings of Rome"; Ch. 5, 

"Original Constitution of Rome"; Ch. 6, "The Non-Burgesses 

and the Reformed Constitution" (18). 
Abridged. Ch. :!, "Rome's Original Constitution"; Ch. 4, 

"Reforms of Servius Tullius" (18). 
Greenidge, Public Life, Ch. 1, "Earliest Constitution of Rome"; 

pp. 9-33 (the Roman family) (22). 
Parker, Ch. 2, "Roma Quadrata"; Ch. 5, "The Citv of the Seven 

Hills" (20). 
,\Iunro, Source Book, Part II., "Religion" (25). 

'The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the 
Appendix, where a fuller title of the bools will be found. 



CHAPTER XIX 

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE REPUBLICAN CONSTITtTTION 

I. The Early Republican Government 

The Two Consuls. — ^When the kinodom came to an end, the 
power of the kings was put into the liands of two consuls (at 
first called piretors), elected by the people. The consular 
power, though derived from the old kingly power, was yet dif- 
ferent from it in many respects. In the first place, the power 
of the king had been a lifelong power; but the power of the 
consuls was limited to one year. Again, the royal power had 
been held l:)y one person ; but the consular power was held by 
two persons, so that each was a restraint upon the other. 
Moreover, the power of the king had been absolute, that is, it 
had extended to life and death over all citizens at all times: the 
power of the consuls, on the other hand, was limited, since 
they could not exercise the power of life and death, except out- 
side of the city and over the army in the field. The consuls 
retained the old insignia of the king; but when in the city, 
the ax was withdrawn from the fasces. In this way the chief 
authority which was placed in the hands of the consuls was 
shorn of its worst features. It must also be noted that the 
priestly power of the king was not given to the consuls, but 
to a special officer, called king of the sacrifices (rex sacrorum) ; 
and the management of the finances was put in charge of two 
qiia'stors elected by the people. 

The Dictatorship. — The Romans were wise enough to see 
that in times of great danger the power of the consuls might 
not be strong enough to protect the state. To meet such an 
emergency a dictator was appointed, who was a sort of tempo- 

286 



DEVELOPMENT OF THE EEPUBLIC 



28^ 




rary king. He had entire control of the city and the army. 
He was even given the power of life and death over citizens; 
and his lictors (attendants) retained 
the ax in the fasces. But this extraor- 
dinary power could be held for only 
six months, after which time the 
dictator could be held responsible for 
his acts while in office. With the 
dictator there was generally appointed 
another officer, who was second in 
authority, called the master of horse; 
but over him, as over every one else, 
the dictator was supreme. 

The New Senators. — When the con- 
suls were elected, it is said that one of 
their first acts was to fill up the senate 
to the number of three hundred mem- 
bers. The last king had practically 
ruled without the senate, and he had 
no reason to fill the vacancies when they occurred. But the 
new consuls wished the help of the senate, and therefore de- 
sired to keep its numbers complete. The new senators wlio 
were enrolled were called conscrlpti; and the whole body of 
senators became known as pafres conscripti. 

The Popular Assemblies. — With the establishment of the 
republic, the two assemblies with Avhich we are already ac- 
quainted, the comitia curiata and the comitia Qenturiata, both 
remained. But the former lost a great deal of its old power, 
which became transferred to the latter. The assembly of the 
centuries was thus the body in whicli the people generally 
expressed their will. Here they elected the officers, and passed 
the most important laws. It was this assembly which became 
the chief legislative body during the early republic. 

The Laws of Valerius Poplicola. — It is said that after the 
death of Brutus, his colleague Valerius (who had succeeded 

MOREY'S AXCIEXT HIST. 17 



Lictors 



288 THE ROMAN WORLD 

Collatinus) did not call an assembly to elect another consul. 
This ai'oused the fear that Valerius wished to make himself 
king. But it was soon found that instead of aiming to be 
king, he was preparing a set of laws which would prevent any 
one from becoming king, and would also protect the people 
from the arbitrary power of their magistrates. One of these 
laws declared that an}'^ person who assinned the chief power 
without the people's consent should be condemned as a traitor. 
Another law granted to every citizen the right of an appeal to 
the people, in case he was condemned for a capital crime. 
These laws, known as the Valerian laws, may be called the 
"first charter of Eoman liberty," because the}^ protected the 
people from the exercise of arbitrary power. So highly 
honored was Valerius that he was surnamed Poplic'ola, or 
the People's Friend. 

II. The Struggle for Economic Eights 

Relation of the Patricians to the Plebeians. — The patricians 
and i^lebeians had united in their efforts to drive out the kings; 
but when the struggle against the kingship was ended, the 
chief fruits of the victory fell to the patricians. The plebe- 
ians could, it is true, still vote in the comitia centuriata; but 
they could not hold any of the new offices, nor could they sit 
in the senate. Kome became a republic, but it was an 
aristocratic, and not a democratic republic; that is, the chief 
power rested not in the Avhole people, but in a particular class. 
The plebeians might perhaps have submitted to the govern- 
ment of the patricians, if it had not been exercised in a selfish 
and oppressive manner. But the patrician rule proved to 
be as despotic as that of the kings ; and a long and fierce 
striigglo ensued between the two orders. 

Economic Distress of the Plebeians. — The sorest burden 
which now rested upon the plebeians was the harsh law of 
debt. Having lost their property by the misfortunes of war, 




DEVELOPMENT OF THE REPUBLIC 289 

they were obliged to borrow money of the rich patricians ; and 
they were thus reduced to the condition of a debtor class. But 
a debtor in the early days of Eome was especially wretched. 
If he could not pay his debt, he was liable to be arrested, 
thrown into a dungeon, and made the slave of his creditor. 
His lot was chains, stripes, and slavery. 

Another cause which kept the plebeians in a state of poverty 
was the unjust distribution of the public land {ager puhlicus) 
which had been acquired in war. This land properly belonged 
to all the people, and 
might have been used to 
relieve the distress of the 
poor. But the govern- 
ment was in the hands of 
the patricians, and they 
disposed of this land 
for their own benefit ; ^°'^^^ Farmer 

they allowed it to be "occupied," at a nominal rent, by mem- 
bers of their own order. As long as the land remained 
public, it could not be sold by the occupants; but the longer 
the rich patricians retained the occupation of this land, the 
more they would look upon it as their own property, and 
ignore the fact that it belonged to the whole Roman people. 
Thus the common people were deprived of their just share 
of the land which they had helped to conquer. 

First Secession of the Plebeians. — It was the hard law of 
debt which first drove the plebeians to revolt. As there was 
no legal way to redress their wrongs, they decided that they 
would no longer serve in the army, but leave the patricians to 
fight their own battles. They therefore deserted their general, 
marched in full array to a hill beyond the Anio, which they 
called the Sacred Mount (Mons Sacer), and proposed to form 
an independent city (494 b. c). The patricians saw that 
the loss of the plebeian army would be the destruction of 
Home. They were therefore compelled to agree that the debts 



290 THE ROMAN WORLD 

of all insolvent persons should be canceled, and that those 
imprisoned on account of debt should be released. 

The Tribunes of the People. — But the most important result 
of this first secession was the creation of a new office, that of 
tribune of the people. In order to protect the plebeians from 
any further oppressive acts on the part of the patrician magis- 
trates, it was agreed to appoint two tribunes from among the 
plebeians themselves. These new officers were given the power 
to " veto " — that is, to forbid — the act of any magistrate 
which bore unjustly upon any citizen. In order that the 
tribunes might exorcise their authority without hindrance, 
their persons were made " inviolable " — which means that they 
could not be arrested, and that any one who interfered with 
them in the exercise of their lawful duty could be put to 
death. There were also appointed two plebeian ccdUes, to take 
charge of the public buildings and to perform police duty. 

The Plebeian Assembly; the Comitia Tributa. — The meet- 
ings which the plebeians had occasionally held before this 
time now assumed the character of a permanent assembly 
{concilium plebis). This assembly could be called together 
by the tribunes, and was permitted to elect its own officers, the 
tribunes and gediles. 

We find soon after this that the plebeian assembly was re- 
organized upon a " tribal " basis, and was made to comprise all 
the people living in the difi^erent " local tribes " — both patri- 
cians and plebeians. This newly organized assembly was gen- 
erally called the comitia tribu'ta, and in it the plebeians, being 
more numerous, were able to exercise a great deal of influence.^ 

The Agrarian Proposal of Spurius Cassius. — The second 



'The relation of the concilinm plebis to the comitia tributa is a subject 
concerning which there has been mucli dispute, on account of the indefinite 
references made to them by the ancient writers. The various views are 
(1) that they were identical ; (2) that they were distinct, and so remained; 
and (3) that the concilium plebis was at first a purely plebeian assembly, 
which was later transformed into the comitia tributa, composed of all 
plebeians and patricians living in the tribal districts. 



DEVELOPMENT OF THE REPUBLIC 291 

great cause of complaint was, as we have seen, the unjust 
distribution of the public land. To remove this injustice was 
the effort of the consul Spurius Cassius. He it was who pro- 
posed the first "agrarian law," that is, a law intended to reform 
the division of the public land (486 b. c). It was not his 
purpose to take away any private land which legally belonged 
to the patricians ; but to make a more just distribution of the 
land which properly belonged to the whole state. The passage 
of this law was prevented by the patricians; and its author 
was charged with treason and condemned to death. 

III. The Struggle for Equal Laws 

The Demand for a Written Code. — The plebeians were at a 
great disadvantage during all this time, because the law was 
administered solely by the patricians, who kept the knowledge 
of it to themselves, and who regarded it as a precious legacy 
from their ancestors, too sacred to be shared with the low-born 
plebeians. The laws had never been written down or pub- 
lished. The patricians could therefore administer them as 
they saw fit. Accordingly one of the tribunes, Gains Teren- 
tilius Harsa, proposed that a commission be appointed to 
codify the law and to publish it to the whole people. This 
proposal, though both fair and just, was bitterly opposed by 
the patricians, and was followed by ten years of strife and 
dissension. It was finally agreed that a commission of ten 
men, called " decemvirs," should be appointed to draw up the 
law, and that this law should be published and be binding 
upon patricians and plebeians alike. It was also agreed that 
the commissioners should all be patricians; and that they 
should have entire control of the government while compiling 
the laws. Thus for a time the patricians were to give up their 
consuls and quaestors, and the plebeians were to give up their 
tribunes and a?diles. Both parties were to cease their quarrel- 
ing and await the work of the decemvirs. 



•292 THE ROMAN WORLD 

The Decemvirs and the XII. Tables (450 b. c.).— The first 
body of coniinissioners. or the First Decem'virate, entered 
upon the work assigned to it, gatliered together the law wliieh 
had hitherto been kept secret, and inscribed it on ten tables 
of brass. These tables were erected in the Forum, where they 
could be seen by every one, and were declared l)inding on all 
the people. At the close of the year, a Second Decemvirate 
was appointed to complete the code, and two more tables were 
added. This whole body of law was called the Twelve Tables, 
and formed the basis of the most remarkable system of law 
that the world has ever seen. There was nothing strange, 
however, in the XII. Tables themselves. They contained 
nothing especially new. The old law of debt remained as it 
was, and the distinction between patricians and plebeians was 
not destroyed. The XII. Tables were important because they 
put the law before the eyes of the people; and plebeians, as 
well as patricians, could know what were their rights. 

The Second Secession and Overthrow of the Decemvirate. — 
While the decemvirs were engaged in codifying the laws, the 
old republican officers were temporarily suspended. It was 
expected that the decemvirs would lay aside their exceptional 
authority when their work was accomplished. But it seems 
tha,t the second body of decemvirs refused to resign, and 
threatened to establish a permanent despotic government in 
place of the old consulate. It is said that the leader of this 
movement was Appius Claudius.^ However this may be, the 
people, fearing that their lil;)erties were in danger, once more 
seceded from the city. The Roman state seemed again on 
the point of ruin, and the decemvirs were forced to resign. 
The old government was restored, with newly elected con- 

' With tliis movement is connected the traditional story of Virsinia : 
that she was the henutifiil flauahter of a plebeian soldier and was killed by 
her father to prevent her from falling into the hands of Appius Claudius. 
Some authorities, however, are inclined to believe that Appius Claudius 
was really the, friend of the people, and that this story was invented by 
the patricians to bring his name into dishonor. 



DEVELOPMENT OF THE KEPUBLIC 293 

suls friendly to the plebeians. These were Lucius Valerius 
and Marcus Horatius. 

The Valerio-Horatian Laws (448 b. c). — The second seces- 
sion of the plebeians resulted not only in the overthrow of the 
decemvirate and the restoration of the consulate; it resulted 
also in the passage of certain important laws, which received 
the name of the new consuls : 

(1) The right of appeal in capital cases (p. 288) was re- 
afhrmed, and this applied to plebeians as well as patricians. 

(2) The power of the plebeian tribunes was sanctioned by 
the declaration that he who raised his hand against them 
should be accursed. 

(3) The authority of the plebeian assembly was made clear 
by the provision that its acts should be binding upon the whole 
people — patricians as well as plebeians. This provision, with 
the changes made in its organization (p. 290), made the 
comitia trihuta a real legislative body for the whole state. 

These laws made definite and clear the constitutional rights 
of the people, and secured to them the privileges they had al- 
ready obtained. They may be called " the second charter of 
Eoman liberty " (for the first charter, see p. 288). 

The Right of Intermarriage. — The XII. Tables had pre- 
served the old customary law prohibiting intermarriage be- 
tween patricians and plebeians. But soon after the overthrow 
of the decemvirate this -was superseded by a new law (lex 
Caniileia. 445 b. c.) which granted the right of intermarriage 
between the two orders. This insured their social and civil 
equality, and paved the way for their political equality, and 
finally their union into a harmonious people. 

IV. The Struggle for Political Equality 

Progress of the Plebeians. — In order that we may keep 
in mind a little more clearly Jui^t what progress the plebeians 
had made up to this time, and what they still demanded, let us 



294 THE ROMAN WORLD 

look for a moment at the following table, which contains a 
list of the general rights possessed by a full Roman citizen : 

r Public rights f Right of holding office (hon- 

I {iiira pub- -j ores). 

The rights of I Uca). I Right of voting {su ft' rag htm). 

citizenship i r Right of intermarriage (cohm- 

, . .. , I Private rights < ,. . 

(cwitas) I * I biinn). 

I Right of property and con- 

I ' [ tract {commercium). 

The plebeians already possessed the lowest right, the com- 
mercium; they could hold property and carry on trade just 
like any other Roman citizens. They had just now obtained 
the conuhium, or the right of contracting a legal marriage 
with a patrician. They had also the suffragium, or the right 
of voting in the assemblies of the centuries and of the tribes. 
As regards the honorcs, or the right of holding oflice, they 
could be elected to the lower offices, that is, could be chosen 
tribunes of the people and gediles; but could not be elected 
to the higher offices, that is, could not be chosen consuls and 
quaestors. What the plebeians now wanted was a share in the 
higher offices, especially in the consulship. 

The Consular Tribunes (444 b. c). — Instead of allowing 
the plebeians a direct share in the consulship, the patricians 
agreed to the appointment of certain new officers, who should 
have the same power but not the same honor as the consuls, 
and who could he elected from either the patrician or the 
plebeian class. These new officers were called " military trib- 
unes with consular power." sometimes known as consular 
tribunes. It was provided, however, that the senate might 
in any given year determine whether consuls or consular 
tribunes should be elected. As a matter of fact, the senate 
for many years after this time decided in favor of the election 
of consuls. But later, as the plebeians grew in political in- 
fluence, the election of consular tribunes became the rule. 



DEVELOPMENT OF THE REPUBLIC 295 

The Censorship and the New Quaestors. — As the patricians; 
saw that the plebeians were growing stronger, they resorted 
to a new pLan to keep as much power as possible in their own 
hands. To do this, they created another new office, the censor- 
ship (443 B. c), and transferred to the two censors some of the 
most important powers hitherto exercised by the consuls. The 
censors were to draw up the census, that is, to make an esti- 
mate of every man's property, to assign each man to a proper 
class in the centuries, whether he belonged to the equites or the 
pedites, and to designate who was entitled to sit in the senate. 
The new censors were to be elected every five years, from the 
patrician class. But to offset this advantage, the patricians 
agreed that there should be two new quEestors (421 b. c), to 
be elected from the plebeians. 

The Licinian Leg-islation (367 b. c). — For many years 
after the creation of the offices just mentioned the Roman 
people were engaged in war with their foreign enemies — dur- 
ing which time occurred the siege and capture of the Etrus- 
can city of Ye'ii (405-396 b. c.) and the destruction of Rome 
by the Gauls (390 b. c). These wars resulted not only in 
distracting the attention of the people from constitutional 
questions, but also in reducing the lower classes again to a 
condition of poverty and distress. This brought economic 
questions again to the front. The new reformers were called 
upon not simply to continue the work in the direction of 
political equality, but to devise some methods to relieve their 
fellow-citizens impoverished by the recent wars.^ The cause 
of the people was at last taken up by two able leaders, the 
tribunes C. Licin'ius Stolo and L. Sextius.^ These men 
brought forward the following proposals: 

iThe first attempt to relieve the distress of the poor is said to have 
been made hy Marcus ManUus, who had defended the Capitol at the time 
of the Gallic invasion. But like a previous reformer, Spurius Cassius 
(see p. 2'.tl). he was charged with treason and put to death. 

^The abbreviations for the most common Latin proper names are the 
following: C. for Oaius ; Cn. for (Jna>us ; L. for Lucius; M. for Marcus; 
p. for Piiblius ; Q. for Quintus ; Sp. for Spurius ; T. for Titus. 



296 THE ROMAN WORLD 

(1) To relieve debtors, it was proposed to apply the inter- 
est already paid on a debt to the reduction of the principal 
and to allow three years in which to pay the rest of the 
debt. 

(2) To improve the condition of the poorer citizens, it was 
provided that the occupation of the public lands should be 
open to all ; that no person should be allowed to hold more than 
five hundred ju'gera (about 300 acres) ; and that the number 
of slaves on any estate should be limited, so that free laborers 
should have an opportunity to work for wages. 

(3) To .settle the political strife between the classes it was 
proposed that the consular tribunes should be done away with, 
and that consuls only should henceforth be elected, one of 
whom must be a plebeian. 

After some years of strife these proposals became laws ; and 
one of their authors. L. Sextius, was elected the first plebeian 
consul. On account of the importance of this body of laws 
we may call it " the third charter of Eoman liberty." 

Final Equalization of the Orders. — When the Licinian laws 
were finally passed, their economic provisions were soon for- 
gotten, but the political struggle for the offices still con- 
tinued. With the loss of the consulate, the patricians suc- 
ceeded in taking away its judicial power and conferring it 
upon a new officer called the pra?tor (367 b. c), who had to be 
a patrician. It was also provided that there should be two patri- 
cian sediles (called curule sediles) to offset the plebeian aidiles. 
But it was not many years before all the offices retained by 
the patricians were opened to the plebeians, and political 
equality was fully established between the two orders.^ The 
old Roman aristocracy based upon blood no longer possessed 
any political distinction. Tlie union of patricians and plebe- 

'The distinction between tlie plebeian and the curule fedileship gradually 
passed away. The dictatorship was opened to the plebeians in 35G b. c. ; 
the censorship in 351 b. c. ; and the prtetorship in 337 b. c. The in- 
dependent legislative power of the comitia tributa was confirmed by the 
Hortensian law in 286 b. c. 



DEVELOPMEXT OF THE EErU13LIC 297 

ians into one compact body of citizens was a great step in the 
growth of that principle of incorporation which finally made 
the Komans the strongest people and gave them the best-organ- 
ized government of the ancient world. 

Summary of the Republican Constitution. — Following is a 
Ijrief ontline of the constitution of the Eoman republic : 

I. The Senate — three hundred members, chosen by the censor, 
having control of the relig-ion and the finances, of the 
provinces and of foreign affairs, and generally the approval 
of laws submitted to the assemblies {uKCtoritas putriiia). 

II. The Popular Assemblies. 

1. The Co>iiitia Curiuta — assembly of the curies, with, gen- 
erally speaking, no power exce^jt formally to confer the 
itniK'riiuH. 

2. The Coinitia Crntitriata — assembly of the centuries, presided 
over by an oflficer having- the intpcrium (consul, pra?tor, or 
dictator); having the power to elect the consuls, censors, 
and prffitors, to declare war, to act upon laws submitted to 
it, and to decide on appeals in capital cases. 

3. The Coniitia Tributa — assembly of the tribes, presided over 

by a tribune, or other high magistrate; having power to 
elect the curule aediles and qutestors and to pass laws sub- 
mitted to it. 

4. The CoHcUium Plebis — originally an assembly of the plebe- 

ians only; having power to elect the tribunes and plebeian 
aediles and to pass laws at tirst for the plebeians and after- 
ward for the whole people. The relation of this assembly 
to the comitki tiihiita is not clear (p. 290, note). 

III. The AIagistrates. 

1. The Ctin/Jc MaglKtrntcs. 

(1) The Consuls — two, presided alternately over the 
senate, proposed laws to the assemblies, and com- 
manded the armies. 

(2) The Dictator — one, having supreme administrative 
power for not more than six months; appointed by the 
consul when directed by the senate; assisted bj' the 
Master of Horse {Mfif/istrr Etiiiitiim). 

(3) The Prsetor — at first one. prcvtor urhrniKS, with judicial 
authority in cases between citizens; afterward a sec- 
ond, pr(rtor percjiriini-'i, to judge between foreigners or 
between citizens and foreigners. 

(4) The Censors — two, with power to make the census, 
assess the property, classify the people, revise the 
senatorial list, and supervise the public morals. 

(5) The Curule /Ediles — two, having charge of the public 
w'orks and the public records. 



298 THE ROMAN WOELD 

2, The Nou-Curule Mufjistrates. 

(1) The rlebeian yl^diles — two, having powers like the 
curiile a?diles. 

(2) The Plebeian Tribunes — two, afterward ten, with 
power of veto and intercession. 

(o) The Quaestors — two, afterward eight, having charge 

of the treasury and public accounts. 

All these magistrates were elected annually, except (1) the 

censors, who were elected every five years to hold office for a year 

and a half, and (2) the dictator, who was appointed only as 

occasion required. 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. The Early Republican Government. — The Two Consuls. — 
The Dictatorship. — The New Senators. — The Popular Assem- 
blies. — The Laws of Valerius Poplicola. 

II. The Struggle for Economic Rights. — Relation of the 
Patricians to the Plebeians. — Economic Distress of the Plebeians. 
— First Secession of the Plebeians. — The Tribunes of the Peo- 
ple. — The Plebeian Assembly; the Cuniitia Tribiita. — The Agrarian 
Proposal of Spurius Cassius. 

III. The Struggle for Equal Laws. — The Demand for a 
Written Code. — The Decemvirs and the XII. Tables. — The Second 
Secession and Overthrow of the Decemvirate. — The Valerio- 
Horatian Laws. — The Right of Intermarriage. 

IV. The Struggle for Political Equality. — Progress of the 
Plebeians. — The Consular Tribunes. — The Censorship and the 
New Quaestors. — The Licinian Legislation. — Final Equalization of 
the Orders. — Summary of the Republican Constitution. 

REFERENCES FOR READING 

Schuckburgh, Ch. 8, "Constitutional History from 509 to 390 

B. c." (18).' 
Pelham, Bk. I., Ch. 1, "The Foundation of the Republic and the 

Struggle between the Orders" (18). 
How and Leigh, Ch. 5, "Institutions of the New Republic"; Ch. 12, 

"The Licinian Laws and the Equalization of the Orders" (18). 
Taylor, Chs. 3-5, "Struggle between the Orders" (22). 
Ihne, Early Rome, Ch. 13, "Tribunes of the People" (IS). 
Granrud, Second Period, "The Equalization of the Orders" (22). 
Greenidge, Public Life, Ch. 2, "Growth of the Republican Con- 
stitution" (22). 
Mommsen, Vol. I.. Bk. IT., Ch. 1, "Changes of the Constitution"; 

Ch. 2, "The Tribunate of the Plebs"; Ch. 3, "Equalization of 

the Orders" (18). 
Livy, Bk. II., Chs. 27-33 (first secession of the plebeians); Bk. III., 

Chs. 33-34 (the decemvirate) (25). 
Plutarch, "Publicola" (2(J). 

•The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the 
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. 



PEEIOD II. THE EXPANSION OF THE EOMAN EEPUBLIO 
(343-133 B. 0.) 



CHAPTER XX 

THE CONSOLIDATION OF ITALY, 

I. Conquest of the Italian Peninsula 

Character of the New Period. — We have traced the steps by 
which tlie early Roman state was gradually develoj^ed — by the 
union of the hill settlements on the Tiber, and by the incorpo- 
ration of the plebeians into the body politic. We are now to 
trace the steps by which this early city state was gradually 
enlarged until it took in the whole of Italy and a large part 
of the Mediterranean coasts. The next period is, therefore, 
largely a period of wars and conquests. But it is also a period 
in which Rome learned new lessons of government and law, 
and in which she came into contact with more civilized peoples 
and became herself more civilized. 

The Early Wars of Rome. — Previous to the beginning of 
this period of conquest, Rome had already been surrounded 
by enemies, who looked with envy upon her growing power and 
with whom she was obliged either to make treaties or to wage 
wars. Nearest to the city were the liatins, who had asserted 
their independence at the time when the kingship was abol- 
ished. On the eastern and southern borders of Latium were 
the ^'Equians, the Hernicans, and the A^olscians (map, p. 284). 
Through a treaty of alliance, wliich was formed by Sp. Cassius 

299 



300 THE ROMAN WORLD 

with the Latins and Hernicans, Rome was able to wage success- 
ful wars with the /Equians and the Volscians.^ But the most 
important of these early wars were those in which the city of 
Veil was captured from the Etruscans, and in which the city 
of Eome was destroyed by the Gauls. 

(1) Veil was situated northwest of the Tiber and was the 
strongest city of the Etniscans. In order to recover the terri- 
tory north of the Tiber which they had held under the Etrus- 
can kings and which they had lost with the overthrow of the 
kingdom, the Romans laid siege to this city. The siege lasted 
for nearly ten years (405-396 b. c). Veil was finally cap- 
tured by the dictator Camillus, and furnished to the Romans 
a strong foothold in Etruria. 

(3) Shortly after the capture of Veil, Italy was invaded 
by the Gauls who had settled in the valley of the Po and from 
whom this territory was called Cisalpine Gaul. The Romans 
met these fierce invaders near the little river Allia, about eleven 
miles north of the city, and suffered a terrible defeat. The 
Gauls pressed on, and captured and burned the city (390 b. c). 
Only the Capitol was saved, which was defended by Marcus 
Manlius. After the retreat of the Gauls, the Romans quickly 
rebuilt their city. The neighboring peoples again made war 
on Rome, but the city succeeded in recovering most of its 
former possessions. By the year 343 b. c, the Roman territory 
included not only the greater part of Latium, but also lands 
in the Volscian counti'y and in southern Etruria. 

The First Samnite War (343-341 b. c). — In extending their 
territory to the south, the Romans now came into contact with 

'The history of the Volscian wars is made interesting by the story of 
Coriola'nns, which tells os that this yonns patrician incurred the hatred of 
the common people, fled to the Volscians, and led an army against his native 
city ; that his mother and his wife went to the Volscian camp and pleaded 
with him to cease his wars ; and that Rome was thus saved. The memory 
of the -lOquian wars is preserved in the story of the Roman patriot Cin- 
cinna'tus, who was called from his country home to rescue the Roman 
army from a defile where it was surrounded by the ,^•:(luians and threatened 
with destruction ; and who with great speed and skill conquered the 
.Slquiau army and returned the next evening to Rome in triumph. 



THE CONSOLIDATION OF ITALY 301 

the Samnites, the most warlike people of central Italy. Some 
of the Samnite tribes had already moved from their mountain 
home and settled in Campania, having taken possession of the 
old Etruscan city of Cap'ua and the Greek city of Cmnse (map, 
p. 302). The Samnites of Campania soon became refined by 
their contact with the higher culture of the Greeks and Etrus- 
cans, and lost all sympathy with their kinsmen of the moun- 
tains. This separation led to quarrels between the older Sam- 
nites and the Campanians, and the latter appealed to Rome for 
protection. In answer to this appeal Rome, with the support 
of her Latin allies, invaded Campania, and after two cam- 
paigns drove out the Samnites. As a result of this war Rome 
assumed the position of protector of the Campanian cities, 
which were thus brought under her power. 

The Great Latin War (340-338 b. c). — Rome was next 
compelled to face a danger which threatened her position in 
Latium. Her Eatin allies, who had fought with her in the late 
war, demanded an equal share in the Roman government and in 
the spoils of conquest. This demand was refused; and the 
spirit of revolt spread not only throughout the cities of Latium, 
but among the newly conquered cities of Campania. The 
Roman people, being now well united and organized, carried 
on a vigorous and successful war against the insurgents. A 
decisive battle was fought near Mt. Vesuvius, where, according 
to tradition, the consul Decius Mus secured a victory at the 
cost of his own life. The Latin confederacy was finally broken 
up; all connection between the cities was destroyed; and each 
town was made subject directly to Rome. This policy of isola- 
tiuii prevented the cities ffom uniting with one another and 
secured the supremacv of the Roman authority. 

The Second Samnite War (326-304 b. c). — After a few 
years of peace the Romans and the Samnites became embroiled 
in another war, which led to a struggle for supremacy in cen- 
tral Italy. This war was brought on by the attempt of the 
Samnites to garrison one of the Campanian cities (Palseop'olis) 



302 



THE ROMAN WORLD 



in spite of the protest of Rome. At tha beginning of tlie war 
Pala^opolis was besieged and ca]")tured by the consul Pnljlilius 
Philo, who was kept in command beyond the term of liis otlice, 
and was hence the first to receive the title of " proconsid." 
The Romans formed alliances with the Apulians and Lucani- 
ans, and took possession of tiie strong city of Luce'ria in 
Apulia. But they soon suffered a most terrible defeat at the 
Caudine Forks (331 b. c). Here their army was entrapped 



I'lAntstt \ 



R I I i I C SEA 




Central Italy — The Samnite Wars 

in a mountain pass, and the commanding consuls were obliged 
to surrender and sign a treaty of peace. The Roman senate, 
however, refused to ratify this treaty, and the war continued. 
The Samnites were now joined by the Etruscans, who wislied 
to recover the kist portions of their own territory. The series 
of disasters which now followed the Roman arms was at last 
repaired by the great hero of the war, Fabius Maximus Rullia'- 
nus. who defeated the Etruscans at Lake Vadimo'nis. The 
Samnites were again driven out of Campania, and followed into 
their own territory, where their capital city, Bovia'num. was 
captured. As a result of this war the Remans reestablished 



THE CONSOLIDATION OF ITALY 



303 



^^\iimmum >~ 



and strengthened their authority in Campania and Etruria, 
and restricted the Samnites to their original boundaries in 
Samnium. 

The Third Samnite War (398-290 b. c.).— The peace which 
followed the second .Samnite war 2? roved to be nothing more 
than a truce. The question of supremacy in central Italy was 
yet to be decided. The Samnites were determined to bring to 
their aid other nations of Ital}^ — the Lucanians on the south, 
and the Etruscans, Umbrians, and Gauls on the north — and 
by such a coalition to overthrow the Eoman power. The at- 
tempt of the Samnites to get control of Lucania led to a dec- 
laration of war by I^ome. The Samnites placed three armies in 
the field— one to defend Samnium, one to invade Campania, 
and the third to 
march into Etruria. 
This last army was 
expected to join with 
the Etruscans, the 
Umbrians, and the 
Gauls and to attack 
Rome from t h e 
north. The Roman 
forces marched into ' 
Etruria under Fa- 
bius Maximus Rul- 
lianus, who liad won 
the battle at Lake 
Vadimonis, and 
Decius Mus, the son of the hero who sacrificed himself in the 
battle of Mt. Vesuvius. The Etruscans and Umbrians were 
soon scattered; and the Samnites and Gauls retreated across 
the Apennines to Senti'num. Here was fought the decisive 
battle (295 b. c). The Roman victory was due. according to 
tradition, to the heroic efforts of Decius, who, following the 
example of his father, sacrificed himself in order to maintain 

MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 18 




Rome 

L A T I U M 



War in Etruria 



304 



THE KOMAN WORLD 



the Roman lines. This battle was followed by the dispersion 
of the Gauls, and, after a few years of hopeless resistance, by 
the submission of tlie Samnites. Rome thus became the ruling 
power of the peninsula from Cisalpine Gaul on the north to 
Magna Gmecia on the south. 

War with Tarentum and Pyrrhus (380-375 b. c). — The 
most important of the Greek cities in southern Italy was Ta- 
rentum. This city was alarmed at the rapid progress made by 
the Romans along the southern coasts. The appearance of a 

Roman squadron in the bay of Ta- 
rentum — contrary to an existing 
treaty — angered the inhabitants of 
the city, who attacked the intruding 
vessels, killed the admiral, and de- 
stroyed a number of the ships. A 
Roman embassy sent to Tarentum 
to demand satisfaction was in- 
sulted. These acts led to a declara- 
tion of war by the Romans. Taren- 
tum then turned to Greece for help, 
and called upon Pyrrhus, the king 
of Epirus. Pyrrhus was the most 
al)le general that had appeared since 
the death of Alexander tlie Great. 
He hoped to rival the work of Alex- 
ander by building up an empire in 
the West. He was, therefore, ready 
to respond to the call of Tarentum, 
and soon landed in Italy with an army of twenty-five thousand 
men and twenty elephants. 

The first battle between the Roman and the Greek soldiers 
took place at Heracle'a. not far from Tarentum (280 b. c); 
and it was here that the Roman army first came into contact 
with the Macedonian phalanx. The Romans were defeated, 
owing chiefly to the panic caused by the elephants which 




Pyrrhus 



THE CONSOLIDATION OF ITALY 



305 



Pyrrhus had brought with him. The victory of Pyrrhus was 
attended with great loss to his own army; and he sent his am- 
bassador, Cin'eas, to Rome, asking for terms of peace. But the 
Roman senate, under the influence of the blind old censor 
Appius Claudius, refused to make peace with an enemy on 




6" V**, 

^ Lu<fi,iv. ^ 



TYRRHENIAN 




Magna Gr.ecia — The War with Pyrkhus 

Italian soil. Pyrrhus then gathered to his support the peoples 
of southern Italy, including the Samnites; he marched into 
Apulia, and at Asculum again defeated the Roman army (279 
B. c). Discouraged by the great losses incurred in these two 
-' Pyrrhic victories," he crossed over into Sicily, hoping to gain 
greater renown by rescuing his Greek kinsmen from the 



306 THE KOMAN WORLD 

Carthaginian power. Although at first successful, he failed 
to receive the expected support from the Greek cities. He re- 
turned to Italy, marched north into Samnium, and suffered a 
severe defeat at the hands of the Eoman consul Curius Denta'- 
tus (275 B. c). He then withdrew from Italy, and in a short 
time Tarentum fell into the liands of the Romans (273 b. c). 
Within the next few years the spirit of revolt which lingered in 
certain parts of Italy was suppressed ; and the Roman authority 
was completely established from the Rubicon to the Sicilian 
straii. 

II. Political Organization of Italy 

The Roman Policy of Government. — To understand how 
Rome conquered the peoples of Italy is less important than to 
understand how slie governed these peoples after they were 
conquered. From the time that she broke up the Latin league 
until slie brought Italy under her control, she was gradually 
developing that remarkable capacity for political organization 
which finally made her the greatest governing power of the 
ancient world. We must not suppose that she had from the 
first a completely formed policy of government. On the con- 
trary, this policy was growing with her growth, and becoming 
more clearly defined with her increasing dominion. So far 
as we are able to define her general method of governing we 
might say that it included three important features: (1) isola- 
tion, or the separation of the subject communities from one an- 
other so as to prevent the possibility of united resistance; (2) 
local government, or the granting to each community the right 
to manage its own local affairs so far as this was consistent 
with Roman supremacy; (3) gradual incorporation, or the con- 
ferring upon different communities, to a greater or less extent, 
of the rights of citizenship. 

The Sovereign and Subject Communities. — If we would 
comprehend the political system wliich grew up in Italy, we 
must keep clearly in mind the distinction between the people 



THE CONSOLIDATION OF ITALY 307 

who made up the sovereign boc\y of the state, and the people 
who made up the subject communities of Italy. Just as in 
early times we saw two distinct bodies, the patrician l)ody, 
which ruled the state, and the plebeian body, which was sub- 
ject to the state; so now we shall see, on the one hand, a ruling 
body of citizens, who lived in and outside tlie city upon the 
Roman domain (agcr Eomanus), and on the other hand, a sub- 
ject body of peo])le, living in towns and cities throughout the 
rest of Italy. In other words, we shall see a part of the ter- 
ritory and people incorporated into the state, and another part 
still unincorporated — the one a sovereign community, and the 
other comprising a numl)er of sul)ject communities. 

The Roman State ; Ager Romanus. — The sovereign commu- 
nity, which made up tlio Roman state proper, comprised the 
people who lived upon the Roman domain (ager Romanus). 
In other words, the Roman domain, or agcr Eomanus, was that 
part of the territory in whicli the people w^ere incorporated into 
the state, and received the rights as well as the burdens of citi- 
zenship. This domain land, or incorporated territory, had 
been gradually growing while the conquest of Italy was going 
on. It now included, speaking generally, the most of Latium, 
northern Campania, southern Etruria, the Sabine country, 
Picenum, and a part of Umbria. There were a few towns 
within this area, like Tibur and Pra^nes'te, which were not in- 
corporated, and hence not a part of the domain land, but re- 
tained the position of subject allies. The agcr Romanus in- 
cluded the local tribes, as well as the Roman colonies and the 
munirip'ia. 

The Thirty-three Tribes.— The local tribes (p. 280) had 
now increased in number to thirty-three. They included four 
urban tribes, that is, the wards of the city, and twenty-nine 
rural tribes, which were like townships in the country. All 
the persons who lived in these tribal districts and were en- 
rolled, formed a part of the sovereign body of the Roman 
people; that is, they had not only the private rights, but the 



308 THE ROMAN \VORLD 

public rights of Eoman citizens, having a share in the govern- 
ment, in the holding of office, in the election of magistrates, 
and in the making of the laws.^ 

The Roman Colonies.^The early colonies which Rome sent 
out were allowed to retain all their rights of citizenship, being 
permitted even to come to Rome at any time to vote and help 
make the laws. These colonies of Roman citizens thus formed 
a part of the sovereign state; and their territory, wherever it 
might be situated, was regarded as a part of the ager Romanus. 
Such Roman colonies were the maritime garrisons along the 
seacoast, the most important of which were situated on the 
shores of Latium and of adjoining lands. 

The Roman Municipia. — Certain conquered towns were in- 
eorj)orated into the state, and yet were allowed to retain their 
rights of local government. They accepted the sovereignty of 
Rome and their inhabitants received the rights of Roman 
citizens. In some cases the inhabitants received the full rights 
of citizenship, including the public rights, being permitted to 
be enrolled and to vote with the local tribes. In other 
cases, they received only the private rights (civitas sine suf- 
fragio), being permitted to trade and- to intermarry with 
Roman citizens, and uuide subject to all the burdens of Ro- 
man citizens, but not allowed to take part in the govern- 
ment. Under certain circumstances a town, as a penalty, 
might be deprived of its local government and placed under a 
prefect — in which case it would be called a " prefecture." - 

The Subject Communities. — Over against this sovereign 
body of citizens, living upon the ngcr Romanus and made up of 

' The number of the tribes was afterward increased to thirty-five, which 
was the maximum number. 

-There were very few towns that were reduced to the condition of 
prefectures. The majority of townss, however, within the Roman domain 
were regarded as municipia, either of the first or of the second class. The 
loyalty of a municipal town would be stimulated, on the one hand, by the 
hope of attaining to the first class, or of remaining there ; or. on the other 
hand, by the fear of being reduced to a prefecture. The Roman "munici- 
pality" as a self-governing community incorporated into the state, was one 
of the most advanced features of the Roman system of government. 



THE CONSOLIDATION OF ITALY 309 

the local tribes, the Eoman colonies, and the municipia, were the 
subject communities scattered throughout the length and breadth 
of the peninsula. The inhabitants of this territory had no 
share in the Roman government. Neither could they declare 
war, make peace, form alliances, or coin money, without the 
consent of Rome. Although they might have many privileges 
given to them, and might govern themselves in their own cities, 
they formed no part of the sovereign body of the Roman people. 
They comprised the Latin colonies and the Italian allies. 

The Latin Colonies were the military garrisons which Rome 
sent out to hold in subjection a conquered city or territory. 
They were generally made up of veteran soldiers, or sometimes 
of poor Roman citizens, who were placed upon the conquered 
land and who ruled the conquered people. But such garrisons 
did not retain the full rights of citizens. They lost the politi- 
cal rights, and generally the connhium, but retained the com- 
mercium. These colonies carried with them the Latin lan- 
guage and the Roman spirit, and were thus means of extending 
Roman institutions.^ 

The Italian Allies. — The largest part of the subject commu- 
nities comprised the Italian cities which were conquered and 
left free to govern themselves, but which were bound to Rome by 
a special treaty. They were obliged to recognize the sovereign 
power of Rome. They were not subject to the land tax which 
fell upon Roman citizens, but were obliged to furnish troops 
for the Roman army in times of war. These cities of Italy, 
thus held in subjection to Rome by a special treaty, were 
known as federated cities (civitates fccderatci'), or simply as 
allies (socii); they formed the most important part of the 
Italian population not incorporated into the Roman state.- 

* Important Latin colonies were Liiceria and Venusia in Apulia, Beneven- 
tum in Samnium, P.-pstum in Lucania, Iladria in Picenum, and Arim'inum 
in Umbria (maps, pp. 302, 30,S, 30.5). 

" This orsanization of Italy continued substantially until the Social war 
(90 B. c). For the territorial divisions of Italy under this system see map, 
page 368. 



310 



THE ROMAN WORLD 



III. The Military System 

The Roman Army. — The conquest of Italy was due, in great 
measure, to the efficiency of the Ivoman army. The strength 
of the Roman government, too, depended upon the army, 
which was the real support of the civil power. By their con- 
quests the Romans became a nation of warriors. Every citizen 
between the ages of seventeen and forty-five was obliged to 




Soldiers and their Booty 



serve in the arniy when the pul)lic service required it. In 
early times the wars lasted only for a short period, and con- 
sisted in ravaging the fields of the enemy ; and the soldier's re- 
ward was the booty which he was able to capture. But after 
the siege of Veil, the term of service became longer, and it be- 
came necessary to give to the soldiers regular pay. This pay, 
with the prospect of plunder and of a share in the allotment of 
conquered land, furnished a strong motive to render faithful 
service. 

Divisions of the Army. — In case of war it was custom- 
ary to raise four legions, two for each consul. Each legion 
contained thirty maniples, or companies, of heavy-armed 
troops, — twenty maniples consisting of one hundred and 



THE CONSOLIDATION OF ITALY 311 

twenty men each, and ten maniples of sixty men each, — mak- 
ing in all three thousand heavy-armed troops. There were also 
twelve hundred light-armed troops, not organized in maniples. 
The whole number of men in a legion was therefore forty-two 
hundred. To each legion was usually joined a body of cavalry, 
numbering three hundred men. After the reduction of Latium 
and Italy, the allied cities were also obliged to furnish a certain 
number of men. according to the tei'ms of the treaty. 

Order of Battle. — In ancient times the Romans fought in 
the manner of the (ireck phalanx, in a solid square. This ar- 
rangement Avas well suited to withstand an attack on a level 
plain, but it was not adapted to aggressive warfare. About 
the time of Camillus, the Romans introduced the more open 
order of " maniples." When drawn up in order of battle, the 
legion was arranged in three lines: first, the hasta'ti, made up 
of young men; second, the prin'cipcs, composed of the more 
experienced soldiers; and, third, the tria'rii, which comprised 
the veterans, capable of supporting the other two lines. Each 
line was comjwsed of ten maniples, those of the first two lines 
consisting of one hundred and twenty men each, and those of 
the third line consisting of sixty men each; the maniples, or 
companies, in each line were so arranged that they were op- 
posite the spaces in the next line, as follows: 

1. Hastati 

2. Priiicipes ---------- 

3. Trinrii ---------- 

This arrangement enabled the companies in front to retreat 
into the spaces in the rear, or the companies in the rear to 
advance to the spaces in front. Behind the third line usually 
fought the light-armed and less experienced soldiers (rorarii 
and accensi). Each maniple carried its own ensign; and the 
legion carried a standard surmounted with a silver eagle. 

Armor and Weapons. — The defensive armor of all the three 
lines was alike — a coat of mail for the breast, a lirass helmet 
for the head, greaves for the legs, and a large oblong shield 



312 



THE ROMAN WORLD 



carried upon the left arm. For offensive weapons, each man 
carried a short sword, which could be used for cutting or 
thrusting. The soldiers in the first two lines each had also two 
javelins, to be hurled at the enemy before coming into close 
quarters; and those of the third line each had a long lance, 
which could be used for piercing. It was with such arms as 
these that the Roman soldiers conquered Italy. 

Military Rewards and Honors. — The Romans encouraged 
the soldiers with rewards for their bravery. These were be- 
stowed by the general in the 
presence of the whole army. 
The highest individual reward 
was the " civic crown," made 
of oak leaves, given to him 
who had saved . the life of a 
fellow-citizen on the battle- 
field. Other suitable rewards, 
such as golden crowns, ban- 
ners of different colors, and 
ornaments, were bestowed for 
singular bravery. The high- 
est military honor which the 
Roman state could bestow was a " triumph " — a solemn pro- 
cession, decreed by the senate, in which the victorious general, 
with his army, marched through the city to the Capitol, bear- 
ing in liis train the trophies of war. 

Military Roads. — An important part of the military system 
of Rome was the network of military roads by which her armies 
and munitions of war could be sent into every part of Italy. 
The first military road was the Appian Way (via Appia), built 
by Appius Claudius during the Samnite wars. It connected 
Rome with Capua, and was afterward extended to Beneventum 
and A^enusia, and finally as far as Brundisiiim. This fur- 
nished a model for the roads which were subsequently laid out 
to other points in Italy. Although we read of roads in Persia 




Roman Standards 



THE CONSOLIDATION OP ITALY 



313 



(p. 67) and in other ancient countries, the Romans were proh- 
ably the first people to reduce road-making to an art. They 
spared no labor and expense to make these highways straight, 
smooth, and durable. The roads were laid out upon the most 
direct and level course from city to city, without regard to 
natural obstacles, piercing mountains and spanning morasses 




Appian Way 

and rivers. The surface of the road was a pavement con- 
structed of polygonal slabs of hard rock, nicely fitted together ; 
and this was supported by strata of stones and gravel laid in 
cement to the depth of two feet or more, and having a width 
of about fifteen feet. So durable were these highways that the 
remains of many of them exist to the present day. After a 
time they came to be used by the Romans not merely for the 
movement of troops, but as pathways of trade and also as 
lines of communication, or post-roads. The Roman roads 
were thus a means of binding together the different parts of 



314 THE ROMAN WORLD 

the Roman state, securing the dominion of Rome and extend- 
ing her civilization. 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. Conquest of the Italian Peninsula. — Character of the New 
Period. — The Early Wars of Rome. — The First Samnite War. — 
The Great Latin War.— The Second Samnite War.— The Third 
Samnite War. — The War with Tai-entum and Pyi'ihus. 

II. Political Organization of Italy. — The Roman Policy of 
Government. — The Sovereign and Subject Communities. — The 
Roman State; Aycr Romaiius. — The Thirty-three Tribes. — The 
Roman Colonies. — The Roman Miiiiicipia. — The Subject Commu- 
nities. — The Latin Colonies. — The Italian Allies. 

III. The Military System. — The Roman Army. — Divisions of 
the Army. — Order of P>attle. — Armor and Weapons. — Military Re- 
wards and Honors. — Military Roads. 

REFERENCES FOR READING 

Liddell, Ch. 27, "Final Reduction and Settlement of Italy" (18).^ 

Pelham, Bk. II.. Ch. 2, "The Conquest of Italy" (18). 

How and Leigh, Ch. 13, "Subjugation of Latium and Campania"; 
Ch. 16, "War with Tai-entum and Pyrrhus" (18). 

Merivale, General History, Ch. 10, "Summary of Roman Institu- 
tions" (18). 

Ihne, History, Third Rook, Ch. 17, "The Conquest of Italy" (18). 

Mommsen, Vol. I.. Bk. II., Ch. 7, "Struggle between Pyrrhus and 
Rome and ITnion of Italy" (18). 

Taylor, Ch. 0, "Rome and Italy" (22). 

Granrud, pp. 98-101, "Conquest and Organization of Central and 
Southern Italy" (22). 

Seig-nobos, Ch, 7, "The Roman Army" (18). 

Smith, Dictionary, "Colonia" (the Roman colonial system); 
"Vise" (Roman road-making); "Exercitus" (the Roman 
army) (19). 

Munro, Source Book, Part IV., "The Constitution of the Re- 
public" (25). 

Livy, Bk. TX., Chs. l-fi (battle of Caudine Pass) (25). 

'The figure in p.nrentliesis refers to the number of the topic in the 
Appendix, whei-e a luUer title of the book will be found. 



CHAPTER XXI 

THE STRUGGLES WITH CARTHAGE; THE PUNIC WARS 

I. The First Punic War (264-341 b. c.) 

Rome and Carthage.— The first foreign power with which 
Rome came in contact, outside of Italy, was Carthage. This 
city was originally a colony of Tyre, and had come to be the 
capital of a great commercial empire on the northern coast of 
Africa. Carthage brought into the western Mediterranean the 
ideas and civilization which the Phcenicians had developed in 
the East. Her power 
was based upon trade and 
commercial supremacy. 
She had brought under 
her control the trading 
colonies of northern 
Africa and many of the 
Greek cities of Sicily. 
Eome and Carthage were thus each striving to get control of 
the cities of western Hellas; and they soon became rivals for 
the possession of the countries bordering upon the western 
Mediterranean Sea. 

In comparing these two great rivals of the West, we might 
say that they were nearly equal in strength and resources. 
Carthage had greater wealth, but Rome had a better organiza- 
tion. Carthage had a more powerful navy, but Rome had a 
more efficient army. Carthage had more l)rilliant leaders, 
while Rome had a more steadfast body of citizens. The main 
strength of Carthage rested in her wealth and commercial re- 

815 




Carthaginian Coin 



PROGRESSIVE M: AR JSTo. SS. 




STRUGGLES WITH CARTHAGE 



317 



sources, while that of Rome depended upon the character of 
lier people and her well-organized political system. The great- 
ness of the Carthaginians was shown in their successes, while 
the greatness of the Romans was most fully revealed in the 
dark hours of trial and disaster. 

Outbreak of the War in Sicily (264 b. c). — The first con- 
flict between Rome and Carthage, wJiich is known as the first 



Di 

AGATES 



T!'s'"i"i^ /^^^' 



Lllybaeum 




Clypea %. 




•N^ 



~Tio 



Sicily — The Fir.st Punic War 

Punic^ war, began in Sicily; and really came to be a contest 
for the possession of that island. Sicily was at this time di- 
vided between three powers. (1) Carthage held all the western 
part of the island, with the important cities of Agrigentum 
on the south, Panormus on the north, and Lilybjeum at the 
extreme point. (2) The southeastern part of the island was 
under the control of the king of Syracuse, who ruled not only 
this city, but also some of the neighboring towns. (3) The 
northeastern corner of the island was in the possession of a 
body of Campanian soldiers who, after serving the king of 
Syracuse, had treacherously seized the city of Messana. 

These Campanian mercenaries, wlio called themselves Mam'- 
ertines, or Sons of Mars, murdered the inhabitants and ravaged 
the surrounding country. The king of Syracuse attacked them, 
'So called because the Latin word for Carthasrinlan is Punicus^ 



318 



THE ROMAN WORLD 



laid siege to their city, and reduced them to such an extremity 
that they called upon Rome for help. The Roman senate hes- 
itated to help these robbers against Syracuse, which was a 
friendly power. But when the question was left to the assem- 
bly, the people decided to help the ]\Iamertines, because they 
rightly feared that Carthage would be called upon if they re- 
fused. The Roman army that was sent to Messana found a 
Carthaginian force already on the ground; but it defeated 
both the Carthaginians and the Syracusans, and the war 
quickly developed into a struggle to drive the Carthaginians 
out of Sicily. Town after town fell before the Roman army; 
and in the second year of the war, the important city of Agri- 
gentum was captured, after a siege 
of seven months (2(^2 B. c). 

The New Roman Navy; the Vic- 
tory at Mylse (260 b. c). — When 
the enemy's fleet appeared off the 
coasts of Sicily, the Romans saw 
tliat Carthage, to be overcome, must 
))e met upon the sea as well as upon 
the land. Taking as a model a 
Carthaginian vessel which had been 
wrecked on the Italian shore, they 
constructed, it is said, a hundred 
vessels like it in sixty days. In the 
meantime their soldiers were trained 
into sailors by practicing the art of 
rowing upon rude benches l)uilt upon 
the land and arranged like the banks 
of a real vessel. Tlie Romans knew 
that their soldiers were better than 
the Carthaginians in a hand-to-hand 
encounter. To maintain this ad- 
vantage, they provided their ships with drawbridges which 
could be used in boarding the enemy's vessels. Thus equipped 




Column of Ditilius 



STEUGGLES WITH CARTHAGE 319 

with a fleet, Eome ventured upon the sea as a rival of the first 
naval power of the world. The new navy was placed under 
command of the consul Duil'ius, wlio gained a decisive victory 
off the northern coast of Sicily near Myla\ The Komans thus 
had fought and won their first great battle upon the sea, 
Duilius was given a magnificent triumph, and to commemorate 
the victory a column was erected in the Forum, adorned with 
the beaks of the captured vessels {Colum'na Rostra ta) . 

Invasion of Africa by Reg'ulus (25G b. c). — Elated by this 
success, the Romans felt ])repared to carry the war into Africa. 
With a still larger fleet, they defeated the Carthaginian squad- 
ron which attempted to bar tlieir way on the southern coast 
of Sicily, off the promontory of Ee'nomus. Two legions, under 
L. Manlius Vulso and Reg'ulus, landed on the coast of Africa 
east of Carthage, and laid waste the count ty. So easilv was 
this accomplished that the Romans decided that one consul, 
with his army, would be enough to finish 
the work in Africa. Vulso was tlierefore 
recalled, and Regulus remained. The Car- 
thaginians attempted in vain to make 
peace. They then placed their army in 
the hands of a Spartan soldier named 
Xanthip'pus. This general defeated the 
Roman legions with great slaughter, and Eegulus (Coin) 
made Regulus a prisoner. A fleet was then 
sent from Italy to rescue the survivors, but this fleet on its 
return was wrecked in a storm. Thus ingloriously closed the 
war in Africa. 

Progress of the War in Sicily (255-241 b. c). — For several 
years after this, the war languished in Sicily. The long series 
of Roman disasters was relieved by the capture of Panormus 
on the northern coast, which was soon followed by a second 
victory over the Carthaginians, at the same place. It is said 
that the Carthaginians, after this second defeat, desired 
an exchange of prisoners, and sent Eegulus to the Roman sen- 




320 THE EOMAN WORLD 

ate to advocate their cause, under the promise that he would 
return if unsuccessfuh But llegulus, it is said, persuaded the 
senate not to accept tlie otl'er of tlie Cartliaginians; and then, 
in spite of the tears and entreaties of Iris friends, went back 
to Cartilage. Whether this story is true or not, it illustrates 
the honor and patriotism of the true Eoman. 

After the Koman victories at Panormus, the Carthaginians 
were pushed into the extreme western part of the island. The 
Eomans then laid siege to Lilyb;vuni, the stronghold of the 
Carthaginian power. Failing to capture this place, the Eoman 
consul, P. Claudius, determined to destroy the enemy's fleet 
lying near Drep'anum; Init he was defeated with the loss of 
over ninety ships. The superstitious Pomans believed that 
this defeat was due to the fact that Claudius had impiously 
disregarded tlie auguries; when tlie sacred chickens had re- 
fused to eat, he had in a fit of passion thrown them into the 
sea. The consul was recalled by the senate, and a dictator 
was ap]K)inted in his place. After the loss of other fleets by 
storms, and after fruitless campaigns against the great Car- 
thaginian soldier, Hamircar Barca, the Roman cause seemed 
a failure. 

Victory at the .ffigates Islands ('341 b. c.).— It is in the 
midst of such discouraging linios as these that wo are able to 
see the strong elements of tlie Poman character — patriotism, 
fortitude, and steadfast perseverance. With a loss of one-sixth 
of their population and a vast amount of treasure, they still 
persisted in the attempt to conquer Sicily. Wealthy citizens 
advanced their money to build a new fleet. In this way two 
hundred ships were l)uilt and placed under the consul C. Luta- 
tius Cat'ulus. A decisive victory was gained at the ^Iilga'tes 
Islands, off the western extremity of Sicily. The Carthagini- 
ans were unpre]inred for the terrible defeat which they suf- 
fered, and were oliliged to sue for peace. They were obliged to 
give up Sicily: release all the Poman prisoners without ran- 
som; and pay to the Pomans 3,200 talents (al)out $4,000,000), 



STEUGGLES WITH CARTHAGE 321 

within ten years. Thus ended the first Punic war, which had 
lasted for twenty-three years. During this time Rome had 
shown her ability to fight upon the sea, and had fairly entered 
tlie lists as one of the great powers of the world. But this first 
contest with Carthage, severe as it was, was merely a prepara- 
tion for the more terrible struggle which was yet to come. 

II. Events between the First and Second Punic Wars 
(241-218 B. c.) 

Sicily, the First Roman Province. — In the interval between 
the first and second Punic wars, both Rome and Carthage 
sought to strengthen and consolidate their power. They knew 
that the question of supremacy was not yet decided, and that 
sooner or later another contest was sure to come. Rome found 
herself in possession of a new territory outside of Italy, which 
had to be organized. She had already three kinds of territory: 
(1) the Roman domain (ager Bomanus), where the people 
were, generally speaking, full citizens; (2) the Latin colonies, 
in which the people had a part of the rights of citizens; 
and (3) the Italian land, in which the people were not citizens, 
but were half independent, having their own governments, but 
being bound to Rome as allies in war. In Sicily a new system 
was introduced. The land was generally confiscated, and the 
inhabitants were obliged to pay a heavy tribute. The whole 
island — except Syracuse, which remained independent — was 
governed by a prnetor sent from Rome. By this arrangement 
Sicily became a " province " — which is another name for a 
conquered territory outside of Italy, under the control of a 
Roman governor. 

Annexation of Sardinia and Corsica (239 b. c). — Besides 
Sicily, there were in the Mediterranean two other islands which 
seemed by nature to belong to Italy. These were Sardinia and 
Corsica. While Carthage was engaged in Africa in suppress- 
ing a revolt of its own mercenaries, who did not receive their 

MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 19 



322 THE KOMAN WORLD 

pay after the late war, Eome saw a favorable opportunity to 
get possession of Sardinia. Carthage protested against such an 
act; and Rome replied by demanding the cession of the island, 
and also the payment of a fine of 1,200 talents (about $1,500,- 
000). Carthage was obliged to submit to this unjust demand; 
but she determined to avenge herself in the future. As Sar- 
dinia came to her so easily, Eome proceeded to take Corsica 
also, and the two islands were erected into a second Eoman 
province. Rome thus obtained possession of the three great 
islands of the western Mediterranean. 

Suppression of the Illyrian Pirates (229 b. c). — The atten- 
tion of Rome was soon directed to the eastern coast of the 
Adriatic Sea. An appeal came from the cities of Greece 
— the ^tolian and Achaean leagues — for protection against 
the pirates of the Adriatic. These pirates were the people 
of Illyricum, who made their living by plundering the ships 
and ravaging the coasts of their Greek neighbors. With a 
fleet of two hundred ships, Rome cleared the Adriatic Sea 
of the pirates. She then took the Greek cities on the coast 
under her protection ; Rome thus obtained a foothold upon the 
eastern shores of the Adriatic, which brought her into friendly 
relations with Greece, and afterward into hostile relations with 
Macedonia. 

Conquest of Cisalpine Gaul (225-222 b. c). — As Rome 
began to be drawn into foreign wars, she became aware that 
her position at home could not be secure so long as the northern 
part of Italy remained unconquered. The x\lps formed the 
natural boundary of Italy; and to this boundary she felt 
obliged to extend her power. She planted colonies upon the 
Gallic frontier, and in these towns made a large assignment 
of lands to her own citizens. The Gauls resented this as an 
encroachment upon their territory; th"y appealed to arms, in- 
vaded Etruria, and threatened Rome. The invaders were de- 
feated and driven back, and the war was continued in the val- 
ley of the Po until the whole of Cisalpine Gaul w^as finally 



STKUGGLES WITH CARTHAGE 



323 



subdued. The conquered territory was secured by new colonies, 
and Eome was practically supreme to the Alps. Her people 
were made more devoted to her by the share which they re- 
ceived in the new land. Her dominions were now so well 
organized, and her authority so se.cure, that she felt prepared 
for another contest with Cartha2:e. 



III. The Second Punic War (218-201 b. c.) 

Extension of the Carthaginian Power in Spain. — The sec- 
ond Punic war was to decide the fate of Kome, and perhaps 
of Europe. Its real cause was the growing rivalry between the 
two great powers that were now struggling for supremacy in 
the western Mediterranean. But it was directly brought about 
by the rapid growth of the Carthaginian dominion in Spain. 
While Eome was adding to her strength by the conquest of 
Cisalpine Gaul and the reduction of the islands in the sea, 
Carthage was building up a great empire in the Spanish pen- 
insula. Here she expected to raise new 
armies, with which to invade Italy. 
This was the policy of Hamilcar Barca, 
her greatest citizen and soldier. The 
work was begun by Hamilcar himself, 
and then continued by his son-in-law, 
Has'drubal, who founded the city of 
New Carthage as the capital of the new 
province. Carthage continued the work 
of conquering the southern part of 
Spain, without infringing upon the 
rights of Rome, until Hasdrubal died. 
Then Hannibal, the young son of the 
great Hamilcar, and the idol of the 
army, was chosen as commander. This young Carthaginian, 
who had in his boj'hood sworn an eternal hostility to Rome, 
now felt that his mission was come. He marched from New 




Hannibal 



324 



THE ROMAN WORLD 



Carthage and proceeded to attack Saguntuni, the ally of Rome; 
and after a siege of eight months, captured it. This led to a 
declaration of war by Rome. 

Hannibal's Invasion of Italy; his Early Victories. — Even 

at the besiinnino; of the war Hannibal showed his great genius 




Spain — Hannibal's Route 

as a soldier. The Romans formed an excellent plan to send 
two armies into the enemy's country — one into Africa under 
Sempronius, and the other into Spain under P. Cornelius 
Scipio (sip'io). But Hannibal, with the instinct of a true 
soldier, saw that Carthage would be safe if Italy were invaded 
and Rome threatened. Leaving his brother Hasdrubal to pro- 
tect Spain, he crossed the Pyrenees with fifty thousand infan- 
try, nine thousand cavalry, and a number of elephants. With- 
out delay he pushed on to the river Rhone; outflanked the 
barbarians who were trying to oppose his passage; and crossed 
the river above, just as the Roman army (which had expected 
to meet him in Spain) had reached Massilia (Marseilles). 



STRUGGLES WITH CARTHAGE 



335 



When the Roman commander, P. Cornelius Scipio, found that 
he had been outgeneraled by Hannibal, he sent his brother 
Cn. Scipio on to Spain with thi main army, and returned 
himself to Cisalpine Gaul, expecting to destroy the Cartha- 




Second Punic 
War — Han- 
nibal's RouTr 

ginian if he should 
venture to come into 
Italy. Hannibal in the 
meantime pressed on. In 
spite of innumerable difficul- 
ties and dangers he crossed the 
Alps and descended into the valley of 
the Po. 

He first defeated the Roman cavalry on the north of the Po, 
near the little stream Tici'nus. He then moved south of the 
Po, and on the banks of the Trebia gained a victory over the 
Roman army commanded by Scipio and Sempronius — the lat- 
ter having been recalled, from the intended expedition into 
Africa. Hannibal then pushed through the marshes of Etru- 
ria, and placed himself between a new Roman army and the 



33G THE ROMAN WORLD 

Komau capital; and on the shores of Lake Trasume'nus he 
entra})ped and practically annihilated the whole Roman army. 

Battle of Cannae (216 b. c). — The frightful disaster at Lake 
Trasumenus led to the appointment of a dictator, Q. Fabius 
Maximum, who on account of his cautious policy was called 
" Cuncta'tor," or the Delayer. New armies were raised and 
tlio city was put into a state of defense. The Romans soon 
grew tired of the cautious and indecisive movements of Fa- 
bius ; and two new consuls were elected to take his place, 
who were expected to pursue a more vigorous policy. These 
were Terentius Varro and zEmilius Paullus. Hannibal's army 
was now in Apulia, near the little town of Cannee on the Au'- 
fidus River. To this place the consuls led their new forces, con- 
sisting of eighty thousand infantry and six thousand cavalry — 
the largest army that the Romans had, up to that time, ever 
gathered on a single battlefield. Hannibal's army consisted of 
forty thousand infantry and ten thousand cavalry. As this was 
Hannibal's greatest battle, we may learn something of his won- 
derful skill by looking at its plan. 

The Romans drew up their heavy infantry in solid columns, 
facing to the south, to attack the center of Hannibal's line. 
In front of the lieavy-armed troojis w^ere the light-armed sol- 
diers, to act as skirmishers. On the Roman right, near the 
river, were two thousand of the Roman cavalry, and on the left 
wing were four thousand cavalry of the allies. With their 
army thus arranged, the Romans hoped to defeat Hannibal. 
])iit Hannibal laid his plan not simply to defeat the Roman 
army, l)ut to draw it into such a position that it could be en- 
tirely destroyed. He therefore placed his weakest troops, the 
Spanish and Gallic infantry, in the center opposite the heavy 
infantry of the Romans, and pushed them forward in the form 
of a crescent, Avith the expectation that they would be driven 
back and pursued by the Romans. On either flank he placed 
his heavy infantry of African troops, his best and most trusted 
soldiers, drawn back in long, solid columns, so that they could 



STEUGGLES WITH CAETHAGE 



327 




'^o/w 



""SAVy 



A^s 



!*««i 



' n Y 



c^^i. 



,^GVAT ■''^^^<s^ 



""^^Nisal 






Battle of Cann.^ 



fall upon the Romans when the center had been driven in. 
On his left wing, next to the river, were placed four thousand 
Spanish and Gallic cavalry, and on the right wing his superb 
body of six thousand ISTu- 
midian cavalry, which 
was to swing around and 
attack the Eoman army in 
the rear, when it had be- 
come engaged with the 
African troops upon the 
right and left. 

The description of this 
plan is almost a descrip- 
tion of the battle itself. 
AVhen the Eomans had 
pressed back the weak 
center of Hannibal's line, 
they found themselves 

ingulfed in the midst of the Carthaginian forces. Attacked on 
all sides, the Roman army became a confused mass of strug- 
gling men, and the battle became a butchery. The army was 
annihilated ; seventy thousand Roman soldiers are said to have 
been slain, among whom were eighty senators and the consul 
^Emilius. The small remnant of survivors fled to the neigh- 
boring towns, and Yarro, with seventy horsemen, took refuge 
in Venusia. This was the most terrible day that Rome had 
seen since the destruction of the city by the Gauls, nearly two 
centuries before. Every house in Rome was in mourning. 

Dismay and Fortitude of the Romans. — During the period 
which followed the battle of Cann^, the Roman character was 
put to its severest test. The people feared the worst. Every- 
thing seemed turning against them. The Apulians, the 
Lucanians, the Samnites, and the Bruttians revolted. Capua, 
the most important city in Italy, after Rome, opened her gates 
to Hannibalj and Tarentum^ which held a Roman garrison, 



328 THE ROMAN WORLD 

was betrayed into his hands. Syracuse transferred her alle- 
giance from Home to Carthage, and many other cities in Sicily 
threatened to revolt. Philip V., the king of Macedonia, also 
made an alliance with Hannibal (see p. 243), and threatened to 
invade Italy to assist him. In the face of all these discourage- 
ments, the lionian people, supported by the faithful Latin 
towns and colonies, remained firm; and with fixed resolution 
determined to prosecute the war with greater vigor than ever 
before. 

It was not long before the tide began to turn, and the 
energetic efl'orts of the Komans began to be rewarded. Syra- 
cuse was recaptured (213 B. c.) by the pnutor Marcellus, at 
that time the governor of the province of Sicily. Capua also 
was retaken (211 b. c), in spite of the efforts of Hannibal to 
draw away the Roman army from besieging that city, by 
marching to the gates of Rome. Moreover, Tarentum was re- 
captured (209 B. c.) by Fabius Cunctator, his last service in 
the field. Besides, the Romans, by forming an alliance with 
the cities of Greece, were al)le to prevent the Macedonian king 
from invading Italy. 

Battle of the Metaurus (207 b. c.).— AVhilc Hannibal had 
been engaged in Italy, Ilasdrubal had been kept in Spain by 
the vigorous camjiaign which the Romans had conducted in 
that peninsula under the two Scipios. Upon the death of 
these generals, the young Publius Cornelius Scipio was sent 
to Spain and earned a great name l)y his victories. But Has- 
drubal was determined to go to the rescue of his brother in 
Italy. He followed Hannilial's path over the Alps into the 
valley of the Po. Hannibal had moved into Apulia, where he 
was awaiting news from Hasdrubal. There were now two 
enemies in Italy, instead of one. One Roman army under 
Claudius Nero was therefore sent to oppose Hannil)al in 
Apulia; and another army under Livius Salina'tor was sent 
to meet Hasdrulxil, who had just crossed the river Metau'rus, 
in Umbria. 



STEUGGLES WITH CAETHAGE 



329 



It was necessary that Hasclrubal should be crushed before 
Hannibal was informed of his arrival in Italy. The consul 
Claudius Nero therefore left his main army in Apulia, and 
with eight thousand picked soldiers hurried to the aid of his 
colleague in Umbria. The battle which took place at the 
Metaurus was decisive, and really determined the issue of 
the second Punic war. The army of Hasdrubal was entirely 
destroyed, and he himself was slain. The first news which 
Hannibal received of this disaster was from the lifeless lips of 
his own brother, whose head was thrown by the Romans into 
the Carthaginian camp. Hannibal saw that the death of his 
brother was the doom of Carthage; and he sadly exclaimed, 
" Carthage, I see thy fate ! " Hannibal retired into Brut- 

tium; and the Roman 
(tinsuls received the first 
triumph that had been 
given since the beginning 
of this disastrous war. 

Publius Scipio Afri- 
canus. — Of all the men 
produced by Rome dur- 
ing the Punic wars, Pub- 
lius Cornelius Scipio (aft- 
erward called Africa'nus) 
came the nearest to be- 
ing a military genius. 
From boyhood he had, 
like Hannibal, served in 
the army. At the death 
of his father and un- 
cle, he had been in- 
trusted with the conduct of the war in Spain. With great 
ability he had defeated the armies which opposed him, and 
had regained the entire peninsula, after it had been almost 
lost. With his conquest of New Carthage and Gades (see map, 




Pttbltt^s Sctpto Africantts 



rTiOG^RESSI'^rE IVIAF ISTo. 14. 




330 



STEUGGLES WITH CAKTHAGE 331 

p. 324), Spain was brought under the Koman power. On his 
return to Kome, Scipio was unanimously elected to the con- 
sulship. He then proposed his scheme for closing tlie war. 
This plan was to keep Hannibal shut u]) in the Bruttian penin- 
sula, and to carry the war into Africa. This plan received the 
support of the people; and Scipio proceeded to carry it into 
execution. A\lien her armies in Africa were defeated, Car- 
thage felt compelled to recall Hannibal from Italy. 

Battle of Zama, and End of the War (201 b. c.) . — The final 
battle of the war was fought (202 b. c.) near Zama (see map, 
p. 324). In this battle Hannibal was defeated, and the Car- 
tluiginian army ^vas annihilated. It is said that twenty thou- 
sand men were slain, and as many more taken prisoners. The 
great war was now ended, and Scipio imposed the terms of 
peace (201 b. c). These terms were as follows: (1) Carthage 
was to give up the whole of Spain and all the islands between 
Africa and Italy; (2) Carthage was to pay an annual tribute 
of 200 talents (about $250,000) for fifty years; (3) Carthage 
agreed not to wage any war without the consent of Kome. 

Eome was thus recognized as the mistress of the western 
Mediterranean. Carthage, although not reduced to a prov- 
ince, became a dependent state. Syracuse was added to the 
province of Sicily, and the territory of Spain was divided into 
two provinces. Hither and Farther Spain, each under a Roman 
governor. Eome had, moreover, been brought into hostile re- 
lations with Macedonia, which paved the way for her con- 
quests in the East. 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

T. The First Pt^mc War. — TJome and Carthage. — Outbreak of 
the War in Sicily. — The New Roman Navy; Victory at Mylae. — 
Invasion of Africa by I\eg'n]ii.s. — Progress of the War in Sicily. — 
Victory at the ^Egates Islands. 

TI. Events between the First and Second Pitnic Wars. — 
Sicily, the First Roman Province. — Annexation of Sardinia and 
Corsica. — Suppression of the Illyrian Pirates, — Conquest of Cis- 
alpine Gaul, 



333 THE ROMAN WORLD 

III. The Second Punic War. — Extension of the Carthaginian 
Power in Spain. — Hannibal's Invasion of Italy; his Early Vic- 
tories. — Battle of Cannje. — Dismay and Fortitude of the Ro- 
mans. — Battle of the Metaiirus. — I'ublius Scipio Africanus. — Bat- 
tle of Zama, and End of the War. 

REFERENCES FOR READING 

Pelham, Bk. III., Ch. 1. "Rome and Carthage" (IS).' 

Schuckbnroh, Ch. 17, "Rome and Carthage" (18). 

Liddell, Ch. 28, "p: vents Leading to the First Punic War" (18). 

How and Leigh, Ch. 20, "Hamilcar and Hannibal"; Index, "Scipio, 
P. Cornelius Africanus" (18). 

Mommsen, Vol. II., P,k. III., Ch. 1, "Carthage" (18). 

Munro, Source Book, Part IV., "The Punic Wars" (25). 

Plutarch, "Marcellus," "Fabius" (26). 

Polybius, Bk. I., Chs. 22, 23 (the victory of Duilius) ; Chs. 49-51 
(defeat at Drepana); Ch. 5!) (the fleet built by private sub- 
scription); Ch. fi2 (treaty at end of the first Punic war); Ch. 
88 (annexation of Sardinia); Bk. VI., Chs. 19-42 (the Ro- 
man army); Bk. VIII., Chs. 5-9, 37 (siege of Syracuse by 
Marcellus) (25). 

Livy, Bk. XXL, Chs. 6-15 (siege of Saguntum); Chs. 32-38 (Han- 
"nibal's passage of the Alps); Bk. XXII. , Chs. 4-7 (battle of 
Lake Trasumenus); Chs. 44-52 (battle of Canna-) ; Bk. XXX., 
Ch. 43 (treaty at the end of the second Punic war) (25). 



CHAPTER XXII 

THE CONQUEST OF THE MEDITERRANEAN LANDS 

I. The Wars with Macedonia and Syria 

Relation of Rome to the East. — For pome years after the 
close of the second Punic war, the attention of Rome was 
directed almost entirely toward the East. We remember that 
after the death of Alexander the Great his empire had been 
split up into various kingdoms (p. 239). The most important 
of these kingdoms were Egypt in Africa, vSyria in Asia, and 
Macedonia in Europe. Besides these three great kingdoms 

'The figure in parenthesis refers to the nnmlier of the topic in the 
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. 



CONQUEST OF THE MEDITERRANEAN LANDS 333 

there were also several smaller states, among them Pergamum 
and Rhodes on the coasts of Asia Minor; and also the ^Etolian 
and Achaean leagues in Greece. The relations of Eome to these 
various states were quite different. With Egypt she had 
formed a friendly alliance and was receiving from that coun- 
try her most important supplies of grain. With Syria Rome 
was not now ready to come into open conflict; although that 
state was on friendly terms with her greatest enemy, Hannibal, 
and was threatening the possessions of her most important 
ally, Egypt. .But against Macedonia the Roman people cher- 
ished the most bitter hatred, on account of the aid which her 
king, Philip V., extended to Carthage during the second Punic 
war. Toward the smaller states above mentioned Rome en- 
tertained a friendly feeling, and assumed the position of their 
protector. With no evident dcire at first to conquer these 
various countries, Rome was constantly called upon to inter- 
fere in their disputes ; until she became the arbiter and finally 
the mistress of the East. 

The First Macedonian War (215-206 b. c). — It was the in- 
discreet alliance of Philip V. of Macedonia with Hannibal, dur- 
ing the second Punic war, which we have already noticed, that 
brought about the first conflict between Rome and Macedonia. 
But Rome was then so fully occupied with her struggle with 
Carthage that all she desired to do was simply to prevent 
Philip from making his threatened invasion of Italy. Rome 
therefore sent a small force across the Adriatic, made friends 
with the ^Etolians, and kept Philip occupied at home. The 
Macedonian king was thus prevented from sending any force 
into Italy. The /Etolians, not satisfied with the support given 
to them by Rome, soon made peace with Philip ; and the Ro- 
mans themselves, who were about to invade Africa, were also 
willing to conclude a treaty of peace with him. Thus closed 
what is generally called the first Macedonian war, which was 
really nothing more than a diversion to prevent Philip from 
ofiving aid to Hannibal after the battle of Cannae. 



334 



THE ROMAN WORLD 



The Second Macedonian War (200-197 b. c). — "When the 
second I'luiic war was fairly ended, Konie felt free to deal with 
Philip of Macedonia, and to take a firm hand in settling the af- 
fairs of the East. Philip had annoyed her, not only by making 
an alliance with Hannibal, but afterward by sending a force to 
assist him at the battle of Zaiua. And now the amljitious 







I- — ~CI< 






<,'±'.^4. V— c^Y- 



'^ 









tA SAMOS i 



^ 



V^*^i 



RHODES Yj/ 



Seat of the MACEnoNiAN and Syrian Wars 



schemes of Philip were not at all lo her liking. For instance, 
he made an agreement with Antiochus ITT. of Syria to cut up 
the possessions of Egypt, a country which was friendly to 
Eome. He was also overrunning the coasts of the ^^gean Sea. 
and was threatening Pergamum and Rhodes, as well as the 
cities of Greece. When appeal came to Pome for protection, 
she espoused the cause of the small states, and declared war 
against Macedonia. The great hern of this war was T. 
Quinctius Flamini'nus; and the decisive battle was fought 



CONQUEST OF THE MEDITERKANEAN Lx\NDS 335 



(197 B. c.) near a hill in Thessaly called Cynosceph'ala3 (Dog's 
Heads). Here Philip was completely defeated, and his army 
was destroyed. Macedonia was thus humbled, and there was 
now no power in Europe which could successfully dispute the 
supremacy of Eome. 

The Liberation of Greece (19G b. c). — To complete her 
work in eastern Europe, and to justify her position as de- 
fender of the Greek cities, Rome 
withdrew her garrisons and an- 
nounced the independence of 
Greece. This was proclaimed by 
Flamininus at the Isthmian 
games, amid wild enthusiasm and 
unbounded expressions of grati- 
tude. Eome was hailed as " the 
nation which, at its own expense, 
with its own labor, and at its 
own risk, waged war for the lib- 
erty of others, and which had 
crossed the sea that justice, right, 
and law should everywhere have sovereign sway" (Livy, 
xxxiii, 33). 

War with Antiochus of Syria (193-189 b. c). — The cities 
of Greece generally seemed contented with their treatment at 
the hands of the Romans — exccjjt the members of the zEtolian 
League. This restless people desired to be free from the pro- 
tection of Eome, and appealed for aid to the king of Syria, 
Antiochus III. In response to this appeal the Syrian king 
landed in Greece with a small army of 10,000. He was speed- 
ily defeated and driven into Asia ]\Iinor. The Eoman armies 
followed him, and fought their first battle upon Asiatic soil at 
Magnesia (190 b. c.) — which proved a decisive victory. The 
Romans fought under tlie eomuiand of Lucius Scipio, who was 
accompanied and aided by his famous brother Africanus. 
Much of the territory conquered from Antiochus was turned 




Roman Herald 




336 THE EOMAN WOELD 

over to Pergamnm and Rhodes. The free states of Asia Minor 
were left independent under the protection of Rome. Tlie 
Romans then subdued the revolted iEto- 
lians and pacified the cities of Greece. 

One of the conditions of the peace with 
Antiochus was the surrender of Hannibal, 
who had actively aided the king in the late 
war. But Hannibal fled from Syria; and 
being pursued l)y the Romans, this great 
Antiochus III. soldier and enemy of Rome took his own 

(Coin) 

lite by poison. 

The Third Macedonian War (171-1(38 b. c). — Macedonia 
had been an ally of Rome during the late war with Antiochus; 
and at its close Philip was disappointed that he had not re- 
ceived some share of the conquered lands. But it was Rome's 
policy to strengthen the weak, and to weaken the strong. At 
the death of Philip V. his son Perseus came to the throne of 
Macedonia. This young king determined to throw off the 
dictation of Rome, to reestablish the independence of his own 
kingdom, and to champion the rights of the Greek cities 
against the interference of Rome. The ambitious schemes of 
Perseus led to another war between Rome and Macedonia. 
After three unsuccessful campaigns, the Roman armies under 
^milius Paullus (son of the consul slain at Canna?) gained 
a decisive victory near Pydna (l(i8 b. c). Here the Mace- 
donian phalanx fought its last great battle; and the Roman 
legions gave a new evidence of their superior strength. Mace- 
donia was now broken up into four separate districts, whicli 
were to be governed by their own officers, but which were for- 
bidden to have any relations with one another. 

All the chief men of Greece who had given any aid to the 
Macedonian king were transported to Haly. where they could 
not stir up a revolt in their native country. Among the 
Achaean captives was the historian Polyb'ius, wlio now gath- 
ered the materials of his great work on Roman history. 



I 



CONQUEST OF THE MEDITERRANEAN LANDS 337 
II. Reduction of the Roman Conquests 

Change of the Roman Policy. — We sometimes think that 
Rome started out upon lier great career of conquest witli a 
definite purpose to subdue the world, and with clear ideas as 
to how it should be governed. But nothing could be farther 
from the truth. She had been drawn on from one war to an- 
other, often against her own will. When she first crossed the 
narrow strait into Sicily at the beginning of the first Punic 
war, she little thought that in a hundred years her armies 
would be fighting in Asia; and when in earlier times she was 
compelled to find some way of keeping peace and order in 
Latium, she could not have known that she would, sooner or 
later, be compelled to devise a way to preserve the peace and 
order of the world. But Rome was ever growing and ever 
learning. She learned how to conquer before she learned how 
to govern. It was only after the third Macedonian war that 
Rome became convinced that her method of governing the 
conquered lands was not strong enough to preserve peace and 
maintain her own authority. She had heretofore left the con- 
quered states to a certain extent free and independent. But 
now, either excited by jealousy or irritated by the intrigues and 
disturbances of the conquered peoples, she was determined to 
reduce them to a more complete state of submission. 

Reduction of Macedonia and Illyricum. — She was espe- 
cially convinced of the need of a new policy by the continued 
troubles in Macedonia. The experiment which slie had tried, 
of cutting up the kingdom into four separate states, had not 
been entirely successful. To add to the disturbances, there ap- 
peared a man who called himself Philip, and who pretended to 
be the son of Perseus. He incited the people to revolt, and 
even defeated the Romans in a battle ; but he was himself soon 
defeated and made a prisoner. The time had now come for 
Rome to adopt her new policy in respect to Macedonia. The 
previous divisions of the kingdom (p. 336) were abolished, 



338 



THE KO.MAxN WOKLD 



and each city or community was made directly responsible to 
a governor sent from Rome. By this new arrangement, Mace- 
donia became a lioman province (14G B. c). 

About this time — perhaps a little eai'lier — the king of Illyri- 
eum was accused of favoring the cause of Macedonia, and of 




•/iriia.i^r:14,^-: 



Ruins at Corinth 

having formed a secret alliance with Perseus. The country 
was hence invaded by a TJoman army: its king was deposed 
and a T?oman governor appointed in his place. Thus Macedo- 
nia and lllyricum became the first two Eoman provinces oast 
of the Adriatic Sea. 

Destruction of Corinth and Reduction of Greece. — The 
Achipan League, Hie capital city of wbich was Corinth, was 
now the only impoitaut independent state in the Hellenic 
peninsula. This league was trying to exercise authority over 



CONQUEST OF THE MEDITEEEANEAN LANDS 339 

all the cities of the Peloponnesus. But Sparta resisted, and 
appealed to Eome for })rotection. The commissioners sent by 
KNjuie to settle this dilliciilty were grossly insulted by tlie 
Achipau assembly sitting at Corinth. The liomans were now 
determined to break up the league. Corinth was ruthlessly 
destroyed (140 b. c), and its art treasures were sent to Rome. 
The commander of the Roman army at this time was Mum- 
niius, a boorish man. The story is told that Mummius warned 
the sailors that if they destroyed or injured any of the Greek 
statues or pictures on their voyage " they must replace them 
with otliers of equal value." The destruction of Corinth was 
a barbarous act of war, such as no civilized nation has ever 
aj)proved. Rome now applied to Greece her policy of isola- 
tion, and forbade all confederations among the cities. A few 
cities — Athens, Sparta, and Sicyon — were allowed to retain 
their freedom, while the rest of the cities were placed under 
the authority of the Roman governor of Macedonia. In later 
times (Jreece became a separate province, called Acha'ia. 

The Third Punic War and Reduction of Africa. — Another 
example of the severe policy which Rome was now adopting 
is seen in the destruction of Carthage. This city had been 
growing in prosperity since the second Punic war, and seemed 
to be exciting the envy, if not the fear, of Rome. The bit- 
ter jealousy of Rome was expressed by Cato the Censor, who 
ended every speech in the senate with the words — " Carthage 
must be destroyed." Rome waited for a pretext to destroy the 
prosperity of her old and hated rival. This they soon found in 
the fact that Carthage had taken up arms against the neigh- 
boring kingdom of Kumidia, which was an ally of Rome. 
Rome interfered and demanded that Carthage must, to insure 
peace, give up three hundred of her youths as hostages; then, 
that she must give up her arms and munitions of war; finally, 
that the city of Carthage itself must bo aliandoned. "With this 
last unjust demand the Carthaginians refused to comply. 
Whereiipon Rome invaded Africa with an army under Scipio 
morey's ancient hist. — 20 



340 



THE ROMAN WORLD 



v-Emilia'nus — the nephew of the great Afrieanus who had pre- 
viously defeated the Carthaginians at Zama. History records 
no more heroic defense than that offered by the Carthaginians 
to the Roman armies. At last Carthage fell, and by connnand 
of the senate the city was consigned to the flames and its sur- 
viving inliabitants were carried away as captives. The de- 
struction of Carthage took place in the same year (146 b. c.) 
in which Corinth was destroyed. The terrible punishment in- 




SiTE OF Carthage 

flieted npon these two cities in Greece and Africa was an evi- 
dence of Rome's grim policy to be absolutely supreme every- 
where. Like Macedonia, the territory of Carthage, called 
"Africa," was reduced to the form of a province under a 
Roman governor, residing at Utica. It soon became a Roman- 
ized country. Its commerce passed into the hands of Roman 
merchants; the Roman manners and customs were introduced; 
and the Latin language became the language of the people. 

Revolt and Subjugation of Spain.— While the Romans were 
engaged in creating the new provinces of Macedonia and 
Africa, they were called upon to maintain their authority in 
the old provinces of Spain and Sicily. We remember that, 



CONQUEST OF THE MEDITERRANEAN LANDS 341 

after the second Punic war, Spain was divided into two prov- 
inces, each under a Eoman governor (see p. 331). But the 
Roman authority was not well established in Spain, except 
upon the eastern coast. The tribes in the interior and on the 
western coast were nearly always in a state of revolt. The 
most rebellious of these tribes were the Lusitanians in the 
west, in what is now Portugal; and the Celtiberians (see map, 
p. 324) in the interior, south of the Ibe'rus River. In their 
efforts to subdue these barbarous peoples, the Romans were 
themselves too often led to adopt the barbarous methods of 
deceit and treachery. 

Tlie war against the Lusitanians was disgraced by the 
treacherous conduct of the Roman general, Gallja, and dis- 
tinguished by the heroic deeds of the young Lusitanian leader, 
Viria'thus. But after nine years of resistance tliis trilje was 
obliged to submit to the Roman authority (138 b. c). 

The war against the Celtiberians centered al)out their chief 
stronghold, Numantia, a town south of the head waters of the 
Iberus. The defense of Numantia, like that of Carthage, was 
heroic and desperate. Its fate was also like that of Carthage. 
It was compelled to surrender (133 b. c.) to the same Scipio 
^milianus. Its people were sold into slavery, and the town 
itself was blotted from the earth. 

The Servile War in Sicily. — While Spain was being paci- 
hed, a more terril)le war broke out in tbe province of Sicily. 
This was an insurrection of the slaves of the island. One of 
the worst results of the Roman conquests was the growth of the 
slave system. Immense numbers of the captives taken in war 
were thrown upon the market. One hundred and fifty thou- 
sand slaves had 1)een ^old by .I^milius Paullus; fifty thousand 
captives had been sent home from Carthage. Italy and Sicily 
swarmed with a servile population. It was in Sicily that this 
system bore its first terril)le fruit. IMaltreated by their mas- 
ters, the slaves rose in re1)ellion under a leader, called Eunus, 
who defied the Roman power for three years. Nearly two hun- 



r»T?OORESST^^Tl 1MJS^T> ISTo. 15. 




342 



CONQUEST OF THE MEDITERRANEAN LANDS 343 



dred thousand insurgents gathered about his standard. Four 
Konian armies were defeated and Rome herself was thrown 
into consternation. After the most desperate resistance, the 
febellion was tinally quelled and the island was pacified 
(13:.^ E. c). 

Pergamum, the First Asiatic Province. — This long period 
of war and conquest, by which Konie finally obtained the proud 
position of mistress of the Mediterranean, was closed by the 
almost peaceful acquisition of 
a new province. The little 
kingdom of Pergamum, in 
Asia Minor, had maintained, 
for tlie most part, a friendly 
relation to Rome. When the 
last king, Attalus III., died 
(133 B. c), having no legal 
heirs, he bequeathed his king- 
dom to the Roman people. 
This newly acquired territory 
was organized as a province 
under the name of " Asia." 
The smaller states of x\sia 
Minor, and Egypt, still re- 
tained their peaceful and sub- 
ordinate relation as dependencies. The supreme authority 
of Rome, at home and abroad, was now firmly established. 




Rome jNIistress of the World 



SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 



I. The Wars with Macedonia and Syria. — Relation of Rome 
to the East. — The First Macedonian War. — The Second Mace- 
donian War. — The Liberation of Greece. — War with Antiochus of 
Syria. — The Third Macedonian War. 

II. REDrcTiON OF THE RoMAN CONQUESTS. — Chang-e of the Ro- 
man Policy. — Rednction of Macedonia and lUyricnm. — Destrnc- 
tion of Corinth and Reduction of Greece. — The Third Pnnic War 
and Rednction of Africa. — Revolt and Subjnoation of Spain. — The 
Servile vVar in Sicily. — Pero-amum, the First Asiatic Pi'ovince. 



344 THE ROMAN WORLD 



REFERENCES FOR READING 

Pelham, Bk. III., Ch. 2, "Rome and the East" (18)/ 

How and Leigh, Chs. 2,i-27, "Fifty Years of Conquest"; pp. 253- 

261 (the eastern states and their rulers) (18). 
Liddell, Bk. V., "Rome and the Con(iuest of the World" (IS). 
Schuckburg'h, Ch. 33, "Wars in Spain" (18). 
.Momnisen, \'ol. II., Bk. III., Ch. 8, "The Eastern States and the 

Second Macedonian War" (18). 
Ihne, History, Vol. III., Bk. V., Ch. 4, "Fall of Macedonia and 

(ireece" (18). 
Plutarch, "Flamininns" (26). 
Livy, Bk. XXXIII., Chs. 32, 33 (the liberation of Greece) (25). 



CHAPTER XXIII 

ROME AS A WORLD BOWER 

1. The Conquests and the Government 

Effects of the Conquests. — By her conquest of the Mediter- 
raueaii lands Ivonie had become a great world power. We may 
well wonder what would be the effect of these conquests upon 
the character of the Roman people, upon their government, and 
upon tlicir civilization. Many of these effects were no doubt 
very l)ad. IJy their conquests the Romans came to be ambi- 
tious, to love power for its own sake, and to be oppressive to 
their conquered subjects. By plundering foreign countries, 
tliey also came to be avaricious, to love wealth more than honor, 
to indulge in luxury, and to despise the simplicity of their 
fathers. But still it was the conquests that made Rome the 
great power that she was. By bringing foreign nations under 
her sway, she was obliged to control them, and to create a sys- 
tem of law by which they could be governed. In spite of all 
its faults, ber government was the most successful that had 

^Tlie figure in parenthesis refers to tlie number of the topic in the 
Appendix, where a fuUer title of the booli will be found. 



ROME AS A WORLD POWER 345 

ever existed up to this time. It was tlie way in which Rome 
secured her conquests that showed the real character of the 
Koman people. The chief effect of tlie conquests was to trans- 
form liome from the greatest conquering people of tlie world, 
to the greatest governing people of the world. 

The New Nobility. — During the whole period that we are 
now studying, the Roman government was a republic. But 
it would hardly be correct to think of Rome at any time as a 
democratic republic. When the old kingdom was overthrown, 
the new republican government passed into the hands of the 
patrician class. And when the political distinction between 
patrictans~~Trnd plebeians was broken down, there w^ns soon 
developed a new aristocracy,miade up of the richest and most 
influential men of both orders, which got control of the gov- 
ernment. This new nobility was not based upon birth, like 
the old patriciate, but upon office-holding: and it was only the 
superior or so-called curule offices — tho~se of consul, dictator, 
prffitor, and curule a^dile — that conferred distinction. All those 
who could boast of an ancestor that had held such an office were 
regarded as nobles (nohiIeji\; and tlioir superior distinction con- 
sisted in the right to set up in tlv^r home the ancestral image 
(jus imaginis). It is true that any full Roman citizen had the 
legal right to be elected to a curule office; but, as a matter of 
fact, the noble families were able by their wealth to influence 
the elections so as practically fo retain these offices in their own 
hands. 

The Nobility and the Senate. — But it was not simply the 
holding of the curule offices that gave to the new nobility 
their great political power. It was the fact that the curule 
offices opened the way to the senate. The members of the 
senate were chosen by the censor, who was obliged to place 
upon his list, first of all, those who had held a curule office. 
On this account, the nobles had the firsf claim to a seat in 
the senate ; and, consequently, they came to form the great 
body of its members. When a person was once chosen senator 



346 THE ROMAN WORLD 

he remained a senator for life, unless disgraced for gross mis- 
conduct. In this way the nobles gained possession of the 
senate, which became, in fact, the most permanent and power- 
ful branch of the Roman government. It managed the fi- 
nances of the state; controlled the erection of public works; 
directed the foreign policy ; administered the provinces ; de- 
termined largely the character of legislation ; and was, in fact, 
the real sovereign of the Koman state. 

The Decline of the Assemblies. — As the power of the senate 
increased, that of the popular assemblies declined. The old 
patrician assembly of the curies (comitia cwiaia) had long 
since been reduced to a mere shado^t But the other two assem- 
blies — that of the centuries and that of the tribes — still held 
an important place as legislative bodies. But there were two 
reasons why they declined in influence. The first. reason was 
their unwieldy character. As they grew in size and could only 
say Yes or No to the questions submitted to them, they were 
made subject to the influence jiMemagognes, and lost their in- 
dependent position. The second reason for their decline was 
the growing custom of first submitting to the senate the pro- 
posals wliicli were to be passed u]ion by them. So that, as long 
as the senate was so influential in the state, the popular assem- 
blies were weak and inefficient. 

II. EOME AND THE PROVINCES 

Organization of the Provinces. — The most important fea- 
ture of the new Koman government was the organization of the 
provinces. There were nov/ eight of these provinces: (1) 
Sicily, acquired as the result of the fiist Punic war; ("?) Sar- 
dinia and Corsica, obtained during the interval between the 
first and second Punic wars ; (3) Hither Spain and (4) Farther 
Spain, ac(piii'('d in tlie second Punic v/ar; (.")) Illyricum, re- 
duced afterth^ third Macedonian wnr; ((>) Macedonia (to which 
Aeliaia was attached), reduced with the destruction of Corinth; 



ROME AS A WORLD POWER 



347 



(7) Africa, organized after the tliird Punic war; and (8) Asia, 
bequeathed by Attains III., the last king of Perganium. 

The method of organizing these provinces was in some re- 
spects similar to that which had been adopted for governing 
the cities in Italy. Rome saw 
clearly that to control these newly 
conquered cities and communities, 
they must, like the cities of Italy, 
be isolated, that is, separated en- 
tirely from one another, so that 
they could not coml)ine in any 
effort to resist bcr authority. 
Every city was made directly re- 
sponsible to Rome. The great 
difference between the Italian 
and the provincial town was the 
fact that the chief burden of the 
Italian town was to furnish mili- 
tary aid — soldiers and ships; 
while that of the provincial town 
was to furnish tribute — money and grain. Another difference 
was that Italian land was generally free from taxes, while 
provincial land was subject to tribute. 

The Provincial Governor. — A province might be defined as 
a group of conquered cities, outside of Italy, under the control 
of a governor sent from Rome. At first these governors were 
praetors, who were elected by the people. Afterward they were 
propraetors or proconsuls — that is, persons who had already 
served as praetors or consuls at Rome. The governor held his 
office for one year; and dui-ing this time was the supreme mili- 
tary and civil ruler of the province. He was commander in chief 
of the army, and was ex]iected to preserve his territory from 
internal disorders and from foreign invasion. He controlled the 
collection of the taxes, with the aid of the qua^-stor, who kept 
the accounts. He also administered justice between the provin- 




The Captive Pkovince 



348 THE KOMAN WOULD 

cials of different cities. Although the governor was responsi- 
ble to the senate, the welfare or misery of the provincials de- 
pended largely upon his own disposition and will. 

The Towns of the Province. — All the towns of the province 
were sul)ject to Home: but it was Eome's policy not to treat 
them all in exactly the same way. Like the cities of Italy, 
they were graded according to their merit. Some were favored, 
like (Jades and Athens, and were treated as allied towns 
{civitates fccderatce); others, like Utica, were free from tribute 
{iminunes); but the great majority of them were considered as 
tributary {stipe ndiarkc). But all these towns alike possessed 
local self-government, so far as this was consistent with the 
supremacy of Eome; that is, they retained their own laws, as- 
semblies, and magistrates. 

The Administration of Justice. — In civil matters, the citi- 
zens of every town were judged by their own magistrates. But 
when a dispute arose between citizens of different towns, it 
was the duty of the governor to judge l>etween them. At the 
beginning of his term of office, he generally issued an edict, 
sotting forth the rules upon which he would decide such dif- 
ferences. Each succeeding governor reissued the rules of his 
predecessor, with the additions which he saw fit to make. In 
this way there grew up a body of common law which applied 
to the whole province and was intended to afford justice in 
cases not reached by the existing town laws. The people of 
the province were thus united under a common judicial system, 
and their rights were protected in their dealings Avith one 
another. 

The Collection of Taxes. — The Koman revenue was mainly 
derived from the new provinces. But instead of raising these 
taxes directly through her own officers, Kome let out the busi- 
ness of collecting the revenue to a set of money dealers, called 
pnhlira'ni. These persons agreed to pay into the treasury a 
certain sum for the right of collecting taxes in a certain prov- 
ince. Whatever they collected above this sum, they appropri- 



KOME AS A WORLD POWER 349 

ated to themselves. This rude mode of collecting taxes, called 
" farming " the revenues, was unworthy of a great state like 
Kome, and was the chief cause of the oppression of the provin- 
cials. The governors, it is true, had the power of protecting the 
people from being plundered. But as they themselves re- 
ceived no pay for their services, except what tliey could get out 
of tlie provinces, they were too busy in juaking their own for- 
tunes to watch closely the methods of the tax-gatherers. 

III. The New Civilization 

Foreign Influences; Hellenism. — When we think of the con- 
quests of liome, we usually think of the battles which she 
fought, of the armies which she defeated, and the lands which 
she sulxlued. But these were not the only conquests which she 
made. She appropriated not only foreign lands, but also for- 
eign ideas. While slie was plundering foreign temples, she was 
ol)t:aining new ideas of religion and art. The educated and 
civilized people whom she captured in war and of whom she 
made slaves, often became the teachers of her children and the 
writers of her books. In sucli ways as these Rome came under 
tlie influence of foreign ideas. The most powerful of these 
foreign influences was that of Greece. The conquest of Greece 
led to tlie introduction of Hellenism into Eome. We might 
say that wlien Greece was conquered I)y Rome, Rome was civi- 
lized by Greece. These foreign influences were seen in her new 
ideas of religion and philosophy, in her literature, lier art, and 
her manners. 

The Roman Religion. — As Rome came into contact with 
otlier people, we can see how ]iei" religion was affected l)y for- 
eign influences. The worship of the family remained much 
the same; l)ut the religion of the state became consider- 
ably changed. It is said that the entire Greek Olyiiqnis was 
introduced into Italy. The Romans ado])ted the Greek ideas 
and stories regarding the gods; and their worship became more 



350 



THE ROMAN WOELD 



showy and elaborate. p]ven some of the superstitious and fan- 
tastic rites of Asia found their way into Eome. These changes 
did not improve the religion. On the contrary, they made it 
more corrupt. The Roman religion, by absorbing the various 
ideas of other people, became a world-wide and composite form 




Temples of Loyalty, Juno, and Hope 

of paganism. One of the redeeming features of the Koman re- 
ligion was the worship of exalted qualities, like Honor and 
A'^irtue; for exam^Dle, alongside of the temple to Juno, temples 
were also orectod to Loyalty and Hope. 

Roman Philosophy. — The more educated Eomans lost their 
interest in religion, and betook themselves to the study of 
Greek philosophy. They studied the nature of the gods and 
the moral duties of men. In this way the Greek ideas of 
]ihi1oso])l)y found their way into Rome. Some of these ideas, 
like those of the Stoics, were elevating, and tended to preserve 
the simplicity and strength of the old Roman character. But 
other ideas, like those of the Epicureans, seemed to justify a 
life of plensiire and luxury. 

Roman Literature. — Before the Romans came into contact 
with the Gr(>eks, they did not have anything which can prop- 
erly be called a literature. They had, it is true, certain 
crude verses and ballads; but it was the Greeks who first 



ROME AS A WORLD POWER 351 

taught them how to write. It was not until the close of the 
first Punic war, when the Greek influence became strong, that 
we begin to find the names of any Latin authors. The first 
author, Androni'cus, who is said to have been a Greek slave, 
wrote a Latin poem in iniitatioa of Homer. Then came 
Naevius, who combined a Greek taste with a Eoman spirit, and 
who wrote a poem on the first Punic war; and after him, 
Ennius, who taught Greek to the Eomans, and wrote a great 
poem on the history of Rome, called the " Annals." The 
Greek influence is also seen in Plautus and Terence, the 
greatest writers of Roman comedy; and in Fabius Pictor, who 
wrote a history of Rome, in the Greek language. 

Roman Art. — As the Romans were a practical people, their 
earliest art was shown in their buildings. From the Etruscans 
they had learned to use the arch and to build strong and mass- 
ive structures. But the more refined features of art they ob- 
tained from the Greeks. While the Romans could never hope 
to acquire the pure esthetic spirit of the Greeks, they were in- 
spired with a passion for collecting Greek works of art, and 
for adorning their buildings with Greek ornaments. They 
imitated the Greek models and professed to admire the Greek 
taste ; they came to be. in fact, the preservers of Greek art. 

Roman Manners and Morals. — It is difficult for us to think 
of a nation of warriors as a nation of refined people. The bru- 
talities of war seem inconsistent with the finer arts of living. 
But as the Romans ol)tained wealth from their wars, they af- 
fected the refinement of their more cultivated neighbors. Some 
men, like Scipio Africanus, looked with favor upon the intro- 
duction of Greek ideas and manners; but others, like Cato the 
Censor, were bitterly opposed to it. Wlren the Romans lost the 
simplicity of the earlier times, they came to indulge in luxuries 
and to be lovers of pomp and show. They loaded their tables 
with rich services of plate; they ransacked the land and the 
sea for delicacies with which to please their palates. Roman 
culture was often more artificial than real. The survival of the 



853 



THE ROMAN WORLD 



barl)aroiis spirit of the Romans in the midst of their professec^ 
refinenient is seen in their amusements, especially the gladiato- 
rial shows, in wliieli men were foi'ce(l to fight with wild beasts 
and with one another to entertain the people. 

In conclusion, we may say that by their conquests the I\o- 
mans became a great and, in a certain sense, a civilized people. 




TuK Gladiator 



wlio appropriated and preserved many of the best elements of 
th(> ancient world. They began to show a genius for political 
organization far superior to that hitherto shown l)y any other 
nation, and to develop a progressive system of law based upon 
broader ideas of justice. But still they came to be selfish, 
aml)itious. and avaricious, and failed to acquire the genuine 
taste and generous spirit which belong to the highest type of 
human culture. 



ROME AS A WORLD POWER 353 



SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. The Conquests and the Government. — Effects of the Con- 
quests.— The New Nobility.— The Nobility and the Senate.— The 
Decline of the Assemblies. 

II. Rome and the Pkovinces. — Organization of the Provinces. 
— The Provincial Governor. — The Towns of the Province. — The 
Administi'ation of Justice. — The Collection of Taxes. 

III. The New Civilization. — Foreign Influences; Hellenism. — 
The Roman Religion. — Roman Philosophy. — Roman Literature. — 
Roman Art. — Roman Manners aiid Morals. 



REFERENCES FOR READING 

Pelham, Bk. III., Ch. :J, "The Roman State and People" (IS).^ 

How and Leigh, Chs. 28-30, "Internal History" (266-146 i?. c.) (is). 

Merivale, General History, Chs. 26, 27, "Rome after the Con- 
quests" (IS). 

Liddell. Chs. 49, 50, "Rome at the Close of the Conquests" (IS). 

Mommsen, Vol. II., Bk. III., Ch. 11, "The Government and the 
Governed"; pp. 470-491 (the new Hellenism and introduc- 
tion of foreign luxuries); pp. 500-518 (the Roman drama) (18). 

Abbott, Ch. 5, "The Supremacy of the Nobilitas" (22). 

Harper's Classical Dictionary, "Provincia," "Stipendium," "Pub- 
licani," "Vectigalia" (19). 

Granrud, Third Period, "The Supremacy of the Senate" (22). 

Taylor, pp. 212-234 (the sui^remacy of the senate) (22). 

Arnold, Ch. 1, "What a Province Was"; Ch. 2, "Period of the 
Republic"; Ch. 0, "Towns in the Provinces" (22). 

Friedlander, pp. 21-30 (the classes in the towns); pp. 30-43 (the 
finances in the towns) (19). 

Seig-nobos, Ch. 11, "The Results of Conquest"; Ch. 12, "Social 
and Political Transformation" (18). 

Munro, Source Book, Part \TI., "Results of Foreig-n Wars" (25). 

I'lutarch, "Cato the Censor" (26). 

^Tlie flgui'e in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in tlie 
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. 



PERIOD III TRANSITION FROM THE REPUBLIC TO THE 
EMPIRE (133-31 B. C.) 



CHAPTER XXIV 

THE EEVOLUTION UNDER THE GEACCHI 

I. Causes of Civil Discontent 

General Decay of Patriotism. — We have seen some of the 
more direct results of the wars and conquests of Eome — in the 
extension of her authority over foreign lands and in making 
her a world powei-, in the changes brought about in the govern- 
ment, and in the introduction of new elements of civilization. 
But if we look a little deeper into Koiuan society we shall see 
that her conquests also brought with them many evils, which 
resulted in civil strife, and tinally in the overthrow of the re- 
public. One great evil which now began to show itself was the 
decay of patriotism among the Roman people. While the wars 
may have been looked upon by some as a means to glorify the 
Roman state, they were regarded by many as affording an op- 
portunity to appropriate the spoils of conquest. The men who 
conducted these wars and who ruled the conquered land, were 
often more anxious to benefit and enrich themselves than to 
promote the public good. Those who were intrusted with offi- 
cial duties became more devoted to their own interests than to 
the common interests of the whole people. 

Class Distinctions. — We may find some special causes of civil 
discontt'ut in the wide separation between the different classes 

354 



KEVOLUTION UNDER THE GRACCHI 355 

of Roman society, each having its own distinct interests. 
These diflferent classes may be arranged as follows: 

(1) First and above all others were the aristocratic classes. 
These consisted of (a) the senatorial order — men who kept con- 
trol of the higher offices, who furnished the members of the 
senate, and who really ruled the state; and (b) the equestrian 
order — men who were called equites, or knights, on account of 
their great wealth, who formed the moneyed class, the capital- 
ists of Rome, and who made their fortunes by all sorts of spec- 
ulation, especially by gathering the taxes in the provinces. 

(2) Next below the aristocratic classes came the body of 
poorer Roman citizens. These comprised (a) the great mass 
of the city population — the poor artisans and paupers, who 
formed a rabble and the materials of a mob, and who lived upon 
public charity and the bribes of office-seekers, and were amused 
by public shows given by the state or by rich citizens; and (b) 
the poor country farmers living upon the Roman domain — the 
peasants, many of whom had been deprived of their lands by 
rich creditors or by the avaricious policy of the government. 

(3) Outside of the Roman domain were the non-citizen 
classes. These included (a) the Latin colonists, who were set- 
tled upon conquered lands in Italy, who had practically no po- 
litical rights, and who w^ere in very much the same social condi- 
tion as the Roman peasants; (b) the Italian allies, who had l)een 
subdued by Rome in early times, and had been given none of 
the rights of citizenship; and (c) the provincials, outside of 
Italy, some of them favored by being left free from taxation, 
but the mass of them subject to the Roman tribute, and all of 
them excluded from the rights and privileges of citizens. 

(4) Finally, if we go to the very bottom of the Roman pop- 
ulation, we find the slaves, having none of the rights of citizens 
or of men. The house slaves were treated with some consider- 
ation ; but the field slaves were treated wretchedly, chained in 
gangs by day and confined in dungeons by night. 

Economic Conditions. — Never was the economic condition of 



356 THE ROMAN WORLD 

the Eoman people more deplorable than it was after the period 
of the great eoncjuests. Not only had the popuhition ot Italy 
l)i'cn depleted l)y the wars, but there were several eauses which 
tended to keep the people in a state of po^■erty and distress. 
Among these were: 

(1) The unequal distrihution of ivealth. — Eonie had ac- 
quired great riches as the result of her wars; but this wealth 
was appropriated by the moneyed class — the speculators and 
contractors. The desire to make money and to accumulate 
wealth became a passion au-iong this class. But the poorer 
classes received no benefit from this increase of wealth ; so that 
the rich were actually becoming richer, and the poor poorer. 

(2) Tlie growth of large estates. — The public lands of Italy 
passed into the hands of a comparatively few landlords. The 
Licinian laws, enacted more than two centuries before (p. 290), 
had become a dead letter; and the small farms had practically 
disappeared. The growth of large estates thus benefited one 
class of the people at the expense of the rest. The evils of such 
a system were afterward jiointed out by Pliny, who said that it 
was the large estates which ruined Italy. 

(."1) The decaij of agrindtiire and of the peasant class. — The 
lands of Italy ceased for the most part to be tilled, since the 
large estates were turned into cattle ranches and sheep pastures. 
The raising of grain ceased to be profitable, as agricultural 
products could be obtained more cheaply from Egypt and the 
provinces. The absorption of the small farms and the decline 
of agriculture led to the decay of the peasant class. The small 
farmers were driven into the army; and if they returned from 
the field, they flocked to Rome to reenforce the city rabble. 

(4) The evils of slave labor. — The great increase in the num- 
ber of slaves brought into Italy fi'om the conquered lands not 
only tended to degrade the condition of the slaves themselves, 
but also to render it unprofitable to employ the free laliorers. 
In addition to the loss of their lands and the inability to ob- 
tain capital, the common people were thus deprived of the 



EEVOLUTION UNDER THE GRACCHI 357 

value of their labor; and hence they lost the last means of ob- 
taining an honest living. 

Political Evils. — There were also political reasons for the 
discontent which prevailed among the Roman people and which 
was destined to break forth in riot and revolution. For exam- 
ple, we may mention: 

(1) The selfish rule of the senate. — The absorption of politi- 
cal power by the senate made this body responsible for the evils 
of the state, so far as these evils could be remedied by legisla- 
tion. But the senate was a 1)ody of oligarchs, ruling the people 
for its own benefit. Its policy seemed to be to benefit the aris- 
tocratic classes only, having little concern for the welfare of 
the great body of Roman citizens and subjects. 

(2) The practical disfranchisement of the people. — With the 
growing power of the senate, the popular assemblies, as we 
have seen (p. 34G), were less and less important as organs of 
legislation. This means that the political rights which the 
people legally possessed had little real significance. Their elec- 
tions were controlled by demagogues and influenced by bribery; 
and they could pass upon no laws which were not submitted to 
them. By thus being deprived of an effective voice in the 
government, it is hardly too much to say that the people were 
practically disfranchised. 

(3) TJbe abandonment of the policy of incorporation. — We 
know how the early state had become strong by tlie incorpora- 
tion of its subjects. But this policy had been abandoned after 
the introduction of the plebeians. With the conquest of Italy 
and the provinces millions of new subjects had been brought 
under the Roman authority, but not admitted to the Roman 
state. The new subjects in Italv — that is, the Latin colonists 
and the Italian allies — were now desirous of being admitted to 
political rights; although it is difficult for us to see how their 
condition would have been improved without some radical re- 
forms in the government. 

(4) The oppression of the provinces. — The inhabitants of the 

MORET'S ANCIENT HIST. 21 



358 THE EOMAN WOKLD 

provinces were especially the victims of Eoman misrule. On ac- 
count of the wretched system of taxation the provincials held 
their property at the disposal of the tax-gatherer. The prop- 
erty that was left by the tax-gatherer was often seized by the 
governor of the province to add to his spoils of office. It is very 
seldom that we hear of the governor being called to account for 
his acts of oppression. 

From the enumeration of the evils in the Roman state we 
need not wonder at the prevailing discontent and the disposi- 
tion to revolt against the existing government. The people, 
after a time, became divided into two principal parties : the 
aristocratic party (optima tes), or those who supported the pol- 
icy of the senate; and the popular party (popula'res), or those 
who sought to bring about reform. The conflicts between these 
factions resulted in revolution, in civil wars, and finally in the 
overthrow of the republic. 

II. The Eeforms of Tiberius Gracchus 

Character of Tiberius Gracchus. — The first serious attempt 
to remedy the existing evils was made by Tibe'rius Sempronius 
Gracchus. He v^as the elder of two brothers who sacrificed 
their lives in efforts to benefit their fellow-citizens. Their 
mother was the noble-minded Cornelia, the daughter of the 
great Scipio Africanus. Tiberius when a young man had served 
in the Spanish army under Scipio iEmilianus, the distin- 
guished Roman who conquered Carthage and Numantia. It is 
said that when Tiberius Gracchus passed through Etruria, on 
his way to and from Spain, he was shocked to see the fertile 
fields cultivated by gangs of slaves, while thousands of free 
citizens were living in idleness and poverty. He was a man of 
refined nature and a deep sense of justice, and he determined 
to do what he could to remedy these evils. 

His Agrarian Laws. — Tiberius Gracchus was elected tribune 
and beuan his work of reform in 133 b. c. He believed that 



EEVOLUTIOX UNDER THE GKACCHI 359 

the wretched condition of the Eoman people was due chiefly to 
the imequal division of the public Lmd, and especially to the 
failure to enforce the Licinian laws. He therefore proposed 
to revive these laws; to limit the holding of public land to 
five hundred iugem (about three hundred acres) for each per- 
son; to pay the present holders for any improvements they had 
inade; and then to rent the land thus taken up to the poorer 




The Gracchi 



class of citizens. This seemed fair enough; for the state was 
the real owner of the public land, and could do what it wished 
with Its own. But the rich landlords, who had held possession 
of this land for so many years, looked upon the measure as the 
same thing as taking away their own property; and there im- 
mediately arose a fierce conflict between the old senatorial 
party and the followers of Tiberius. 



360 THE ROMAN WORLD 

His Illegal Action. — Tiberius determined to pass his law in 
the assembly, without the approval of the senate. The senate, 
on the other hand, was equally determined that the law should 
not be passed. Accordingly, the senators induced one of the 
tribunes, whose name was M. Octa'vius, to put his " veto " upon 
the passage of the law. This act of Octavius was entirely legal, 
for he did what the law gave him the right to do. Tiberius, on 
the other hand, in order to outdo his opponent, had recourse to 
a high-handed measure. Instead of waiting a year for the elec- 
tion of new tribunes who might be devoted to the people's 
cause, he called upon the people to deprive Octavius of his of- 
fice. This was an illegal act, because there was no law which 
authorized such a proceeding. But the people did as Tiberius 
desired, and Octavius was deposed. The law of Tiberius was 
then passed in the assembly of the tribes, and three commis- 
sioners were chosen to carry it into effect. 

Fall of Tiberius Gracchus. — The law of Tiberius and the 
method which he had used to pass it increased the bitter- 
ness between the aristocratic party and the j^opular party. 
Contrary to law Tiberius announced himself as a candidate for 
reelection. The day appointed for the election came. Two 
tribes had already voted for the reelection of Tiberius, when a 
band of senators appeared in the Forum, headed by Scipio 
Nasi'ca, armed with sticks and chil)s; and in the riot which 
ensued Tiberius Gracchus and three hundred of his followers 
were slain. This was the first blood shed in the civil wars of 
Rome. The killing of a tribune by the senators was as much 
an illegal act as was the deposition of Octavius. Both parties 
had disregarded the law, and the revolution was begun. 

III. The Reforms of Gaius Gracchus 

The Rise of Gaius Gracchus. — After the death of Tiberius 
his law was for a time carried into execution. The commis- 
sioners proceeded with their work of redividing the land. 



RE VOLUTION UNDER THE GRACCHI 361 

But the people were for a time without a real leader. The 
cause of reform was then taken up by Gains Gracchus, the 
brother of Tiberius, and the conflict was renewed. Gains was 
in many respects an abler man than Tiberius. No more sin- 
cere and patriotic, he was yet a broader statesman and took a 
wider view of the situation. He did not confine his attention 
simply to relieving the poor citizens. He believed that to 
rescue Rome from her troubles, it was necessary to weaken the 
power of the senate, whose selfish and avaricious policy had 
brought on these troubles. He also believed that the Latins 
and the Italians should be protected, as well as the poor Roman 
citizens. 

His Efforts to Benefit the People. — WHien Gains Gracchus 
obtained the position of tribune (123 e. c.) his influence for a 
time was all-powerful. He was elo([uent and persuasive, and 
practically had the control of the government. From his 
various laws we may select those which were the most impor- 
tant, and which best show his general policy. First of all, he 
tried to help the people by a law which was really the most 
mischievous of all his measures. This was his famous "corn 
law." It was intended to benefit the poor population in the 
city, which was at that time trouldesome and not easy to con- 
trol. The law provided that any Roman citizen could receive 
grain from the public storehouses for a certain price less than 
its cost. Gaius may not have known what evil effect this law 
was destined to produce. But it insured his popularity with 
the lower classes. He then renewed the agrarian laws of 
his brother; and also provided for sending out colonies of 
poor citizens into different parts of Italy, and even into the 
provinces. 

His Effort to Weaken the Senate. — But Gaius believed 
that such measures as these would afford only temporary re- 
lief, as long as the senate retained its great power. It was, of 
course, impossible to overthrow the senate. But it was possi- 
ble to take from it some of the powers which it possessed. 



362 THE ROMAN WORLD 

From the senators had hitherto been selected the jurors 
{indices) before whom were tried cases of extortion and other 
crimes. By a law Gaius took away from the senate this right 
to furnish jurors in criminal cases, and gave it to the equites, 
that is, the wealthy class outside of the senate. This gave to 
the equites a more important political position, and drew them 
over to the support of Gaius, and thus tended to split the aris- 
tocratic classes in two. The senate was thus deprived not only 
of its right to furnish jurors, but also of the support of the 
wealthy men who had previously been friendly to it. This was 
a great triumph for the popular party ; and Gaius looked for- 
ward to another victory. 

His Effort to Enfranchise the Italians. — ^Vlien he was re- 
elected to the trilninate Gaius Gracchus came forward with his 
grand scheme of extending the Eoman franchise to the people 
of Italy. This was the wisest of all his measures, but the one 
which cost him his popularity and influence. It aroused the 
jealousy of the poorer citizens, who did not wish to share their 
rights witli foreigners. The senators took advantage of the 
unpopularity of Gaius, and now posed as the friends of the 
people. They induced one of the tribunes, by the name of 
Drusus, to play the part of a demagogue. Drusus proposed 
to found twelve new colonies at once, each with three thou- 
sand Roman citizens, and thus to put all the reforms of Gaius 
Gracchus into the shade. The people were deceived by this 
stratagem, and the attempt of Gaius to enfranchise the Italians 
was defeated. 

His Failure and Death. — Gaius did not succeed, as he de- 
sired, in being elected tribune for the third time. A great 
part of the people soon abandoned him, and the ascendency of 
the senate was again restored. It was not long before a new 
law was passed which prevented any further distribution of 
the public land (lex Tlioria). Gaius failed to bring about the 
reforms which he attempted; but he may be regarded as hav- 
ing accomplished three things which remained after his deatli: 



EEVOLUTION UNDER THE GEACCHI 363 

(1) the elevation of the equestrian order; (3) the establish- 
ment of the Roman poor law, or the system of grain largesses; 
and (3) the extension of the colonial system to the provinces. 
He lost his life in a tumult in which three thousand citizens 
were slain (131 b. c). 

Thus in a similar way perished the two Gracchi, who had 
attempted to rescue the Roman people from the evils of a cor- 
rupt government. Their efforts at agrarian reform did not pro- 
duce any lasting effect; but they pointed out the dangers of 
the state, and drew the issues upon which their successors con- 
tinued the conflict. Their career forms the first phase in the 
great civil conflict at Rome. 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. Causes of Civil Discontent. — General Decay of Patriot- 
ism. — Class Distinctions. — Economic Conditions. — Political Evils. 

II. The Reforms of Tiberius Gracchus. — Character of Tibe- 
rius Gi-acchus. — His Agrarian Laws. — His Illegal Action. — Fall of 
Tiberius Gracchus. 

III. The Reforms of Gaixts Gracchus. — The Rise of Gains 
Gracchus. — His Efforts to Benefit the People. — His Effort to 
Weaken the Senate. — His Effort to Enfranchise the Italians. — 
His Failure and Death. 

REFERENCES FOR READING 

Pelham, Bk. IV., Ch. 1, "From the Gracchi to Sulla" (18).^ 

Beesly, Ch. 1, "Antecedents of the Revolution" (18). 

Ihne, History, Vol. IV., Bk. VII., Ch. 1, "Political and Economical 
Conditions"; Ch. 3, "Scipio .^Emilianns" (18). 

How and Leigh, Ch. 33, "Internal Affairs and Tiberius Grac- 
chus"; Ch. 34, "Gains Gracchiis" (IS). 

Taylor, Ch. 9, "The Reformers" (22). 

Mommsen, Vol. II., Bk. III., Ch. 12, "Management of Land" (IS). 

Abridged, Ch. 20, "Reforms of the Gracchi" (18). 

Harper's Classical Dictionai\y, "Agraria? Leges," "Equites" (19). 

Smith, Dictionary, "Servus, 22" (the position of slaves) (19). 

Plutarch, "Tiberius Gracchns," "Gains Gracchus" (26). 

•The figure In parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Ap- 
pendix, where a fuller title of the bools will be found. 



CHAPTER XXV 

THE LEADERSHIl' OE MAKIUS AND SULLA 

I. The Rise of Marius 

The Rule of the Restoration. — The Gracchi had failed. 
The senate and the aristocracy were too strongly intrenched 
to he overthrown hy the trihnnes, even though supported by the 
popular assembly. Hence with the death of these reformers 
the senate was restored to its previous 2)osition as the chief 
ruling body of the state. The government became more cor- 
rupt than ever before. The senators ruled to enrich themselves, 
while the real interests of the people were forgotten. On the 
other hand, the people had no capable leaders, and their cause 
for a time seemed lost. It is true that the people had learned 
something from the revolutionary attempts of the Gracchi. 
They had learned that they could pass laws, even without the 
approval of the senate; and tliat they could obstruct, if they 
could not overthrow, the policy of the nobles. The next issues 
between tlie people and the aristocracy were upon questions 
not of domestic, but of foreign policy. But unfortunately, 
when questions of war became mixed up with questions of poli- 
tics, it came to pass that both parties were led to seek the sup- 
port of the army. 

The War with Jugurtha (111-10.5 b. c). — It was a border 
war in Africa that gave the people their first opportunity to 
interfere with the foreign policy of the senate. The kingdom 
of Numidia was an ally of Rome. It was now disturbed by the 
attempt of a usurper, named Jugur'tha, to get control of the 
kingdom. The senators undertook to settle this question ; but 

364 



MAKIUS AND SULLA 



365 



The , '? ■. 



Alp s^"" 



they were evidently more infiuenced by Jugiirtha's gold than 
by any sense of justice. Jugurtha bought the Eoman commis- 
sioners sent to Africa to investigate the condition of affairs. 
He then bought the consul sent by the senate to conduct the 
war against liim; and when he was summoned to Rome to 
testify against the guilty parties, he bribed a tribune to veto 
the proceeding. The indignation of the people became so 
great that the senate was forced to send an able commander, 
the consul Cfficil'ius Metel'lus, to conduct the war in Africa. 
But as the people became conscious of their power, they deter- 
mined to join issue with the senate upon the appointment of 
a new commander. Metellus was an aristocrat; and when his 
term of office had expired 
the people elected as con- 
sul his lieutenant. Gains 
Ma'rius, a man of humble 
origin, but an able sol- 
dier. Marius was as- 
signed to the command; 
he soon defeated Jugur- 
tha, brought h i m in 
chains to Eome, and be- 
came the people's hero. 

War with the Cimbri 
and Teutones (113-101 
B. c). — Italy* was now 
threatened by a barbarian 
invasion, which called to 
mind the terrible days when the Gauls had invaded Italy and 
destroyed Rome. The present invaders were the Cimbri and 
Teutones, from the boi'ders of Germany. These fierce people 
had pushed down into southern Gaul and had overrun the new 
province of Narbonensis (established 120 b. c). Already the 
Roman armies had been defeated; and in one battle, at Arausio 
(107 B. c), sixty thousand Romans are said to have perished. 




SCALE OF MILES 



50 100 ISO 



Seat of the Cimbrio War 



366 



THE ROMAN WORLD 



The people were inclined to believe that these misfortunes were 
due to aristocratic mismanagement; and hence they called upon 
Marius to save Eome from the impending danger. Marius was 
repeatedly elected to the consulship, and was kept in command 
of the army until he had destroyed the barbarians. He gained 
one great victory over the Teutones at Aquge Sextige in south- 
ern Gaul (102 B. c); and another over the Cimbri at A'^ercellge 
in northern Italy (101 b. c). Marius was now saluted as the 
" savior of Eome," and received a magnificent triumph. 

Marius and the Popular Party, — On account of his humble 
origin j\Iarius was l\y nature in sympathy with the cause of the 

people. During his mili- 
tary career, he had al- 
ready broken down the 
class distinctions in the 
army, and had placed 
the rich and the poor, the 
Romans and the Italians, 
side by side in the ranks. 
The popular leaders now 
sought the support of 
his great name and his 
military prestige in their 
war against the senate. 
The chief leaders of the 
popular party, since the 
death of the Gracchi, 
were Saturni'nus and 
Glaucia — men of no great 
political ability. Marius now joined these leaders, and was 
again elected to the consulship — the sixth time he had held 
that office. Saturninus was elected tribune and proposed a new 
set of laws: (1) to reduce the price of grain: (2) to distribute 
the land in Transalpine Gaul among the poor citizens and the 
Italians; and (3) to open colonies in the provinces for the veter- 




Marius (So-called) 



MARIUS AND SULLA 367 

ans of Marius. These laws were passed in spite of the violent 
opposition of the senate; and the cause of the people for the 
moment seemed victorious. Saturninus then proposed his own 
reelection as tribune, and attempted to overawe the assembly by 
an armed force. A riot followed; and the senate called upon 
Marias, as consul, to put down the insurrection and save the 
republic. He reluctantly obeyed, and in the ensuing conflict 
his colleagues Saturninus and Glaucia were killed. Marius 
himself showed no capacity as a party leader. He fell into dis- 
repute and retired from Rome. The senate again assumed the 
reins of government; and this first attempt to support the 
people's cause by the aid of a military commander proved a 
failure. 

II. The Eivalry of Marius axd Sulla 

The Social War, and the Incorporation of Italy (90-88 
B. c). — For a brief time after the retirement of Marius, the 
politics of the capital were overshadowed by a new danger 
which threatened the very existence of the Eoman state. This 
was the revolt of the Italian allies. The Italians had long been 
clamoring for the rights of citizenship. Their cause was first 
espoused by a well-meaning but impracticable man, the tribune 
M. Livius Drusus (the son of the Drusus who had opposed 
Gains Gracchus). But the failure of Drusus to accomplish 
anything in their favor drove them into open war. This war 
of the allies (socii) is known as the " Social war." Its purpose 
was to found a new Italian state, " Italica," with its capital at 
Corfin'ium. The parties at Rome ceased from their quarreling 
and united to preserve the republic. Even ]\Iarius returned to 
serve as a legate in the Roman army. A hundred thousand 
men took the field against an equal number raised by the allies. 
In the first year the war was unfavorable to Rome. In the 
second year (89 b. c.) new preparations were made and new 
commanders were appointed. Marius, on account of his age, 



308 



THE ROMAN WORLD 



was not continued in his command; while L. Cornelius Sulla, 
who was once a subordinate of Marius, was made chief com- 
mander in Campania. The great credit of bringing this war 
to a close was due to Sulla and another commander named 
Pompe'ius Strabo. The first Italian capital, Corfinium, was 
taken by Pompeius; and the second capital, Bovianum, was 




captured by Sulla (88 b. c). The Social war was thus ended; 
but it had been a great affliction to Italy. It is roughly esti- 
mated that three hundred thousand men, Romans and Italians, 
lost their lives in this struggle. 

Although Rome was victorious in the field, the Italians ob- 
tained what they had demanded before the war began, that is, 
the rights of Roman citizensliip. The Romans granted the 



MARIUS AND SULLA 



3G9 



franchise (1) to all Latins and Italians who had remained loyal 
during the war (lex Julia, 90 b. c); and (2) to every Italian 
who should be enrolled by the praetor within sixty days of the 
passage of the law {lex Plautia Papiria, 89 b. c). Every per- 
son to whom these provisions applied was now a Roman citizen. 
The policy of incorporation, which had been discontinued for 
so long a time, was thus revived. Tlio greater part of Italy was 
joined to the ager Romanus; and Italy and Eome became prac- 
tically one nation. 

The Elevation of Sulla. — One important result of the Social 
war was to bring Sulla into prominence, and thus to give to the 
aristocratic party a military leader — a 
leader perhaps quite equal to Marius as 
a soldier, and far superior to him as a 
politician. War was not a new occu- 
pation for Sulla. In the campaign 
against Jugurtha he had served as a 
lieutenant of Marius. In the Cimbric 
war he had displayed great courage and 
ability. And now ho had become the 
most conspicuous commander in the 
Italian war. As a result of his bril- 
liant exploits, he was elected to the con- 
sulship. The senate also recognized 
him as the ablest general of the time, 
when it now appointed him to conduct 
a war in the East against the great 
enemy of Eome, Mithrida'tes, king of 
Pontus, who was now encroaching ui^on the Roman territory 
in Asia Minor and Greece. 

Attempt of Marius to displace Sulla ; the Sulpician Laws. — 
Marius had watched with envy the growing fame of Sulla dur- 
ing and after the Social war. His whole nature was now in- 
flamed with revenge and the desire to displace and destroy 
his hated rival. To regain his influence with the people, he 




Sulla (So-called) 



370 THE KO^fAX WOP.LT) 

reentered politics, and joined liiniself to tlie jDopular leader, 
the tribune P. Sulpieiiis Eufus. KSulla had scarcely left Home, 
when Marius and ^Sulpicius embodied their scheme in the so- 
called " Siilpician laws." Besides some measures intended to 
humor the jaeople and to weaken the senate, these laws con- 
tained a provision giving to Marius instead of Sulla the com- 
mand of the Mithridatic war. This last law reversed the de- 
cree of the senate which had already given the command to 
Sulla. The Sulpician laws thus made a direct issue between 
the people and the senate; and this ])olitical issue became also 
a personal issue between Marius and Sulla. The laws were 
passed with the usual riotous proceedings; and two messengers 
were sent to Sulla with the order that he turn over his com- 
mand to Marius. 

Sulla's Occupation of Rome and Departure for the East. — 
Sulla had not yet left Italy. His legions were still encamped 
in Campania. He appealed to them to support the honor and 
authority of their commander. They responded to his appeal, 
and Sulla at the head of his troops marched to Rome. For 
the first time the Eoman legions fought in the streets of the 
capital, and a question of polities was settled hy the army. 
Marius and Sulpicius were driven from the city, and Sulla for 
the time was supreme. He called together the senate, and 
caused the leaders of the popular party to be declared outlaws. 
He then annulled the laws passed by Sulpicius, and gave the 
senate the power hereafter to approve or reject all laws before 
they should l)e submitted to the people. With the army at his 
back Sulla could do what he pleased. When he had placed the 
government securely in the hands of the senate, as he thought, 
he left Rome for the purpose of conducting the war against 
Mithri dates in the East. 

The Marian Massacres; Cinna's Despotic Rule. — During 
the absence of Sulla Rome passed through a reign of terror. 
The popular party, now under the leadership of L. Cornelius 
Cinna, sought to regain control of the government. But in an 



MAKIUS AND SULLA 371 

armed conllict, in which ten thousand citizens are said to have 
lost their lives, Cinna was defeated and driven from the city. 
Cinna then, following the example of his enemy Sulla, ap- 
pealed to the army for support. At the same time Marius, who 
had fled to Africa, returned with a body of Numidian cavalry. 
Uniting their forces, Marius and Cinna marched to Rome and 
took possession of the city. Then began that scene of carnage 
which is known as the " Marian mas sacres," in which the ene- 
mies of Marius were everywhere cut down without mercy. The 
man who had once been saluted as the " savior of Rome " for- 
ever blackened his name by the most revolting deeds of a 
despot. This spasm of slaughter lasted for five days. Marius 
and Cinna then declared themselves to be consuls. But Marius 
held this, his seventh consulship, only a brief time, when he 
died — the " horror of Rome." Cinna continued to rule with 
absolute power. He declared himself consul each -year, and 
named his own colleague. His incapacity is shown by the fact 
that during the three years of his supremacy he did nothing to 
strengthen the people's cause, of which he professed to be the 
leader. At last hearing that Sulla was about to return from 
the East, he led an army to prevent his landing in Italy; but 
he was killed in a mutiny of his own soldiers. 

III. The Triumph and Dictatorship of Sulla 

Sulla and the First Mithridatic War (88-84 b. c.).— Wliile 
Rome was thus suffering from the massacres of Marius and the 
despotic rule of Cinna, Sulla was gathering fresh glories in the 
East. When he landed in Greece he found the eastern prov- 
inces in a wretched state. Mithridates, the king of Pontus 
(see map, p. 342), had extended his power over a large part 
of Asia Minor. He had overrun the Roman province of Asia. 
He had induced the Greek cities on the coast, which had been 
brought under the Roman power, to revolt and join his cause. 
He had massacred over eighty thousand Italians living on the 




373 THE ROJMAN WORLD 

Asiatic coast. He had also sent his armies into Macedonia and 
Greece, and many of the cities there, including Athens, had de- 
clared in his favor. The Eoman power in the East seemed 
well-nigh broken. It was at this time that Sulla showed his 
greatest ability as a soldier. He drove back the armies of 
Mithridates, besieged Athens, and reduced it. He destroyed an 
army at Chjeronea (86 
B. c. ; see map, p. 334), 
and another at Orchom- 
enus (85 b. c). Within 
four years he reestab- 
lished the Roman power, 

and compelled Mithri- 

, , . . , , „ Coin of Athens 

dates to sign a treaty oi 

peace. He then returned to Italy to find his own party over- 
thrown and himself an outlaw. 

Sulla's War with the Marian Party. — Sulla landed in Italy 
(83 B. c.) with a victorious army of forty thousand men. He 
had restored the power of Home against her enemies abroad; 
he now set to woi'k to restore her authority against her enemies 
at home. He looked upon the popular party as a revolutionary 
faction, ruling with no sanction of law or justice. Its leaders 
since the death of Cinna were Cn. Papirius Carbo, the younger 
Marius, and Q. Sertorius. The landing of Sulla in Italy with- 
out disbanding his army was the signal for civil war. Southern 
Italy declared in his favor, and many prominent men looked 
to him as the deliverer of Rome. The choicest of his new 
allies was the son of Pompeius Strabo, then a young man of 
twenty-three, but wdiose future fame, as Pompey the Great, was 
destined to equal that of Sulla himself. Sulla marched to 
Campania and routed the forces of one consul, while troops of 
the other consul deserted to him in a body. He then attacked 
the young jNEarius in Latium, defeated him, and shut him up 
in the town of Pnpneste (see map, p. 30'2). Northern Italy was 
at the same time held in check by Pompey. A des|)erate bat- 



MAEIUS AND SULLA 373 

tie was fought at Clusiimi, in Etruria (see map, p. 303), in 
which Siilhi and Pompey defeated the army of Carbo. At last 
an army of Samnites which had joined the Marian cause was 
cut to pieces at the CoUine gate (see map, p. 282) under the 
very walls of Eome. Sulla showed what might be expected of 
him when he ordered six thousand Samnite prisoners to be mas- 
sacred in cold blood. 

-The Sullan Proscriptions. — With Italy at his feet and a vic- 
torious army at his back, Sulla, the champion of the senate, 
was now the supreme ruler of Eome. Before entering upon 
the work of reconstructing the government, he determined first 
of all to complete the work of destroying his enemies. It is 
sometimes said that Sulla was not a man of vindictive nature. 
Let us see what he did. He first outlawed all civil and mili- 
tary officers who had taken part in the revolution against him, 
and offered a reward of two talents (about $2,500) to the mur- 
derer of any of these men. He then posted a list (proscriptio) 
containing the names of those citizens whom he wished to have 
killed. He placed eighty names on the first list, two hundred 
and twenty more on the second, as many more on the third, and 
so on until nearly five thousand citizens had been put to death 
in Rome. If the proscriptions of Sulla were not inspired by 
the mad fury of revenge which led to the Marian massacres, 
they were yet prompted by the cool and merciless policy of a 
tyrant. 

The Sullan Constitution. — ^Vlien Sulla had destroyed his 
enemies, not only in Rome but throughout Italy, he turned to 
the work of reconstructing the government in the interests of 
the senate and aristocracy. Not relying upon the tribune's 
power which had been used by the Gracchi, nor upon the con- 
sular power which Marius had repeatedly held, he had himself 
appointed " perpetual dictator." This made him the absolute 
ruler of the state. As a support to his power he planted his 
veterans in military colonies in different parts of Italy, where 
they could be called upon in case of emergency. He then 



374 THE ROMAN WORLD 

proceeded to frame his new constitution, the most important 
provisions of which were the following : 

(1) He restored the senate to its previous position as the 
chief ruling body of the state, granting to it the right to initi- 
ate all legislation; and he united the senatorial and equestrian 
orders by appointing many equites to the senate. 

(2) He weakened the power of the people by taking away 
from the comilki irihuta the power of making laws, trans- 
ferring this power to the comitia centuriata, which was con- 
trolled by wealth, but which could not pass any law without 
the previous approval of the senate. 

(3) He reduced the power of the tribune to the mere right 
of "intercession," or the protection of a citizen from oflficial 
injustice, forbidding the tribune from proposing laws, and pro- 
viding that no tribune could afterward be elected to any curule 
office. 

(4) He reenacted the old law of succession to office, whereby 
no person could hold the same office a second time within a 
period of ten years. 

(5) He restricted the power of the consul to matters of civil 
administration, so that no consul could command the army 
until tlie expiration of his term. 

(()) He organized a system of permanent criminal courts 
{qucestiones perpetvcB), and restored the jury list to the senate, 
as it had been before the days of the Gracchi. 

The general tendency of Sulla's legislation was to annul all 
the principal changes which had grown out of the revolutionary 
attempts of the popular party and its leaders, and thus to rees- 
tablish the government upon its old aristocratic basis. 

After a reign of three years Sulla resigned his office as 
dictator. He retired to his country home on the bay of Naples, 
and died in a few months, before he could know of the fate of 
his constitution. Upon his monument were inscribed the 
words: " jSTo friend ever did him a kindness, and no enemy a 
wrong, without being fully repaid." 



POMPEY AND C.^SAR 375 



SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. The Rise of Marius. — The Eiile of tlig E^estoraticn. — The 
War with Jugurtha. — War with the Cimbri and Tentones. — 
Marius and the Popular Party. 

II. The Rivalry of Marius and Sulla. — The Social War, 
and the Incorporation of Italy.— The Elevation of Sulla. — 
Attempt of ^larius to Displace Sulla; the Sulpician Laws. — 
Sulla's Occupation of Rome and Departure for the East. — The 
Marian Massacres; Cinna's Despotic Rule. 

III. The Triumph and Dictatorship of Sulla.^ — Sulla and 
the First Mithridatic War. — Sulla's War with the Marian Party. — 
The Sullan Proscriptions. — The Sullan Constitution. 

REFERENCES FOR READING 

-OPelham, Bk. IV., Ch. 2, "From the Gracchi to Sulla" (18).^ 
How and Leigh, Ch. 39, "The Social War"; Ch. 44, "The Sullan 

Constitution" (18). 
Merivale, Gen. Hist., Ch. 32, "Rivalry of Marius and Sulla" (18). 
Taylor, Ch. 11, "Cinna and Sulla" (22). 
Reesly, Ch. 4, "War with Jugurtha"; Ch. 15, "Sulla's Reactionary 

Measures" (18). 
Schuckburgh, Ch. 38, "Mithridates in Asia and Greece" (18). 
Mommsen, Vol. III., Bk. IV., Ch. 10, "The Sullan Constitution"; 

pp. 458-470 (character of Sulla) (18). 

(Abridged), Ch. 22, "Marius a.s a Revolutionist" (18). 

Ihne, History, Vol. V., Bk. VII., Ch. 8, "The Jugurthine War"; 

Ch. 14. "The Social War" (18). 
Freeman, Essay on "Sulla" (3). 
Plutarch, "Marius," "S\illa" (26). 



CHAPTER XXVI 

THE GROWTH OF IMPERIALISM— POMPEY AND C-Ii:SAR 

I. The Etse of Pompey and Ceassus 

The Drift of Roman Politics. — From what we have seen of 
the political conflicts going on at Eome since the first appear- 
ance of the Gracchi, we might infer that no important re- 
sults had heen accomplished. The constitution of Sulla was 

^The figure In parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the 
Appendix, where a fuller title of the bool? will be found. 

MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 22 



37G THE ROMAN WORLD 

evidently intended to put the government back where it was 
before the revolution began. The efforts of the people to 
overthrow the power of the senate and the aristocracy seem to 
have come to nothing. The chiefs of the popular party had 
shown no great capacity for leadership, and had often degen- 
erated into mere demagogues. But in spite of all these 
discouragements, there were two facts which seemed to show 
the drift of Roman politics. In the first place, there had been 
a growing tendency in the direction of the one-man power. 
This is shown in the tribunate of the Gracchi, in the successive 
consulships of Marius, in the absolute rule of Cinna, and in the 
dictatorship of Sulla." In other words, the Roman state was 
drifting toward monarchy. In the second place, the deter- 
mined spirit of the people showed that the one-man power 
could not be permanently established upon an aristocratic basis 
like that of Sulla. The Roman people would evidently be 
satisfied only with a form of mouarcliy or imperialism which 
recognized the welfare of the whole Roman state. We are now 
to trace how such a form of imperialism came to be established. 

The Three Revolts: Lepidus, Sertorius, Spartacus. — Sulla 
had hardly passed awa}^ when signs of discontent everywhere 
appeared. The evidence of this discontent is seen in three im- 
portant revolts which took place at this time — the revolt of 
Le])'idus, the rebellion of Sertorius, and the insurrection led by 
Spar'tacus. 

(1) The first attempt to oppose the new constitution was 
made by the consul Lepidus, a vain and petulant man who 
aspired to be chief of tlie popular party, but wlio proved to be 
an incompetent leader, like many of his predecessors. He pro- 
posed to restore the tribunate, and to overthrow the whole Sul- 
lan regime. Failing in this, he raised an armed force, as Sulla 
and Cinna had done before him, to carry out his views. The 
senate placed in command of the army Pompey, one of Sulla's 
lieutenants. Pompey defeated Lepidus; and this feeble at- 
tempt at revolution failed (77 b. c). 



POMPEY AND C^SAR 



377 



(2) A more serious attempt at revolution was made by 
Sertorius, a popular leader who had escaped to Spain during 
the Sullan proscriptions. Here he espoused the cause of the 
provincials, and attempted to establish in Spain an independ- 
ent republic. This rebellion had been begun before the death 
of Sulla ; it continued for some years afterward, and presented 
a serious problem for the senate. Sertorius was himself a man 
of noble character, and also a very able soldier. After he had 
defeated three Roman generals, Pompey was appointed procon- 
sul, and was sent with a large army to put down this rebellion. 
The war under Pompey was successfully carried on ; but it was 
only after Sertorius had been treacherously slain by one of his 
own followers that the province was finally pacified (73 b. c). 

(3) Before the war in Spain was ended, the senate was called 
upon to meet a still more formidable danger in Italy. This 
was the revolt of the gladiators, under their renowned leader 
Spartacus. The gladiators 
were captives trained to 
fight one another in the 
arena for the amusement of 
the Eoman populace. Sev- 
enty of these desperate men 
escaped from the training 
school at Capua, and gath- 
ered about them a motley 
horde of a hundred thousand slaves and outlaws. They defeated 
four Roman armies, and threatened to devastate the whole of 
Italy. In the absence of Pompey the senate selected Crassus — 
a wealthy aristocrat who had served as a soldier under Sulla — 
to put down this fearful insurrection. Spartacus was finally 
defeated (71 b. c). A small remnant of his band fled to the 
north and fell in with Pompey on his return from Spain, and 
was destroyed. By this stroke of luck Pompey had the assur- 
ance to claim that, in addition to closing the war with Spain, 
he had also finished the war with the gladiators. 



ASt^IAWAX-o-VlClTKALENDlo^r 




Roman Gladiators 



378 



THE ROi\IAN WOULD 



The Consulship of Pompey and Crassus (70 B.C.)- — The 

senate had thus succeeded in maintaining its authority and 
putting down three attempts at revolution, with the aid 

of Pompey and Crassus. 
These generals now 
claimed the consulship 
as a reward for their 
service. But according 
to the Sullan laws they 
were not yet eligible to 
this office; and the senate 
was committed to the 
Sullan regime. Finding 
no hope of support from 
the senate, the two gen- 
erals turned to the pop- 
ular party. In return 
for the consulship they 
agreed to carry out the 
schemes of this party and 
annul the laws of Sulla. 
As a result of tliis bar- 
gain Pompey and Crassus joined hands, broke with the sen- 
ate, became supporters of the democratic cause, and were 
elected to the consulship. 

Overthrow of the Sullan Constitution. — True to their 
agreement, Pompey and Crassus proceeded, with the support 
of the people, to overthrow the constitution which Sulla ex- 
pected would be lasting. The old power was given back to the 
tribunes. The legislative power was restored to the assembly, 
which now could pass laws without the approval of the senate. 
The exclusive right to furnish jurors in criminal cases was 
taken away from the seriate. Also the power of the censors to 
revise the list of the senators, which Sulia had abolished, was 
restored; and as a result of this, sixty-four senators were ex- 




Head of the Statue of Pompey 
(So-called) 



POMPEY AND C/ESAR .'570 

pelled from the senate.. By these measures the Sullan regime 
was practically destroyed, and the supremacy of the senate 
taken away. This was, in fact, the most decisive victory won 
by the popular party since the beginning of the revolution. It 
was also achieved without an armed conflict, simply by winning 
to the democratic cause the support of the two successful 
generals. 

The Military Supremacy of Pompey. — Since the death of 
Sulla, the senators had taken comparatively little interest in 
the eastern provinces except as a source of wealth to them- 
selves and to their supporters. As a result of this weak policy, 
the East was falling into a condition nearly as wretched as its 
condition before the campaigns of Sulla. The seas were in- 
fested with pirates, who cut off the grain supplies from Egypt; 
and the king of Pontus was still a menace to the Koman 
provinces. The people now determined to take into their own 
hands the management of eastern affairs. By two laws they 
raised their new leader, Pompey, to a position never before held 
by a Roman citizen — except perhaps by Sulla. 

(1) The Gabinian Jaw (67 b. c). — To rid the sea of the 
pirates (who made their home in Cilicia and Crete) a law was 
proposed by the tribune Gabinius, giving to Pompey for three 
years supreme control over the Mediterranean Sea and its 
coasts for fifty miles inland. This law was passed, and Pompey 
was placed in command of a large fleet and army. Within 
ninety days he had swept the seas and cleared the coasts, and 
the Mediterranean was once more open to Roman commerce. 

(2) The Manilian law {6G b. c). — In the next year a law 
was proposed by the tribune Manilius and supported by Rome's 
greatest orator, Cicero', giving to Pompey the entire control of 
the East until the tedious and desultory war now in progTess 
against Mithridates should be brought to an end. The war 
had recently been conducted by Lucullus, a wealthy aristo- 
cratic general, who was charged with prolonging the war to 
enrich himself. Pompey now received the command. He de- 



380 



THE ROMAN WORLD 



feated Mithridates and drove him out of his kingdom. He then 
invaded Syria and took possession of that country. He entered 
Judea, and after a severe struggle succeeded in capturing Jeru- 
salem (63 B. c). All the eastern coasts of the Mediterranean 
were brought under his control. He organized the conquered 
territory into new Eoman provinces, and planted, it is said, 
thirty-nine new cities. Pompey was now looked upon as the 
most successful of Roman generals, and worthy of the title 
" the- Great," once conferred upon him by Sulla. 



II. The Coalition of Pompey, Cesar, and Crassus 

The Rise of Julius Caesar. — During the absence of Pompey 
in the East the politics of the capital were in a confused and 

uncertain state. The 
senate was striving to 
maintain its old dignity, 
even though it could not 
exercise its old authority. 
The popular party was 
under the professed 
leadership of Crassus, 
who had no ability as a 
politician, and who was 
influential chiefly on ac- 
count of his wealth. The 
party had, in fact, won 
what laurels it had 
gained, through the mili- 
tary prestige of Pompey. 
But even in the case of 
Pompey it was uncertain 



HPm 


^^^^^Hlu^-'^flC^^' (^7^^ HH9B9 


^HHyr'' f'iMKKL 





Cesar (Naj)les) 



how much confidence could be placed in a man who had already 
broken with the senate. In the meantime, a new leader was 
coming to the front — a leader who was destined to become the 



POMPEY AND C^SAK 381 

greatest statesman of Eome, and to perform a work which no 
one else was able to accomplish. This man was Julius Caesar. 
He was a nephew of Marius and the son-in-law of Cinna. 
He was, therefore, from the first well disposed toward the 
popular cause. He had favored the restoration of the tribu- 
nate, and had supported the Manilian law. He had also tried 
to procure the franchise for the Latin colonies beyond the Po; 
and he had, while curule aedile, won the plaudits of the popu- 
lace by the splendor of his games. Caesar saw that the people's 
cause was in the ascendency; and he aspired to become its 
leader, and to place himself at the head of the Roman state. 
This was a noble ambition on the part of Caesar — to identify 
his own success with that of his fellow-citizens. But his ambi- 
tion was checked for a brief time by the suspicion that he was 
implicated in the conspiracy of Cat'iline — a movement which 
aroused in the minds of all good citizens the most intense 
indignation. 

Cicero and the Catilinian Conspiracy. — Catiline was a man 
of the stripe of Cinna. He professed to represent the cause of 
the people. He was like Cinna in not caring so much for the 
real interests of the people as for his own aggrandizement, and 
also in being perfectly unscrupulous as to the methods by which 
he attained his ends. That he was at first looked upon as a 
legitimate party leader is evident from the fact that he was 
supported for the consulship by Caesar and Crassus. But he 
proved to be a demagogue and a desperado. He came to be 
feared by all the best citizens of Rome. He was hence de- 
feated at the elections by the senatorial party, under the lead 
of Cicero. After a second failure to obtain the consulship, 
Catiline's true character was revealed. He adopted the desper- 
ate methods which had proved temporarily successful in the 
days of Marius and Cinna. He determined to raise an army 
from all the lawless and discontented classes of Italy, to march 
upon Rome, seize the city, and destroy his enemies. This 
nefarious plan was discovered by Cicero, who had been elected 



383 



THE ROMAN WOELD 



consul. Catiline's army was defeated in Etruria. Catiline 
himself was killed in battle, and five of his fellow-conspirators 
^ ' ^ " ' '' senate; and Cicero put the 
judgment into execution 
(62 B. c). Cicero had 
already done good serv- 
ice to the republic by 
his impeachment o f 
Verres, the corrupt gov- 
ernor of Sicily; and 
now he was hailed as 
the "Father of his 
Country." The senate re- 
garded the suppression 
of the conspiracy as an 
aristocratic victory; and 
the popular leaders, al- 
tliough denying all con- 
nection with the conspir- 
acy, fell into disrepute. 
Formation of the "First Triumvirate" (60 b. c.).— The 
senate now supposed that the time had come to assert its own 
authority.. The only leaders of the people who seemed strong 
enough to oppose the senatorial policy were Pompey and Caesar. 
The senate, therefore, determined first to humiliate Pompey, 
and next to embarrass Caesar. In the first place, when Pompey 
returned from his victories, he expected that his arrangements 
in the East would be confirmed by the senate, and that his 
veterans would be rewarded with grants of land. The senate 
refused to do either. In the next place, when Ct^sar returned 
from Spain — to which province he had been sent as propraetor 
and where he had won a military reputation — he wished to re- 
ceive a triumph and to be elected to the consulship. The sen- 
ate decided that he could not receive a triumph wlule in the 
city, and could not be elected to the consulship while nutsido 




Cicero (Naples) 



POMPEY AND C^SAE 383 

the city. Caesar accordingly waived the triumph and entered 
the city. Here lie found Pompey dialing against the senate; 
and the two generals agreed to unite in opposing the senatorial 
party. By its blundering policy, the senate had thus driven the 
two chieftains into a coalition, to which the wealthy Crassus 
was admitted. This coalition is usually called the " First 
Triumvirate." It was composed of the most successful soldier, 
the most able statesman, and the richest capitalist of Rome. 
These men united to advance their own interests in opposition 
to the senate. They were also, to all appearances at least, in 
sympathy with the popular party; and their success would no 
doubt advance the cause of the people. 

The Consulship of Caesar (59 b. c). — According to the 
terms of the agreement Cassar was elected to the consulship. 
On his election CaBsar went faithfully to work to fulfill his 
obligations to Pompey, and to jiass laws to strengthen the 
cause of the triumvirs. (1) He secured a law confirming all the 
acts of Pompey in the East. (2) He had passed an agrarian 
law which not only provided for the veterans of Pompey, but 
which also gave estates in Campania to the needy citizens of 
Rome. (3) He then obtained a law remitting one third of the 
price which the capitalists had agreed to pay for collecting the 
taxes in Asia. (4) Finally, a bill was passed by which he him- 
self was assigned to the provinces of Cisalpine Gaul and lUyri- 
cum, to which Transalpine Gaul was added. By these laws 
Pompey was satisfied; the people were pleased; the capitalists 
Avere reconciled; and Cipsar himself was secured in a military 
command. 

But before leaving for his provinces, Cfesar desired still fur- 
ther to cripple the power of the senate, by depriving it of its 
chief leaders. These were Cicero and Cato the Younger — 
Cicero, who had restored the prestige of tlie senate by crushing 
the Catilinian conspiracy; and Cato, who was the grandson 
of Cato the Censor, and who was now the most conservative 
of the senatorial party. Caesar's tool in this work was the 



384 THE ROMAN WORLD 

tribune Clodius, a radical and unscrupulous politician, but a 
devoted friend of Ctesar. Through his influence, Cicero was 
banished on the charge of having put to death the Catilinian 
conspirators without giving them a regular trial. Cato was 
sent on a mission to Cyprus, where he would be removed 
from the polities of the capital. With such an arrangement 
of the affairs at Eome, Caesar departed with his legions to 
Gaul. 

Renewal of the Triumvirate at Lucca (56 b. c). — If Caesar 
made a mistake, it was in putting such a man as Clodius in 
charge of his interests at Eome. Clodius was by nature an ad- 
venturer and a demagogue ; and by his rash acts he came near 
breaking up the triumvirate. He allied himself with the 
rabble of Home; he paraded the streets with bands of armed 
ruthans, and the capital was threatened with mob rule. Pom- 
pey as well as the senate became disgusted with the regime of 
Clodius. They united their influence and obtained the recall 
of Cicero from his exile. At the same time Cato returned 
from his absence in Cyprus. With the return of the old sena- 
torial leaders, and the disaifection of Pompey, it looked as 
though the senate would once more regain its power, and the 
triumvirate would go to pieces. 

But the watchful eye of Caesar detected these symptoms of 
discontent, and a conference of the leaders took place at Lucca, 
a town in northern Italy (see map, p. 303), where a new ar- 
rangement was brought about. Ca?sar was now to be given an 
additional term of five years in Gaul, and to be elected consul 
at the end of that time; Pompey and Crassus were now to re- 
ceive the consulship; and at the close of their term of office 
Pompey was to have the provinces of Spain and Africa, and the 
money-loving Crassus was to receive the rich province of Syria. 
In this way they would divide the world among them. The 
terms of the agreement were apparently satisfactory to the 
parties concerned. Ctesar now felt that matters at Rome 
were safe, at least until he could complete his work in 



POMPEY AND CiESAR 



385 



Gaul and fortify his own power with a devoted and invincible 
army. 

Caesar and the Conquest of Gaul (58-51 b. c). — Within 

eight years Csesar brought under his power all the territory 
bounded by the Pyrenees, the Alps, the Rhine, and the Atlantic 




p A I n" ''^■^..r_) 



<7 , Vf*>» Ai'orum Julii 



" e, 



e s 



SCALE OF MILES 



The Province of Gaul 

Ocean, or about what corresponds to the modern countries of 
France, Belgium, and Holland. He at first conquered the 
Helve'tii, a tribe lying on the outskirts of his own province of 
Narbonensis. He then met and drove back a great invasion of 
Germans, who, under a prince called Ariovis'tus, .had crossed 
the Rhine, and threatened to overrun the whole of Gaul. He 
then pushed into the northern parts of Gaul, and conquered 
the Nervii and the neighboring tribes. He overcame the 



38G THE KOMAN WOELD 

Ven'eti on the Atlantic coast, and conqnered Aquitania. He 
also made two invasions into Britain (55, 54 b. c), crossed the 
Rhine into Germany, and revealed to the Eoman soldiers coun- 
tries they had never seen before. After once subduing the 
various tribes of Gaul, he was finally called upon to suppress a 
general insurrection, led by a powerful leader called Vercin- 
get'orix. The conquest of Gaid was then completed. 

A large part of the population had been either slain in war 
or reduced to slavery. The new territory was pacified by be- 
stowing honors upon the Gallic chiefs, and self-government 
upon the surviving tribes. The Roman legions were distrib- 
uted through the territory; but Caesar established no military 
colonies like those of Sulla. The Eoman arts and manners 
were encouraged; and Gaul was brought within the pale of 
civilization. 

III. The Supremacy of C^sar 

Dissolution of the Triumvirate. — While Ca?sar was absent 
in Gaul, the ties which bound the three leaders together were 
becoming weaker and weaker. The position of Crassus tended 
somewhat, as long as he was alive, to allay the growing sus- 
picion between the two great rivals. But after Crassus de- 
parted for the East to take control of his province in Syria, he 
invaded Parthia, was badly defeated, lost the Roman stand- 
ards, and was himself killed (53 b. c). The death of Crassus 
practically dissolved the triumvirate; or we miglit rather say. 
it reduced the triumvirate to a duumvirate. But the relation 
between the two leaders was now no longer one of friendly sup- 
port, but one of mutual distrust. 

Alliance of Pompey with the Senate. — Pompey was not 
only drawing away from Csesar; he was also coming into closer 
relations with the senate, which felt the need of some strong 
military support. Tlie city was distracted l)y continual street 
figtits between the armed bands of Clodius, the demagogue. 



POMPEY AND C^SAK 



387 



and those of T. Annius Milo, who professed to be defending 
the cause of the senate. In one of these broils Clodius was 
killed. His excited followers made his death the occasion of 
riotous proceedings. His 
body was burned in the 
Forum by the wild mob, 
and the senate house was 
destroyed by fire. In the 
anarchy which followed, 
the senate felt obliged to 
confer some extraordi- 
nary power upon Pom- 
pey. On the proposal of 
Cato, he was appointed 
*' consul without a col- 
league." Under this 
unusual title Pompey re- 
stored order to the state, 
and was looked upon as 
" the savior of society." 
He became more and 

more closely bound to the cause of the senate; and the senate 
recognized its obligations to him by prolonging his command 
in Spain for five years. 

Rupture between the Senate and Caesar. — It was a part of 
the agreement made at the conference of Lucca, we remember 
(p. 384), that Cssar was to receive the consulship at the close 
of his command in Gaul. He naturally wi.shed to retain the 
control of his army until he had been elected to his new office. 
The senate was determined that he should not, but should 
present himself at Eome as a private citizen before his election. 
Caesar well knew that he M^ould be helpless as a private citizen 
in the presence of the enemies who were seeking to destroy 
him. Cato had already declared that he would prosecute him 
as soon as he ceased to be proconsul in Gaul. Cfesar promised, 




Cato the Youageb 



388 THE ROMAN WORLD 

however, to give up his province and his army, if Pompcy 
would do the same; but Pompey refused. The senate then 
called upon Caesar to give up two of his legions, on the plea 
that they were needed in the Parthian war. The legions were 
given up; but instead of being sent to the East they were sta- 
tioned in Campania. Upon further demands, Cssar agreed to 
give up eight legions of his army if he were allowed to retain 
two legions in Cisalpine Gaul until the time of his election. 
This the senate refused; and demanded that he must give up 
his province and his whole army by a certain day, or be de- 
clared a public enemy. The senate had offered him humiliation 
or war. He chose war, and crossed the Kubicon (49 b. c), 
the stream which separated his province of Cisalpine Gaul from 
Italy. 

Civil War between Pompey and Caesar. — The contest was 
now reduced to a struggle between Pompey, the champion of 
the senate, and Caesar, the champion of the people. Cssar 
knew the value of time; at the instant when he decided upon 
war, he invaded Italy with a single legion. Pompey, unpre- 
pared for such a sudden move and not relying upon the two 
legions which the senate had taken from Csesar, was obliged to 
withdraw to Brundisium (see map, p. 305). Besieged in this 
place by Cgesar, he skillfully withdrew his forces to Greece, 
and left Csesar master of Italy. 

The campaigns of C*a?sar against Pompey and his supporters 
may be summed up as follows: (1) He dispatched his Gallic 
legions across the Pyrenees into Spain (49 b. c.) and destroyed 
the armies of Pompey's lieutenants. (2) He crossed the Adri- 
atic Sea into Greece; was defeated at Dyrra'chium (map, p. 
334), and then in the decisive battle at Pbarsa'lus (48 b. c.) 
defeated Pompey, who fled to Egypt and was treacherously 
slain by an Egyptian soldier. (3) He entered Egypt to quell 
a civil war between the young Egyptian prince, Ptolemy, and 
his sister. Cleopatra ; defeated the army of Ptolemy, and 
placed Cleopatra on the Egyptian throne. (4) On his re- 



POMPEY AND CtESAE 



389 



turn to Italy by way of Asia Minor, he defeated (at Zela. 47 
B. c. ; map, p. 394) Phar'naces, the king of Pontiis and son of 
the great Mithridates, who was trying to stir up a revolt in the 
eastern provinces, — sending to the senate the famous dispatch, 
" Veni, vidi, vici." (5) He passed over into Africa, and at the 
battle of Thapsus (46 b. c.) defeated the senatorial forces led 
by Cato, who committed suicide after the battle. (6) At the 
battle of Munda in Spain (45 b. c.) he crushed the last at- 
tempt at resistance, led by the sons of Pompey. 

Caesar's Triumphs and Titles. — When Cfesar returned to 
Rome, he came not as the servant of the senate, but as master 
of the world. He crowned his victories by four splendid tri- 
umphs, one for Gaul, one for Egypt, one for Pontus, and one 
for Africa. He made no reference to the civil war; and no 
citizens were led among his cap- 
tives. His victory was attended 
by no massacres, no proscriptions, 
no confiscations. He was as gener- 
ous in peace as he had been 
relentless in war. Caesar was 
great enough to forgive his ene- 
mies. A general amnesty was pro- 
claimed; and friend and foe were 
treated alike. During the period 
of his rule (49-44 b. c.) he exer- 
cised his power under various 
titles. He was consul, dictator, 
controller of public morals {prce- 
fectiis morum), tribune, pontifex 
maximus, and chief of the senate 
{prince ps senafus). He thus 
gathered up in his own person the 
powers which had been scattered among the various repulilican 
officers. The name of " impera'tor," with which the soldiers 
had been accustomed to salute a victorious general, was now 




Julius Cesar (Capitol) 



390 THE ROMAN WORLD 

made an official title, and prefixed to his name. In Csesar 
was thus embodied the one-man power whicli had been grow- 
ing up (luring the civil wars. 

Caesar's Legislation. — The only man of the Eoman republic 
who can well l)e compared with (ivsar is Sulla. They both ob- 
tained an imperial position in the Roman state. They were 
also both able politicians and constructive statesmen. But a 
wide gulf separates the constitution of Sulla from the legisla- 
tion of Ca?sar. The one was based upon tlie narrow interests 
of a selfish aristocratic class; the other rested upon the com- 
mon interests of the Koman people. In the light of this whole 
period which we are now studying, we may say that the con- 
stitution of Sulla was an obstacle to the general drift of popu- 
lar reform; while the legislation of Cfesar brought to a success- 
ful issue tlie beneficent movement begun by the Gracchi. Let 
us make a brief summary of wliat Ca?sar did during his brief 
career as political ruler: 

(1) He took away the aristocratic character of the senate by 
raising the number of its members to nine hundred, including 
representative men from all classes in Italy and the provinces. 

(2) He extended the right of citizenship to the people be- 
yond the Po and to many communities in Gaul and Sixain. 

(3) He opened colonies in the provinces, by which 80,000 
landless citizens in Italy were provided with homes. 

(4) He revived the municipal life of Italy, and reorganized 
the municipal system so as to make it apply equally to Italy 
and the provinces. 

(5) He changed the oppressive system of taxation in the 
provinces by dispensing with the avaricious tax-gatherer and 
permitting each town to collect its own fixed share of the tax. 

(6) He reenacted the old Licinian law which provided for a 
certain number of free laborers on every estate. 

(7) He passed a bankruptcy lay which relieved debtors from 
their obligations by relinquishing their entire estates to their 
creditors — thus doing away with imprisonment for debt. 



rOMPEY AND C^SAR 391 

(8) He reduced the number of poor receiving state aid from 
320,000 to 150,000, and afforded means of employment by en- 
couraging public works. 

(9) He also reformed the calendar, which has remained sub- 
stantially as he fixed it, to the present day; and he provided 
for a regular census which should apply not only to Rome but 
to every Koman community. 

Besides these acts it was his purpose also to codify the Ro- 
man law; to provide for the founding of public libraries; to 
improve the architecture of the city; to drain the Pontine 
Marshes for the improvement of the public health; to cut a 
channel through the Isthmus of Corinth; and to extend the 
empire to its natural limits, the Euphrates, the Danube, and 
the Rhine. These acts and projects illustrate the compre- 
hensive mind of Caesar. They show that the one-man power 
which he established had for its object the highest welfare of 
the whole Roman state. 

The Assassination of Caesar. — If Caesar failed in anything, 
it was in not adjusting himself sufficiently to the conservative 
spirit of the time. There were still living at Rome men who 
were blindly attached to the old republican forms. To them 
the reforms of Cassar looked like a work of destruction, rather 
than a work of creatioif. They saw in ffis projects a scheme 
for reviving the kingship. It was said that when Cffisar was 
offered a crown he looked at it wistfully; and that he had se- 
lected his nephew Octavius as his royal heir. 

The men who hated Caesar, and who conspired to kill him, 
were men who had themselves received special favors from him. 
The leading conspirators, M. Brutus and C. Cassius, had both 
served in Pompey's army, and had been pardoned by Caesar 
and promoted to offices under his government. Joined by some 
fiftv other conspirators, these men formed a plot to kill Caesar 
in the senate house. The story of his assassination has been 
told by Plutarch and made immortal by Shakespeare. When 
the appointed day came, the Ides of March (March 15, 44 

MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 23 



392 THE ROMAN WORLD 

B. c), Caesar was struck down by the daggers of his treacherous 
friends, and he fell at the foot of Pompey's statue. It has been 
said that the murder of Caesar was the most senseless act that 
the Romans ever committed. His death deprived Rome of the 
greatest man she ever produced. But the work of the con- 
spirators did not destroy the work of Cssar. 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. The Rise of Pompey and Crassus. — The Drift of Roman 
Politics. — The Three Revolts: Lepidus, Sertorius, Spartacus. — 
The Consulship of Pompey and Crassus. — Overthrow of the 
Sullan Constitution. — The Military Supremacy of Pompey. 

II. The Coalition of Pompey, C.^ssar, and Crassus. — The 
Rise of Julius Csesar. — Cicero and the Catilinian Conspiracy. — 
Formation of the '"First Triumvirate." — The Consulship of 
Cassar. — Renewal of the Triumvirate at Lucca. — Csesar and the 
Conquest of Gaul. 

III. The Supremacy OF Cesar. — Dissolution of the Triumvirate. 
— Alliance of Pompey with the Senate. — Rupture between the 
Senate and Cfesar. — Civil War between Pompey and Csesar. — 
Csesar's Triumphs and Titles. — Caesar's Legislation. — The Assas- 
sination of Caesar. 

REFERENCES F©R READING 

Liddell, Ch. 72, "Revolutionary Attempts of Leijidus, Sertorius, 
Spartacus" (18).' 

Schuckburgh, Ch. 42, "Pompey in the East" (18). 

How and Leigh, Ch^47, "Cicero and^atiline"; Ch. 49, "The 
Conquest of Gaul" (IS). 

Merivale, General History, Ch. 40, "The First Triumvirate" (18). 

Pelham, Bk. V., Ch. 1, "The Dictatorship of Julius" (18). 

Mommsen, Vol. lY., Bk. V., Ch. 11, "The Old Republic and the 
New Monarchy" (18). 

• (Abridged), Ch. 35, "Joint Rule of Pompey and Csesar" (18). 

Taylor, Ch. 15, "Csesar" (22). 

Abbott, Ch. fi, "Strug-g-le between the Democracy and the 
Nobilitas" (22). 

Granrud. Fourth Period. Ch. 7, "The Rule of Ca-sar" (22). 

Shakespeare, "Julius Csesar." 

Forsyth, Cicero, pp. 319-330 (character of Cicero) (27). 

Oman, Seven Great Statesmen, Ch. 5. "Sulla"; Ch. 8, "Pompey"; 
Ch. 9, "Csesar" (20). 

Froude, Csesar, Ch. 11. "Conspiracy of Catiline"; Ch. 28, "Char- 
acter of Csesar" (27). 

'The figure in pnrentliesis refers to the numher of the topic in the 
Appendix, where a fuller title of the booli will be found. 



ANTONY AND OCTAVIUS 393 

Fowler, Ca?sar, Ch. 7, "Cassar's First Consulship"; Ch. 18, 

"Caesar's Use of Absolute Power" (27). 
Dodge, Caesar, Ch. 24, "Caesar's Army" (27). 
Munro, Source Book, Part VIII., "Last Century of the Republic" 

(25). 
Plutarch, "Sertorius," "Lucullus," "Ponipey," "Crassus," "Cato 

the Younger," "Caesar," "Cicero" (26). 



CHAPTER XXVII 

THE LAST STEUGGLE FOR THE EMPIRE— ANTONY AND 

OCTAVIUS 

I, The Rise of Antony and Octavius 

The Confusion after Caesar's Death. — We need not be sur- 
prised that the death of Caesar Avas followed by confusion and 
dismay. His murderers considered themselves as " liberators " 
of the republic. But their rash act gave to Rome another 
period of strife and civil war. They had killed Csesar; but 
they had providecl for no one to take his place. If tliey 
thought that the senate would be restored to its old position 
they were grievously mistaken. The oniy leading man of the 
senate who had survived the last civil war was Cicero; but 
Cicero with all his learning and eloquence could not take the 
place of Cassar. Soon there appeared new actors upon the 
scene, men struggling for the supreme power in the state — M. 
Anto'nius (Antony), the friend of Caesar and his fellow-con- 
sul; C. Octavius, his adopted son and heir; M. iEmilius Lepi- 
dus, his master of horse; Sextus Pompeius, his previous enemy 
and the son of his greatest rival; while Cicero still raised his 
voice in defense of what he regarded as his country's freedom. 

The Elevation of Antony. — The man who had stood near- 
est to Cfesar was Antony, his fellow-consul. He claimed that it 
was his duty to carry out the purpose of his murdered chief. 
He got possession of Cesar's will and treasures, and influenced 



PKOGTRP^SRTT^E IVIAP IVo. 16. 




394 



ANTONY AND OCTAVIUS 



395 



the senate to confirm all of Caesar's acts. He called upon the 
people to rise up and avenge the death of their greatest friend. 
The liberators were obliged to flee from the city. They has- 
tened to the provinces 
to which they had pre- 
viously been assigned by 
Csesar — Cassius to Syria, 
Marcus Brutus to Mace- 
donia, and Decimus Bru- 
tus to Cisalpine Gaul. 

The Appearance of 
Octavius. — The only per- 
son who could well dis- 
pute the claims of An- 
tony was Octavius — a 
young man of nineteen, 
who was Caesar's gi'and- 
nephew and adopted heir. 
This young man assumed 
his adopted name Gains 
Julius Caesar Octavia'nus 

and disputed with Antony the right to act as Cesar's repre- 
sentative. By his great generosity he won the favor of the 
people, who called him by the magic name of Csesar. He now 
began to show that adroit skill for which he was afterward 
noted. His first purpose was to weaken Antony, who had de- 
prived him of his inheritance. He therefore saw fit to unite 
his cause with that of the senate, which was already opposed 
to the ambitious scliemes of Antony. By this piece of diplo- 
macy Octavius gained the influence of Cicero, the leader of the 
senatorial party. 

Cicero's Attack upon Antony. — The hostility between 
Cicero and Antony grew to l)e bitter and relentless; and they 
were pitted against each other on the f-oor of the senate. But 
in a war of words Antony was no match for Cicero. By a 



Ul^^^^ii|Hg 


H 


MSm^^bv-.^'^ ^*"*fc.'%*!*^''^^^H 


1 


WSBBF^mi^^E ^*'^' ' ' f'^^^^s 


1 


\^ 


i 



Antony 



396 



THE ROMAN WORLD 



series of famous speeches known as the " Philippics," the popu- 
larity of Antony was crushed; and he retired from Rome to 
seek for victory upon other fields. He claimed Cisalpine Gaul 
as his province. But this province was still held hy Decimus 
Brutus, one of the liberators, to whom the senate looked for 
military support. 

When Antony attempted to gain possession of this territory, 
Cicero thought he saw an opportunity to use Octavius in the 

interests of the senate. 
Accordingly Antony was 
declared a public enemy; 
Octavius was made a 
senator Avith the rank of 
consul, and was author- 
ized to conduct the war 
against Antony. In this 
war — the so-called war of 
Mu'tina (44-43 b. c.)— 
Octavius was successful. 
As a reward for his vic- 
tory he demanded of the 
senate that he receive a 
triumph and the consul- 
ship. Cicero and the sen- 
ate had intended Decimus 
Brutus for this office, and 
the recjuest of Octavius was refused. But the young heir, 
then twenty years of age, following the example of Caesar, en- 
forced his claim with the sword; he took possession of the 
city, and obtained his election to the consulship. Octavius 
thus became tlie ruling man in lionie. 

Formation of the Second Triumvirate (43 b. c). — The 
senate had lost ibe support of Octavius by op{)osing his elec- 
tion to the consulship. The young leader now sought to secure 
his position by reconciling his previous enemy, Antony. An- 




The Young Octavius 



ANTONY AND OCTAVIUS 397 

tony was supported by Lepidus, who had an army in Transal- 
pine Gaul. A coalition was formed between these three leaders 
— Antony, Octavius, and Lepidus — usually called the " Second 
Triumvirate.'" Unlike the First Triumvirate, this was sanc- 
tioned by a law of the tribal assembly. The leaders agreed to 
oppose the senate, to divide among themselves the western 
provinces, and then to make war upon the chief liberators, 
Brutus and Cassius, who held possession of the eastern prov- 
inces. They assumed a dictatorial power for five years, with 
the right of appointing all magistrates. Their decrees were 
to have the force of law without the approval of either the 
senate or the people. 

It is to the eternal disgrace of these men who professed to 
espouse the cause of Csesar, that they abandoned the humane 
policy of their great exemplar, and returned to the infamous 
policy of Marius and Sulla. Antony especially desired a pro- 
scription, as he was surrounded by thousands of personal 
enemies, chief among whom was Cicero, the author of the 
" Philippics." It is said that three hundred senators and two 
thousand equites were outlawed and their property was con- 
fiscated; besides, a large number of persons were slain. The 
most distinguished victim of this horrible work was Cicero, 
When the old man was warned of his danger and urged to flee, 
he replied, " Let me die in my fatherland, which I have so 
often saved." 

War against the Liberators; Battle of Philippi (42 b. c). — 
Having murdered their enemies at home, the triumvirs were 
now prepared to crush their enemies abroad. There were three 
of these enemies whom they were obliged to meet — Brutus and 
Cassius, who had united their forces in the East; and Sextus 
Pompeius, who had got possession of the island of Sicily, and 
had under his command a powerful fleet. While Lepidus re- 
mained at Eome, Antony and Octavius invaded Greece to meet 
the two liberators, Brutus and Cassius. The hostile forces met 
near Philip'pi (42 b. c), a town in Macedonia on the north- 



398 



THE ROMAN WORLD 



Philippic 



>^ OCTAVIU 



ern coast of the ^gean Sea (see map, p. 334). Octavius was 
opposed to Brutus, and Antony to Cassius. Octavius was 

driven back by Brutus, 
while Antony, more fortu- 
nate, drove back the wing 
commanded by Cassius. 
As Cassius saw his flying 
legions, he thought that 
all was lost, and stabbed 
himself with the same 
dagger, it is said, with 
which he struck Csesar. 
This left Brutus in sole 
command of the oppos- 
ing army; but he also 
was defeated in a second 
battle, and, following the 
example of Cassius, com- 
mitted suicide. By the battle at Philippi the last opposition 
to the triumvirs was destroyed. 




Battle of Philippi 



II. Civil War between Antony and Octavius 

New Division of the Provinces. — The Eoman world was 
now under the power of Antony, Octavius, and Lepidus, who 
proceeded to a redivision of the provinces. But Lepidus was 
too weak to receive much consideration. Antony was to take 
control of the eastern provinces, and to push the Eoman con- 
quests if possible into Parthia. Octavius was to preserve the 
peace of Italy and the western provinces, and to destroy the 
fleet of Sextus Pompeius, which was interfering with Eoman 
commerce and threatening to cut off the grain supplies of Italy. 
Lepidus had to be satisfied Avith the small province of Africa. 

Octavius in the West. — Octavius proceeded to secure his 
position in the West by means of force and craft. He first 



ANTONY AND OCTAVIUS 



399 



put down an insurrection incited by the partisans of Antony. 
The young conqueror won the ait'ections of the people, and 
tried to show them that peace and prosperity could come only 
through his influence: Next, with the help of his friend and 
able general, Agrip'pa, and with the aid of a hundred ships 
lent him by Antony, Octavius destroyed the forces of Sextus 
Pompeius. The defeated general fled to the East, and was 
killed by the soldiers of Antony. 

Octavius was then called upon to deal with a treacherous 
friend. This was the weak and ambitious Lepidus, who with 
twenty legions fancied that he could defeat Octavius and be- 
come the chief man of Rome. But Octavius did not think the 
emergency grave enough to declare war. He defeated Lepidus 
without a battle. Unarmed and almost unattended he entered 
his rival's camp, and made an eloquent appeal to the soldiers. 
The whole army of Lepidus deserted to Octavius. Lepidus 
was deposed from his position as triumvir, but was generously 
allowed to retain the oflfice of pontifex maximus. By the use 
of force and diplomacy Octavius thus baffled all his foes in the 
West, and he and Antony were now the 
undisputed rulers of the Eoman world. 

Antony in the East. — While every- 
thing in the West was turning in 
favor of Octavius, all things in the 
East were also contributing to his suc- 
cess. But this was due not only to his 
own skill but to the weakness and 
folly of Antony. Octavius had tried 
to cement the league of the triumvirs 
by giving his sister Octavia to Antony 
in marriage. But Antony soon grew 
tired of Octavia, and became fascinated by Cleopatra, 
" Serpent of the Nile." He aspired to the position of an Orien- 
tal monarch. He divided the Roman provinces with Cleopatra, 
who was called " the queen of kings." The Roman people 




Cleopatra 



the 



400 THE EOMAN WOELD 

were shocked when he desired his disgraceful acts to be con- 
firmed by the senate. They could not help contrasting this 
weak and infatuated slave of Cleoj^atra with their own Octa- 
vius, the strong and prudent governor of the West. While 
Octavius was growing in popularity, Antony was thus becom- 
ing more and more an object of detestation. 

Rupture between Antony and Octavius. — The strong feel- 
ing at l\ome against Antony, Octavius was able to use to his 
own advantage. The people suspected Antony of treasonable 
designs, as they saw his military preparations, which might 
be used to enthrone himself as king of the East, or to install 
Cleopatra as queen of Eome. All doubt as to Antony's real 
character and purpose was settled when his will was found and 
pulilished. In it he had made the sons of Cleopatra his heirs, 
and ordered his own body to be buried at Alexandria beside 
that of the Egyptian queen. This was looked upon as an insult 
to the majesty of Rome. The citizens were aroused. They 
demanded that war be declared against the hated triumvir. 
Octavius suggested that it woukl be more wise to declare war 
against Cleopatra than against Antony and the deluded citizens 
who had espoused his cause. Thus what was really a civil war 
between Octavius and Antony assumed the appearance of a for- 
eign war between Eome and Egypt. But x4ntony well under- 
stood against whom the war was directed ; and he replied by 
publicly divorcing Octavia, and accepting his real position as 
the public enemy of Rome. 

Battle of Actium (31 b. c). — When war was declared, An- 
tony and Cleopatra united their forces against Rome. Antony 
gathered together an immense army and occupied the western 
coasts of Greece, where he could either threaten Italy or resist 
the approach of Octavius. His main army was posted at 
Actium (see map, p. 334), south of the strait leading into the 
Gulf of Ambracia. His fleet was for the most part moored 
within the gulf. Octavius, with the aid of his trusted general 
Agrippa, succeeded in transporting an army to the coast of 



ANTONY AND OCTAVIUS 



401 




) i 



Battle of 



unmt] 



Epirus, and took up a position noi'th of the strait and opposite 
the hind forces of Antony. His fleet was stationed outside of 
the strait to await the approach of the enemy's vessels. An- 
tony, on the advice of his ablest officers, desired that the battle 
should be waged with the land forces. But Cleopatra, proud 
of her navy, insisted that it should be fought on the sea. The 
contest was therefore de- 
cided by a naval battle. 
As the fleet of Antony 
emerged from the strait, 
it was immediately at- 
tacked by Octavius and 
Agrippa. But scarcely 
had the battle begun 
when Cleopatra with her 
s(iuadron withdrew from 
the line, and was (piickly 

followed by Antony. Their sailors fought on untTl their fleet 
was destroyed. The battle of Actium closed the political ca- 
reer of Antony, and left Octavius the sole master of the Bo- 
man world. 

Before returning to Eome Octavius restored order to the 
eastern provinces, and followed the fugitives to Egypt. >/A.n- 
tony, defeated and ruined, committed suicide; and Cleopatra 
ToTTdwed his exaniitle i-nther tlian be led a captive in a T?oman 
triumph. jTogetber tliis wretched pair were laid in (he mauso- 
leum"'oFnie Ptolemies. I\uypt was annexed as a province of 
the new empire (30 b. c). Octavius returned to Eome (29 
B. c), where he was given a triple triumph — for Dalmatia 
(part of Tllyricum, where he had won some previous victories), 
for Actium, and for Egypt. The temple of Janus — the doors 
of which were always left open in time of war — was now closed 
for the first time since the second Punic war; and the Pomans, 
tired of civil strife and bloodshed, looked upon the triumph of 
Octavius as the dawn of a new era of peace and prosperity. 



402 THE ROMAN WOELD 

III. Keview of the Period of the Civil Wars 

Political Progress at Rome. — There is no period of Roman 
history more eventful or instructive than that which we have 
just considered — extending from the time of the Gracchi .to 
the triumph of Oetavins. If we look merely at the surface of 
events, it may perhaps seem to be hardly more than a period of 
strife^, of turmoil, of revolution, and of civil war. But if we 
compare the wretched condition of things which Tiberius 
Gracchus first sought to remedy, with the new system which 
Julius Caesar established and Octavius sought to make perma- 
nent, we must conclude that it was during this time that the 
Roman people were working out the greatest political problems 
of their history. In the midst of the greatest discouragements, 
and often under incompetent leaders, they continued to fight 
for justicj^^l they at last found a chieftain capable of de- 
fending t^^^^terests. The people learned that they could not 
secure their rights by means of unwieldy assemblies, which 
were often ruled by ambitious demagogues — and they had not 
discovered the modern principle of representation. If they 
could not obtain a government hy the people, they could at 
least obtain a government for the people, under the control of 
an efficient magistrate devoted to their interests. With our ad- 
vanced political ideas and experience, we may not believe that 
Roman imperialism is the best form of government; it was 
yet the highest and most successful form of government devel- 
oped in the ancient world. By such a government, the Roman 
people secured political equality, and perhaps as much political 
freedom as was possible without representative institutions. 

Improvement of the Roman Law. — It was also during this 
time that the Romans were developing that remarkable sys- 
tem of law which surpassed that of any other ancient people. 
The basis of this law was the XII. Tables. In earlier times, 
the patricians only possessed legal rights; but these rights 
came to be extended to the plebeians, and with every enlarge- 



ANTONY AND OCTAVIUS 403 

ment of the Roman state there had been an extension of civil 
rights. As regards his civil rights, every person was a Roman 
cirizen, a Latin, or a foreigner. A Roman citizen had both the 
conubium and the commercium — that is, he had, first, the 
rights growing out of the family organization, such as the pa- 
ternal power and inlieritance, and, second, the rights growing 
out of commercial transactions, such as property and contract. 
A Latin had only the commercium; ^ while the foreigners (in- 
cluding the Italian allies) had at first no rights under the Ro- 
man law. During this time, however, the rights of citizens 
and of Latins were continually being extended. But more than 
this, the rights of all foreigners in Italy came to be protected 
by a special praetor {prador peregrinus). Under this new 
prfBtor there was gradually developed a new body of law, called 
the jus gentium, a law common to the nations of Italy which 
applied to those whose rights were not protecjMBj^ the old 
XII. Tables. After the "Social war" all t^^Piabitants 
of Italy were admitted to the full rights of citizenship ; and 
the jus gentium came to be extended so as to apply to all 
provincials whose rights coukl not otherwise be secured. In 
this way, the Romans developed a system of law by which 
every free person in the Roman world could have his civil 
rights protected, in some way or other, in a court of justice. 

Advancement in Literature. — Another evidence of the 
progress of the Romans during the period of the civil wars is 
seen in their literature. It was at this time that the influence 
of Hellenism became very marked, and that under this influ- 
ence Rome began to produce writers whose names belong to the 
literature of the world. Caesar wrote his " Commentaries on 
the Gallic War." which is a fine specimen of clear historical 
narrative. Sallust wrote a history of the Jugurthine war and 
an account of the conspiracy of Catiline, which give us graphic 
and vigorous descriptions of these events. Lucre'tius wrote a 

'This applies to the Inter Lafinitnf:. after this franchise was extended 
beyond the limits of Latium to the Latin colonies throughout Italy. 



404 



THE llOMAN WORLD 



great poem " On the Nature of Things," which expounds the 
Epicurean theory of the universe and reveals powers of de- 
scription and imagination rarely equaled by any other poet, 
ancient or modern. Catul'lus wrote lyric poems of exq-uisite 
grace and beauty. Cicero was the most learned and prolific 
writer of the age ; his orations, letters, rhetorical and philosoph- 
ical essays furnish the best models of classic style, and have 
given him a place among the great prose writers of the world. 
Progress in Architecture. — That the Eomans were also im- 
proving in their cidture and taste is shown l)y the new and 
splendid buildings which wei'e erected during this period. 

While some public build- 
ings were destroyed by 
the riots in the city, they 
were replaced by finer 
and more durable struc- 
tures'. ]\Iany new tem- 
ples were built — temples 
to Hercules, to Minerva, 
to Fortune, to Concord, 
to Honor and Virtue. 
Tliere were new basilicas, 
or halls of justice, the 
most notable being the 
Basilica Julia, which was 
commenced by Julius 
Caesar. A new forum, the 
Forum Julii. was also 
laid out by Caesar, and a new theater was constructed by Pom- 
pey. The great national temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, which 
was burned during the civil war of IMarius and Sulla, was re- 
stored with great magnificence by Sulla, who adorned it with 
the columns of the temple of the Olympian Zeus brought from 
Athens. It was during this period that the triumphal arches 
were first erected, and became a distinctive feature of Eoman 




iiffltMiiiUiaMteBaiMii 111, 



Temple of Fortune 



ANTONY AND OCTAVIUS 



405 



architecture. With the exception of the use of the arch, the 
general features of Eoman architecture show the strong influ- 
ence of Greek ideas — especially in the construction of temples, 
and in the use of columns, which the Eomans generally sur- 
mounted with the Corinthian capitals (p. 136). 

Roman Education. — The influence of Hellenism is also seen 
in the increasing attention which the Eomans paid to educa- 
tion. Eoman education, like that of the Greeks,, was intended 
to develop all the mental powers, and to train the young 
man for public life. Children — 
both boys and girls — began to attend 
school at six or seven years of age. 
The elementary studies were reading, 
writing, and arithmetic. The chil- 
dren were taught to write from a 
copy set upon their tablets, and to 
cijiher by means of the counting 
board (abacus) and counters (cal- 
culi). The higher education com- 
prised what were called the liberal 
arts (artes liheraUs), including the 
Latin and Greek languages, composi- 
tion and oratory, and mental and 
moral philosoph3\ An important part of education consisted 
in public recitals and declamations which were intended to 
train young men for the forum, and were often held in the 
temples. 

Decay of Religion and Morals. — While the Eomans, during 
this period, showed many evidences of progress in their laws, 
their literature, and their art, they were evidently declining in 
their religious and moral sense. Their religion was diluted 
more and more with Oriental superstitions and degrading cere- 
monies. In their moral life they w^ere suffering from the ef- 
fects of their conquests, which had brought wealth and the 
passion for luxury and display. Ambition and avarice tended 




Boy with Calculating 
Board 



406 THE KOMAN WOKLD 

to corrupt the life of the Eoman people. The only remedy 
for this condition of religious and moral decay was found in 
the philosophy of the Greeks, which, however, appealed only 
to the more educated classes. 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. The Rise of Antony and Octavius. — The Confusion after 
Caesar's Death. — The Elevation of Antony. — The Appearance of 
Octavius. — Cicero's Attack upon Antony. — Formation of the 
Second Triumvirate. — War against the Liberators; Battle of 
Philippi. 

II. Civil War between Antony and Octavius. — New Division 
of the Provinces. — Octavius in the West. — Antony in the East. — 
Rupture between Antony and Octavius. — Battle of Actium. 

III. Review of the Period of the Civie Wars. — Political 
Progress at Rome. — Improvement of the Roman Law. — Advance- 
ment in Literature. — Progress in Architecture. — Roman Educa- 
tion. — Decay of Religion and Morals. 

REFERENCES FOR READING 

Merivale, General History, Ch. 48, "Octavius and Antony" (18).* 

Empire, Vol. III., Cli. 25, "Cicero and the Philippics"; pp. 

274, 275 (character of Antony) (IS). 

Pelham, Bk. V., Ch. 2, "Provisional Government of the Trium- 
virate" (18). 

Taylor, Ch. 16, "The Struggle for the Crown" (22). 

Abbott, Ch. 7, "The Period of Transition" (22). 

Smith, Wm., Smaller History, Chs. 36, 37, "From the Death of 
Ca?sar ... to the Battle of Actium" (IS). 

Seeley, Essay, "The Great Roman Revolution" (IS). 

Morey, Roman Law, pp. 72-78, "Improvement of the Roman 
Law" (22). 

Shakespeare, "Antony and Cleopatra." 

Collins, Cicero, Ch. 9, "Cicero's Correspondence" (27). 

Plutarch, "Antony," "Brutus" (26). 

'The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the 
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. 



PEKIOD IV. THE KOMAN WOKLD UNDER THE EMPIKE 
(31 B. 0.-395 A. D.) 



CHAPTER XXVIII 

THE EMPIEE UNDER AUGUSTUS (31 b, C— 14 A. D.) 

I. The New Imperial Government 

The Policy of Augustus. — There was no other man so well 
fitted to put the new monarchy into an attractive form as Octa- 
vius, whom we may now call by his official title of Augustus. 
We have been accustomed to think of this man as merely a 
shrewd politician. But when we contrast the distracted con- 
dition of Eome during the last hundred years with the peace 
and prosperity which he brought with him, we shall be inclined 
to look upon him as a wise and successful statesman. His 
whole polic}' was a policy of conciliation. He wished to wijje 
out the hatreds of the civil war. He regarded himself as the 
chief of no party, but as the head of the whole state. He tried 
to reconcile the conservative and the progressive men of his 
time. All the cherished forms of the republic he therefore pre- 
served; and he exercised his powers under titles which were 
not hateful to the senate or the people. 

Titles and Powers of Augustus. — Soon after returning to 
Eome, Augustus resigned the powers which he had hitherto 
exercised, giving " back the commonwealth into the hands of 
the senate and the people " (27 b. c). The first official title 
which he then received was the surname Augustus, bestowed 

407 



408 



THE ROMAN WOT^LT) 



by the senate in recognition of his dignity and his services to 
the state. "^He then received the procomular power {imperium 
proconsuJarc) over all the frontier provinces, or those which re- 
quired t])e jjrescnce of an army. He had also conferred upon 

himself the "tribunician 
power (tribunicia potestas), 
by which he became the 
protector of the people. He 
moreover was made pontifex 
niaximuSj and received the 
title of Pater Patrice. Al- 
though Augustus did not re- 
ceive the permanent titles 
of consul and censor, he 
occasionally assumed, or had 
temporarily assigned t o 
himself, the duties of these 
offices. He still retained the 
title of Imperator, which 
gave him the command of 
the army. But the title 
which Augustus chose to indicate his real position was that 
of Princeps Civitatis, or " the first citizen of the state." The 
new " prince " thus desired to be looked upon as a magistrate 
rather than a monarch — a citizen who had received a trust 
rather than a ruler governing in his own name. 

Augustus and the Senate. — Augustus showed his concilia- 
tory policy in fixing the position which the senate was to as- 
sume in the new government. He did not adopt fully the plan 
either of Sulla or of Julius Caesar; but reconciled as far as pos- 
sible their different ideas. He restored to the senate the dig- 
nity which it had in the time of Sulla. He did this by exclud- 
ing the provincials and freedmen whom Cssar had introduced 
into it, and by reducing its number from nine hundred to six 
hundred members. But still he did not confer upon it the 




The Emperor Augustus 



THE EMPIRE UNDER AUGUSTUS 409 

great legislative power which Sulla intended it should have; 
he rather made it a kind of advisory body, according to Cesar's 
idea. In theory the senate was to assist the emperor in mat- 
ters of legislation, and hence the new government is sometimes 
called a " dyarchy "; but in fact the senate was simply to ap- 
prove the proposals which the emperor submitted to it. 

The Assemblies of the People, — Augustus did not formally 
take away from the popular assemblies their legislative power, 
but occasionally submitted to them laws for their approval. 
This was, however, hardly more than a discreet concession to 
custom. The people in their present unwieldy assemblies, the 
emperor did not regard as able to decide upon important mat- 
ters of state. Their duties were therefore practically restricted 
to the election of the magistrates, whose names he usually pre- 
sented to them. 

The Republican Magistrates. — In accordance with his gen- 
eral policy Augustus did not interfere with the old republican 
offices, but allowed them to remain as undisturbed as possible. 
The consuls, prgetors, quaestors, and other officers continued to 
be elected just as they had been before. But the emperor did 
not generally use these magistrates to carry out the details of 
his administration. This was performed by other officers 
appointed by himself. The position of the old republican 
magistrates was rather one of honor than one of executive 
responsibility. 

The Imperial Army. — While the emperor knew that his 
power must have some military support, he was careful not to 
make the army a burden to the people. He therefore reduced 
the number of legions from fifty to twenty-five. As each 
legion contained not more than six thousand men, the whole 
army did not exceed one hundred and fifty thousand soldiers. 
These legions were distributed through the frontier provinces; 
the inner provinces and Italy were thus not burdened by the 
quartering of troops. To support the imperial authority at 
home, and to maintain public order, Augustus organized a 

MORET'S ANCIENT HIST. 24 



410 



THE ROMAN WORLD 



body of nine thousand men called the " praetorian guard," 
which force was stationed at different points outside of Kome. 

II. The Imperial Administration 



The Administration of Rome. — The whole empire may be 
regarded as made up of three parts — Rome, Italy, and the 

provinces. We are now to look at 
the improvements which Augustus 
made in these three spheres of 
administration. We have read 
enough of the distracted condition 
of the Roman city during the last 
hundred years to see the need of 
some improvement. Augustus met 
this need by creating certain new 
officers to keep the city under bet- 
ter control. He established a city 
police under the charge of a chief 
(prcefectus urhi), to preserve order 
and prevent the scenes of violence 
which had been of such frequent 
occurrence. He created a fire and 
detective department under the charge of another chief (prce- 
fectus vlgihwi), to have jurisdiction over all incendiaries, 
burglars, and other night-prowlers. He placed the grain sup- 
ply under a regular officer (prcefectus annonce) who was to 
superintend the transportation of grain from Egypt, and was 
held responsible for its proper distribution. Moreover, he 
broke up the " secret clubs " which had been hotbeds of dis- 
order, and substituted in their place more orderly societies un- 
der the supervision of the government. For administrative 
purposes the city was divided into fourteen districts, or wards. 
By these arrangements, life and property became more secure, 
and the populace became more orderly and law-abiding. 




Pr/Etorian Guards 



THE EMPIRE UNDER AUGUSTUS 



411 



The Administration of Italy. — Italy was now extended to 
the Alps, the province of Cisalpine Gaul having lately been 
joined to the peninsula. The whole of Italy was divided by 




Rome under Augustus 

The "Regions" of Augustus: I., Porta Capena ; II.. Crelimontium ; III., Isis 
et Serapis ; IV., Templum Paois ; V., Esquila? ; VI.. Alta Semita ; VII., 
Via Lata; VIII., Fonim Romaiuim ; IX., Circus Flaminius ; X., Pala- 
tium ; XL, Circus Maximus ; XII., Piscina Publica ; XIII., Aventinus ; 
XIV., Trans Tiberim. 

Chief Buildhnjs: L Arx ; 2, Capitolium ; .S, Porum Romanum ; 4. Basilica 
.lulia ; 5, Curia (senate liouse) ; G. Forum of .Tulius ; 7, Forum of Augus- 
tus ; 8, Palace of the Caesars : 0, Forum Boarium ; 10, Cloaca Maxima ; 
11, Circus Flaminius: 12. Portico of Pompey : 1.3, Theater of Pompey ; 
14, Sa^pta .Tulia (voting booths) ; 1.5, Baths of Agrippa ; 16, Pantheon; 
17, Solarium (obelisk) ; 18, Mausoleum of Augustus; 19, Circus Maxi- 
mus ; 20, Tomb of Scipio ; 21, Temple of Mars. 

AugTistns into eleven " regions," or administrative districts. 
In order to maintain the splendid system of roads which had 
been constructed during the republican period, tlie emperor 
appointed a superintendent of highways {curator viarum) to 
keep them in repair. He also established a post system by 



412 TKE ROMAN WORLD 

which the different parts of the peninsula could he kept in 
communication with one another. lie suppressed brigandage 
by establishing military patrols in the dangerous districts. It 
was his policy to encourage everywhere the growth of a healthy 
and vigorous municipal life. To relieve the poverty of Italy 
he continued the plan of Julius Ca?sar in sending out colonies 
into the provinces, where there were better opportunities to 
make a living. 

The Administration of the Provinces. — During the reign of 
Augustus the number of provinces was increased by taking in 
the outlying territory south of the Ehine and the Danube. The 
new frontier provinces were Ehsetia, Nor'icum, Pannonia, and 
Moesia. The provinces were not only increased in number, but 
were thorouglily reorganized. They were first divided into two 
groups, — the senatorial, or those which remained under the 
control of the senate; and the imperial, or those which passed 
under the control of the emperor. The latter were generally on 
the frontiers, and required the presence of an army and a mili- 
tary governor. The governors of the imperial provinces were 
lieutenants (Jega'ti) of the emperor. Appointed by him, and 
strictly responsible to him, they were no longer permitted to 
prey upon their subjects, but were obliged to rule in the name 
of the emperor, and for the welfare of the people. The sena- 
torial provinces, on the other hand, were still under the con- 
trol of proconsuls and proprietors appointed by the senate. But 
the condition of these provinces was also greatly improved. 
The establishment of the new government thus proved to be a 
great benefit to the provincials. Their property became more 
secure, their commerce revived, their cities became prosperous, 
and their lives were made more tolerable. 

The Finances of the Empire. — With the division of the 
provinces, the administration of the finances was also divided 
between the senate and the em])eror. The revenues of the 
senatorial provinces went into the treasury of the senate, or 
the cerariiiin ; while those of the imperial provinces passed into 



THE EMPIRE UNDER AUGUSTUS 413 

the treasury of the emperor, or the fiscus. The okl wretched 
system of farming the revemies, which had disgraced the re- 
public and impoverished the provincials, was reformed. The 
collection of the taxes in the senatorial as well as the imperial 
provinces was placed in the charge of imperial officers. It was 
not long before the cities themselves were allowed to raise by 
their own officers the taxes due to the Koman government. Au- 
gustus also laid the foundation of a sound financial system by 
making careful estimates of the revenues and expenditures of 
the state; and by raising and expending the public money in 
the most economical and least burdensome manner. 

The Frontiers of the Empire. — By the wars of Augustus, 
the boundaries of the empire were extended, generally speak- 
ing, to the liliino and the Danuljc on the north, to the Atlantic 
Ocean on the west, to the desert of Africa on the south, and 
nearly to the Euphrates on the oast. The only two great fron- 
tier nations which threatened to disturb the peace of Eome 
were the Partliians on the east and the Germans on the north. 
The Parthians still retained the standards lost by Crassus; but 
Augustus by his skillful diplomacy was able to recover them 
without a battle. He abandoned, however, all design of con- 
quering that Eastern people. But his eyes looked longingly to 
the country of the Germans. He invaded their territory; and 
after a tem])orary success his general, Varus, was slain and 
three Eoman legions were utterly destroyed by the great Ger- 
man chieftain, Arminius, in the Teutoburg forest (9 A. D.). 
The attempt to conquer Germany thus proved a failure. The 
frontiers remained for many years where they were fixed by 
Augustus; and he advised his successors to govern well the ter- 
ritory which he left to them rather than to increase its limits. 

IIT. The Age of Augustus 

The Advisers of Augustus. — The remarkable prosperity 
that attended the reign of Augustus has caused this age to be 



414 



THE ROMAN WORLD 



called by his name. Tlie glory of this period is largely due 
to the wise policy of Augustus himself; but in his work he 
was greatly assisted by two men whose names are closely linked 
to his own. These men were Agrippa and Msce'nas. 

Agrippa had been from boyhood one of the most intimate 
friends of Augustus, and during the trying times of the later 
republic had constantly aided him l)y his counsel and his sword. 
The victories of Augustus before and after he came to power 

were largely due to this 
able general. By his ar- 
tistic ability Agrippa also 
contributed much to the 
architectural splendor of 
Rome. 

The man who shared 
with Agrippa the favor 
and confidence of Augus- 
tus was Maecenas, a wise 
statesman and patron of 
literature. It was by 
the advice of Maecenas 
that many of the impor- 
tant reforms of Augustus 
were adopted and carried 
out. But the greatest 
honor is due to Mscenas 
for encouraging those men whose writings made this period 
one of the " golden ages " of the world's literature. It was 
chiefly the encouragement given to architecture and literature 
which uiade the reign of Augustus an epoch in civilization. 

Encouragement to Architecture. — It is said that Augustus 
boasted tbat he " found l^ome of brick and left it of marble." 
He restored many of the temples and other buildings which 
had either fallen into decay or been destroyed during the riots 
of the civil war. On the Palatine hill he began the construc- 




M.^CENAS 



THE EMPIRE UNDER AUGUSTUS 



415 



tion of the great imperial palace, which became the magnif- 
icent home of the Caesars. He built a new temple of Vesta, 
where the sacred fire of the city was kept burning. He erected 
a new temple to Apollo, to which was attached a library of 
Greek and Latin authors; also temples to Jupiter Tonans and 
to the divine Julius. One of the noblest and most useful 




The Pantheon (Restoration) 



of the public works of the emperor was the new Forum of 
Augustus, near the old Eoman Forum and the Forum of Julius. 
In this new forum was erected the temple of Mars the Aven- 
ger (Mars Ultor), which Augustus built to commemorate the 
war by which he had avenged the death of Cgesar. We must 
not forget to notice the massive Pantheon, the temple of all 
the gods, which is to-day the best preserved monument of the 
Augustan period. This was built by Agrippa, in the early part 
of Augustus's reign (27 b. c), but was altered to the form 
shown above by the emperor Ha'drian (second century a. d.). 
Patronage of Literature. — But more splendid and enduring 
than these temples of marl^le were the works of literature which 
this age produced. At this time was written Vergil's " /Eneid," 



416 



THE ROMAN WOELD 



which is one of the greatest epic poems of the world. It was 
then that the " Odes " of Horace were composed, tlie grace 
and rliythm of which are unsurpassed. Then, too, were writ- 
ten the elegies of Tibul'lus, Proper'tius, and Ov'id. Greatest 
among the prose writers of this time was Livy, whose " pic- 
tured pages " tell of the miraculous origin of Home, and her 
great achievements in war and in peace. During this time also 
flourished certain Greek writers whose works are famous. 
Dionysius of Halicarnassus wrote a book on the antiquities of 
Eome, and tried to reconcile his countrymen to the Koman 
sway. Strabo, the geographer, described the subject lands of 
Ivome in the Augustan age. The whole literature of this period 
was inspired with a growing spirit of patriotism and an appre- 
ciation of Kome as the great ruler of the world. 

Religious and Social Reforms. — Witli his encouragement of 
art and literature Augustus also tried to improve the religious 
and moral condition of the people. The old religion was fall- 
ing into decay. With the restoration of the old temples, he 

hoped to bring the people 
back to the worship of the 
ancient gods. The worship 
of Juno, which had been 
neglected, was restored, and 
assigned to the care of his 
wife, Livia, as the represent- 
ative of the matrons of 
Kome. Augustus tried to 
])urify the Roman religion 
by discouraging the intro- 
duction of the foreign dei- 
ties whose worship was cor- 
rupt. He believed that even 
a great Roman had better be 
worshiped than the degenerate gods and goddesses of Syria 
and Egypt ; and so the divine Julius was added to the number 




A 



Livia, Wife of Augustus 



THE EMPIRE UNDER AUGUSTUS 417 

of the Roman gods. He did not favor the Jewish religion; 
and Christianity had not yet been preached at Rome. 

With the attempt to restore the old Roman religion, he also 
wished to revive the old morality and simple life of the past. 
He himself disdained luxurious living and foreign fashions. 
He tried to improve the lax customs which prevailed in respect 
to marriage and divorce, and to restrain the vices which were 
destroying the population of Rome. But it is difficult to say 
whether these laudable attempts of Augustus produced any 
real results upon either the religious or the moral life of the 
Roman people. 

Death and Character of Augustus. — Augustus lived to the 
age of seventy-five ; and his reign covered a period of forty-five 
years. During this time he had been performing " the difficult 
part of ruling without appearing to rule, of being at once the 
autocrat of the civilized world and the first citizen of a free 
commonwealth." His last words are said to have been, " Have 
I not played my part well ? " But it is not necessary for us to 
suppose that Augustus was a mere actor. The part which he 
had to perform in restoring peace to the world was a great and 
difficult task. In the midst of conflicting views which had 
distracted the republic for a century, he was called ujion to per- 
form a work of reconciliation. And it is doubtful whether any 
political leader ever performed such a work with greater suc- 
cess. When he became the supreme ruler of Rome he was fully 
equal to the place, and brought order out of confusion. He 
was content with the substance of power and indifferent to its 
form. Not so great as Julius Caesar, he was yet more success- 
ful. He was one of the greatest examples of what we may call 
the " conservative reformer," a man who accomplishes the work 
of regeneration without destroying existing institutions. 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. The New Imperial Government. — The Policy of Aug-ustus. — 
Titles and Powers of Augustus.— Augustus and the Senate. — 



PKOOTtTTlSSTVK; lM^Yr» ISTo. 17. 




418 



DEVELOPMENT OF THE EARLY EMPIEE 419 

The Assemblies of the People. — The Kepiiblican Magistrates. — 
The Imperial Army. 

II. The Imperial Administration. — The Administration of 
Eome. — The Administration of Italy. — The Administration of the 
Provinces. — The Finances of the Empire. — The Frontiers of the 
Empire. 

III. The Age of Augustus. — The Advisers of Aiignstns. — En- 
couragement to Architecture. — Patronage of Literature. — Re- 
ligious and Social Reforms. — Death and Character of Augustus. 

REFERENCES FOR READING 

Capes, Early Empire, Ch. 1, "Augustus" (IS).* 

Pelham, Bk. V., Ch. 2, "Foundation of the Principate" (18). 

Bury, Roman Empire, Ch. 2, "The Principate"; Chs. 6, 7, "Provin- 
cial Administration"; Ch. 10, "Rome under Augustus; His 
Buildings"; Ch. 11, "Literature of the Augustan Age" (18). 

Taylor, Ch. 18, "The Princeps and the Government" (22). 

Abbott, Ch. 12, "The Establishment of the Empire" (22). 

Merivale, General Historj', Ch. 51, "The Government as Organized 
by Augustus" (IS). 

Empire, Vol. III., Ch. 31, "The Imperial Authority"; Ch. 32, 

"The Imperial Administration"; Vol. IV., Ch. 34, "Organiza- 
tion of the I'rovinces by Augustus" (18). 

Lanciani, Ruins, pp. 138-144, 302-307 (Augustus as a builder) (20). 

Greenidge, Public Life, Ch. 10, "The Principate"; Ch. 11, "Italy 
and the Provinces under the Empire"; j)p. 440-444 (the wor- 
ship of the emperor) (22). 

Schuckburgh, Augustus, pp. 265-293 (character of Augustus) 
(27). 

Translations and Reprints, Vol. IV., No. 1, "Monumentum Ancy- 
ranum" (Deeds of Augustus) (25). 



CHAPTER XXIX 

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE EARLY EMPIRE 

T. The Julian Emperors (14-69 a. d.) 

Tiberius and Caligfula. — We shall now see that the imperial 
system established by Augustus was put to a severe test by the 
character of the men who immediately followed him. These 

^The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the 
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. 



420 



THE ROMAN WORLD 



rulers were related to the family of Julius and Augustus; but 
they had neither the great ability of Julius nor the adroit 
skill of Augustus. Of the first two of these emperors — Ti- 
berius and Calig'ula — the one is usually characterized as a 
tyrant, and the other as a maniac. 

Tiberius (14-37 a. d.) was the adopted stepson of Augustus. 
He was an able general, and had had consideral)le experience 
as an administrator. But in his personal character he pre- 
sented a striking contrast to his 
predecessor. Instead of being gen- 
erous and conciliatory like Au- 
gustus, he was sour and suspicious, 
and often severe and cruel in his 
treatment of others. He was, on 
this account, a very unpopular 
ruler. Even at his accession, the 
lioman legions on the Ehine and 
Danube were not disposed to ac- 
cept his authority. But under the 
loyal generals — especially German'- 
icus, the nephew of Tiberius — they 
became reconciled and made suc- 
cessful campaigns against the 
frontier nations. It is true that Tiberius tried to follow in 
general the policy of Augustus; but surrounded, as he was, 
by those whom he could not trust, he sought to strengthen 
his position by severe and tyrannical methods. His admin- 
istration was at first vigorous, and the people prospered. He 
maintained the frontier, and managed the finances with skill 
and economy ; and he also protected the provinces from the 
rapacity of the governors. But his life at Rome was embit- 
tered by court jealousies and intrigues. He retired at last 
to the island of Capri in the bay of Naples, leaving the con- 
trol of affairs to his favorite adviser Seja'nus, the commander 
of the praetorian guards, Sejanus proved to be a more cruel 



I 




Tiberius 



DEVELOPMENT OF THE EARLY EMPIRE 



421 



and unscrupulous despot than Tiberius; and the last part 
of this reign was to a large extent filled with his wickedness 
and crimes. 

Tiberius made no provision for a successor. The senate, 
therefore, chose as emperor a young favorite of the army, Gaius 
Cffisar, the son of the famous general Germanicus, who was 
a descendant of Augustus. Gaius 
(37-41 A. r>.) is usually known as 
Caligula (" Little Boots"), a nick- 
name given to him, when a boy, by 
the soldiers. After a brief period, 
in which he showed his respect for 
the senate and the people, his 
mind, already diseased, gave way; 
and he indulged in all the wild 
freaks of an insane person. Many 
strange stories are told of this de- 
lirious young man, which should 
perhaps excite our pity quite as 
much as our condemnation. His 
brief reign of four years has little political significance, except 
as showing that the empire could endure even with a mad 
prince on the throne. 

Claudius and Nero. — Of the two remaining princes of the 
Julian line — Claudius and Nero — one is generally known as a 
moral weakling, and the other as a moral monster. Claudius 
(41-54 A. D.) was the brother of Germanicus, and was pro- 
claimed by the soldiers. Although the senate did not consider 
him as a fit person to rule, still the choice of the soldiers was 
ratified. The Eoman nobles were disgusted with the new em- 
peror, because he received the advice of freedraen and provin- 
cials. But as a matter of fact these freedmen were often edu- 
cated Greeks, and proved to be wise counselors and skilled 
administrators. Although Claudius was personally a weak 
and timid man, he held before him the example of Augustus. 




422 



THE ROTkfAN WOPvLD 




C^LAUDIUS 



He maintained the purity of the senate. He extended the 
franchise to ontlvino- eommnnities. He abandoned the tyran- 
nical methods of Tiberius. 
He constructed many public 
works whicli benefited tlie peo- 
ple; and he looked after the 
interests of the provinces. We 
may look upon Claudius per- 
sonally as a weakling; but his 
reign was marked by prudence 
and a wise regard for the in- 
terests of his subjects. 

(Jlaudius was followed by a 
ruler whose career proved to 
l)e as disgraceful as that of 
Caligula, and far more crimi- 
nal. This ruler was Nero (.■)4-G8). a grandson of Germanicus. 
He was proclaimed by the soldiers and accepted by the senate. 
The early part of the reign was full of hope and promise. 
During this time he was under the 
influence of the wise philosopher 
Sen'eca, and the able commander 
of the prsetorian guards, Burrhus. 
After five years of beneficent rule 
(the quinquennium Neronis) the 
young prince threw aside his 
counselors, and abandoned himself 
not to a diseased mind, like Calig- 
ula, but to his own depraved na- 
ture. Then followed a career of 
wickedness, debauchery, extortion, 
and atrocious cruelty which it 
is not necessary to describe, but 
which has rendered tlie name of tliis prince a synonym of all 
that is vicious in human nature and despicable in a ruler. 




Nero 



DEVELOPMENT OF THE EARLY EMPIRE 423 

The Emperor and the Empire. — If we woiild get a correct 
idea of the Eoiiian world under the Julian line, we must dis- 
tinguish between the character of the emperors and the condi- 
tion of the empire. Wlien we consider the severe and tyran- 
nical methods of Tiberius, the wild vagaries of Caligula, the 
weakness and timidity of Claudius, and the cruelty and wicked- 
ness of Kero, we can find little to admire in the personal 
character of these princes. But when we turn from the princes 
themselves to the world over which they professed to rule, we 
find that the empire itself was little aifected by their pecul- 
iarities. While the palace and the capital may have presented 
scenes of intrigue and bloodshed, the world in general was 
peaceful and prosperous. This condition of things was no 
doubt due to the thoroughness of the work done by the great 
founders of the empire, Julius and Augustus. The imperial 
system, which had for its purpose the welfare of the people, 
was not overthrown. The empire prospered in spite of the 
emperors. But it should be said that when the emperors or 
their advisers seriously considered the needs of the empire at 
all, they generally followed the policy of Augustus ; and when 
they were oblivious of these needs, the world moved peacefully 
on without their aid. 

Monarchical Tendencies. — So far as there were any actual 
changes made in the government, they tended to strengthen 
the monarchical power. Such changes were made chiefly by 
Tiberius. In the first place, this emperor took away from the 
assemblies the power of electing the magistrates, and trans- 
ferred this power to the senate; so that the people could now 
neither make their own laws nor choose their own officers. In 
the next place, Tiberius changed the existing law of treason 
(lex maiestatis) , so that it applied not only to offenses against 
the state, but to offenses against the emperor himself; and to 
carry out this law he instituted a class of informers or detect- 
ives (delatores) to spy out the enemies of the prince. More- 
over, to give a stronger military support to his authority, Ti- 



424 THE ROMAN WOELD 

berius gathered together into a single camp near Rome the 
prastorian guard, which had hitherto been scattered over Italy. 
Finally, there was growing up during the Julian period an 
imperial council, made up of persons selected by the emperor, 
whom he could consult in preference to the senate. These 
changes were intended to strengthen the power of the prince, 
and to weaken the powers of the senate and the people. It 
should be noticed, however, in this connection, that the law 
of high treason and the practice of " delation," established by 
Tiberius, were discouraged especially by Claudius, and also 
by the other emperors during the sane periods of their 
administration. 

Condition of the Provinces. — Although we must see a great 
deal in the early imperial system of which we in our day do 
not approve, still the establishment of the empire was a great 
benefit to the Eoman provinces. The provincials, speaking 
generally, suffered no longer from the oppression and extor- 
tion which existed under the old republic. They were no 
longer plundered to support an avaricious class of nobles at 
Eome. Even Tiberius, who was tyrannical in many respects, 
was especially anxious concerning the welfare of the provinces. 
Claudius, also, was generous in extending tlie rights of citi- 
zenship. It is true that the public or political right involved in 
the civitas had now no special importance; but it is also true 
that the private or civil rights were still a valual)le possession 
for Roman subjects. During this time, also, the provinces 
were extended (by the emperor Claudius) so as to include 
Thrace, Lycia in Asia Minor, IMauretania in Africa, and the 
southern part of Britain. 

Public Works. — The encouragement given to public works 
by Augustus was continued by his successors, especially by 
Claudius. This emperor constructed the Claudian aqueduct, 
which brought water to the city of Rome from a distance of 
forty-five miles. He also built a new harbor — the Partus 
Romanus — at the mouth of the Tiber near Ostia. To improve 



DEVELOPMENT OF THE EARLY EMPJUK 425 

the agriculture of certain districts in central Italy he con- 
structed a great tunnel to drain the Fucine lake — a work 
which required the labor of thirty thousand men for eleven 
years. During the reign of Nero, a great fire occurred at 
Eome, which consumed a large part of the city. This resulted 




EUINS OF THE ClAUDIAN AQUEDUCT 

in the rebuilding of the city on a more magnificent scale, with 
wider streets and more splendid edifices. 

The Christians at Rome. — The burning of Eome was 
charged by Nero upon the Christians, in order, as Tacitus 
says, to remove the burden of suspicion from himself. This 
is the first time that the Christians are noticed by the Roman 
historians. The new religion had appeared in Judea al)out 
half a century before this time, and had made rapid progress 
in the eastern provinces. As the Romans were generally toler- 
ant of all religions, there was at first no opposition to the 
spread of Christianity. There was now a large community 
of Christians at Rome, made up of converted Jews and other 
persons from the lower classes. They were despised by tlie 
upper classes; and the fire at Rome furnished the occasion of 
the first persecution. The innocent disciples of the new re- 



■420 



THIC ROMAN WORT.D 



ligion were subjected by Nero to the most revolting tortures — 
wliieli alone should make the name of this emj^eror execrated 
by the human race. 



II. The Flavian Emperors (69-96 a. d.) 

The Disputed Succession. — With the death of Nero the 
Julian lino, which traced its descent from Julius and Augus- 
tus, became extinct. We may now discover one great defect of 
the imperial system — that is, the lack of any definite law of 
succession. In theory, the selection of a new emperor rested 

with the senate, with which 
he was supposed to share his 
power. But, in fact, it de- 
pended upon the army, upon 
which his power rested for sup- 
port. Since the time of Tibe- 
rius, the choice of the prince 
had been assumed by the praeto- 
rian guards. But now the pro- 
vincial armies also claimed the 
„ . ,^^^ right to name the emperor's 

y ' ^m, , Ai%i^ successor; so that it seemed 

evident, as Tacitus says, "that 
a prince could be made else- 
where than at Rome." But it 
was not so clear which of the armies had the greatest right 
to make this choice. Hence we find different claimants 
for the throne — Galba supported by the Spanish soldiers, and 
soon afterwards Otho, supported by the praetorian guards, 
Vitellius by the troops on the Rhine, and Vespa'sian by the 
army in Syria. These disputed claims led to a war of suc- 
cession, which lasted about a year- — the first civil war which 
had occurred within a century, or since the battle of Actium. 
After the other claimants had ruled in succession for brief 




Galba 



DEVELOPMENT OF THE EARLY EMPIRE 



427 



terms, Vespasian was finally victorious and made his position 
secure. 

Vespasian and Titus. — With Vespasian (Flavins Vespasi- 
anus; 69-79 a. d.) began a new line of emperors, known as 
the Flavian line; this consisted of Vespasian himself and his 
two sons, Titus and Domitian (do-mish'i-an) . The rule of 
Vespasian and that o.f his older son Titus were so nearly alike 
and were so closely related to each other as to form almost 
one continuous reign. Vespasian did not belong to any of the 
old Roman families, but was born in one of the outlying towns 
of Italy, and might be called a man of the people. He proved 
to be an able, upright, and effi- 
cient prince, and his judicious 
rule brought in a new era of 
prosperity for the empire. He re- 
stored Rome from tlie disorder re- 
sulting from the recent civil war. 
By his economy he rescued the 
treasury from the bankrupt con- 
dition into which it had been 
plunged by his predecessors. He 
constructed new buildings for the 
capital, the most important of 
which was the great Colosseum, 
or Flavian Amphitheater. He appointed good governors for 
the provinces, and extended the Latin right to the people of 
Spain. The only important disturbances during his rule were 
the revolt of Civi'lis, the governor of Gaul, which was speedily 
put down, and an unfortunate rebellion of the Jews, which 
resulted in the destruction of Jerusalem. 

Titus (79-81 A. D.) had already been associated with Ves- 
pasian in the government, so that the change to the new reign 
was scarcely noticeable. The new prince ruled but a short 
time. But during this brief period he followed the benevolent 
policy of his father, and won from the people the title of " the 




Vespasian 



MOREY S ANCIEXT HIST. 



428 



THE ROMAN WORLD 




Titus 



Delight of Mankind." The story is told of him that one eve- 
ning he recalled the fact that he had granted no favor to any 

one since the morning, and in 
regret exclaimed to his friends, 
"•' I have lost a day." But the 
short reign of Titus, delightful 
as it was, was marked hy two 
great calamities. One was a 
very destructive fire which 
swept over the city; and the 
other was a terrible eruption" 
of Mt. Vesuvius, which de- 
stroyed the cities of Pompe'i| 
and Hercula'neum. 

The Tyranny of Domitian. — 
The happy period begun by 
Vespasian and Titus "w;as interrupted by the excejjtional tyr- 
anny of Domitian (87-96 a. c). The reign of this prince 
stands out by itself as a dark 
blot upon an era of general hap- 
piness and prosperity. Instead 
of following in the footsteps of 
his father and elder brother, he 
seems to have taken for his mod- 
els Tiberius and Nero. Morose 
and severe by nature, he became 
cruel and tyrannical. He re- 
vived the almost obsolete law of 
Tiberius regarding treason, re- 
stored the wretched practice of 
delation, and resorted to extor- 
tions and confiscations. He per- 
secuted the Jews and the Chris- 
tians. Like Tiberius, he was suspicious of those about him and 
lived in perpetual fear of assassination. His fears were finally 




DEVELOP^fENT OF THE EARLY EMPIRE 439 

realized, and he was murdered by a freedman of the palace. 
The most important event of his reign was the extension of the 
Eoman power in Britain under the able governor and general 
Agric'ola — which event paved the way for the advance of civ- 
ilization in that province. 

Classes of Roman Society. — If we now look at the condition 
of society under the Flavian emperors, we shall notice that 
certain changes had taken place since the time of the republic. 
The general tendency of the imperial system was to create a 
greater degree of equality among the various classes. The 
wide distinctions which existed under the republic were break- 
ing down, and the social grades were merging together. This 
will appear by considering the different classes of the Eoman 
people : 

(1) At the top of the social scale were the emperor and the 
imperial household. Although the position of the emperor 
was becoming more and more exalted, it was also becoming 
recognized that the position could be held by a man of humble 
origin, as in the case of Vespasian. Nearest the emperor were 
the so-called " friends of Csesar," who made up his household 
and the coterie of his selected guests. These persons were 
chosen from all classes and were often freedmen and provin- 
cials, whose honored position depended solely upon the favor 
of the prince. 

(2) Next were the aristocratic classes, who still formed a 
sort of nobility — the senators and equites. But the senatorial 
order was not now restricted, as formerly, to certain favored 
Roman families. On the conwar^the senators were selected 
by the emperor on account of their wealth, ability, or influ- 
ence, and were chosen from persons from every part of the 
empire — Eome, Italy, and the provinces. The equestrian or- 
der, also, was becoming less and less an exclusive body, and 
admission to it was a gift of the prince. Ifhad no important 
political privileges, although it came to he customary for the 
emperor to select his officials from its members. 



430 THE ROMAN WORLD 

(3) The great body of the conmion people consisted of the 
professional classes, the lawyers, teachers, writers, physicians; 
the commercial classes, the merchants, bankers, traders; the 
artisan classes, the smiths, weavers, fullers, bakers, etc. ; and 
the agricultural classes, the farmers and free laborers. So 
far as their strictly civil rights were concerned — that is, the 
rights of person, of property, of inheritance, of contract, and 
of suing in a court of justice — all these people were on a plane 
of practical equality with the upper classes. 

(4) The slaves were, of course, at the bottom of the social 
scale, and were deprived of civil rights. But their condition 
was better than in the time of the republic. They were treated 
with more respect; their lives were protected; and there were 
increased facilities for manumission. 

Domestic Life; Houses, Food, Dress. — To obtain a general 
idea of the life of the Roman people under the empire, we 
may first look at the Eoman citizen in his own home, where he 
ruled as the head of his household. The Romans were now 
beginning to look upon the family more as a legal than as a 
religious institution. The formal ceremonies which in ancient 
times had usually accompanied marriage were often dispensed 
with; and the relation between husband and wife was looked 
upon as a mere civil contract, which might be entered into 
and broken by mutual consent. Divorces became common, 
and the general morals of society were corrupted. The home, 
especially in the city, did not present the simple domestic life 
of the ancients, but was affected by the general passion for 
luxury and fondness for dj^lay! This is seen in the structure 
of the houses, the preparation of the food, and even in the 
character of the dress. 

(1) The Roman houses were no longer the simple structures 
of the early republic, but were modolod after the most elab- 
orate houses of the later Greeks, wliicli liad begun to show the 
effect of an Oriental taste. Tlie excavations among the ruins 
of Pompeii have given us much knowledge of this domestic 



DEVELOPMENT OP THE EARLY EMPIRE 



431 



architecture. The principal room was the large reception 
room (atrium), entered from the street by a vestibule; it was 
supported by marble columns, and paved with mosaic; it was 
lavishly decorated with ivory, gold, and precious stones, and 
adorned with statues of bronze and marble. On either side 
of the atrium were the library and the picture gallery, besides 
rooms for conversation. Leading to the rear was the peristyle, 




Roman House, showing the Atrium in the Fokeukuund 

or open court, containing a garden and fountain, and sur- 
rounded by rows of columns. Beyond the peristyle were the 
dining room, the dormitories, the bathrooms, the kitchen, 
and the larder. The furniture was elaborate and expensive — 
carved tables and chairs of valuable woods, besides cabinets 
in which silver vessels were displayed. 

(2) In the elaborate preparation of their food and in their 
costly banquets the Romans showed great fondness for display. 
Not satisfied with the simple meals of tlieir ancestors, they 
vied with one another in obtaining the rarest delicacies from 



432 THE ROMAN WORLD 

Italy and other parts of the world. Fortunes were spent upon 
single feasts ; and gluttony was reduced to what was supposed 
to be a fine art. 

(3) In very ancient times the Romans wore but a single 
garment, the tunic, made of wool. Afterward, the men 
adopted the toga, a loose garment thrown in ample folds 
about the person; and the women began to wear the stola, pat- 
terned after the Greek robe, together with the pciUa, or shawl, 
large enough to cover the whole figure. During the later re- 
public and under the empire, the dress of the Romans became 
more expensive, being made of the richer materials of linen 
and silk imported from the East, and more elaborately 
trimmed ; and a growing taste for expensive jewelry and other 
personal ornaments was developed among the Roman women. 

Social Life and Amusements. — The social enjoyment of the 
Romans was in some respects like that of the Greeks, being 
found chiefly outside of the home. The Forum was to Rome 
what the Agora was to Athens, a center of public and social 
life. But the ordinary Roman had not tbe Greek taste for 
intellectual companionship ; he rather sought his chief recre- 
ation in the baths and in the crowds of the circus, the theater, 
and the amphitheater. 

(1) In their baths the Romans of the empire showed their 
growing appreciation of the luxuries of life. The private 
baths of the dwelling house no longer satisfied their needs. 
Public baths {ilierma) on an enormous scale were built by 
the emperors. These contained a large number of rooms, sup- 
ported by columns of granite or marble, paved with mosaic, 
and adorned with works of art. They included not only bath- 
ing rooms, but gymnasia for exercising, gardens for lounging, 
galleries of statues and paintings, libraries for reading, and 
halls for conversation. The baths became centers of social 
life, where the rich and the poor, the emperor and the slave, 
met together — showing the democratic spirit of the life under 
the empire. 



DEVELOPMENT OF THE EARLY EMPIEE 



433 



(3) The circus afforded a greater attraction for the people 
in general. The most important circus of Eome was the 
Circus Maximus. It was an inclosure about two thousand feet 
long and six hundred feet wide. Within it were arranged 
seats for different classes of citizens, a separate box being 
reserved for the imperial family. The games consisted chiefly 




Ruins of the Flavian Amphitheater 

of chariot races. The excitement was due to the reckless driv- 
ing of the charioteers, each striving to win by upsetting his 
competitors. There were also athletic sports; running, leap- 
ing, boxing, wrestling, throwing the quoit, and hurling the 
javelin. Sometimes sham battles and sea fights took place. 

(3) The Eomans were not very much addicted to the thea- 
ter, there being only three principal structures of this kind at 
Eome, those of Pompey, Marcellus, and Balbus (pp. 468, 469). 
The theater was derived from the Greeks and was built in the 
form of a semicircle, the seats being apportioned, as in the 
case of the circus, to different classes of persons. The shows 
consisted largely of dramatic exhibitions, of mimes, panto- 
mimes, and dancing. 

(4) The most popular and characteristic amusements of 
the Eomans were the sports of the amphitheater. This build- 



434 THE ROMAN WORLD 

ing was in the form of a double theater, forming an entire 
circle or ellipse. Such structures were built in different cities 
of the empire, but none equaled the colossal building of Ves- 
pasian, known as the Colosseum. The sports of the amphi- 
theater' were chiefly gladiatorial shows and the combats of 
wild beasts. The amusements of the Eomans were largely 
sensational, and appealed to the tastes of the populace. Their 
influence was almost always bad, and tended to degrade the 
morals of the people. 

Life in the Towns; Pompeii and the Graffiti. — When we 
attempt to get an idea of the life in the various towns scat- 
tered over the empire, we find it difficult on account of the few 
references made to this life by the ancient writers. We may 
say in general, however, that the cities of the eastern provinces 
remained to a great extent under the Grteco-Oriental influ- 
ence which followed the conquest of Alexander: while the cities 
of the western provinces became more thoroughly Eomanized. 
These western towns may, therefore, be regarded as reflections 
in miniature of the capital city on the Tiber. 

The uncovered ruins of Pompeii enable us to judge some- 
what of the life in a Eoman town. Here we find the remains 
of a city of small dimensions, of narrow streets, of houses of 
moderate size, but containing many features which we see in 
Rome itself — forums, theater, temples, as well as a basilica 
and an amphitheater. These monuments indicate a life quite 
similar to that of the metropolis. In some of the houses — 
like the " House of Pansa " — we see the same taste for luxury, 
as is evident in the mosaic work, paintings, and other works 
of art. We also find some remarkable evidences of the ordi- 
nary life of the townsmen in the graffiti, or writings left upon 
the walls of buildings, some of which hardly rise above the 
dignity of rude scribblings. These are most numerous upon 
the buildings in those places most frequented bv the crowd. 
There are advertisements of public shows, memoranda of sales, 
cookery receipts, personal lampoons, sentimental love effu- 



DEVELOPMENT OF THE EARLY EMPIRE 435 

sions, and hundreds of similar records of the ordinary life 
and thoughts of this ancient people. 

Provincial Life, Travel, and Correspondence. — The general 
features that we see in Pompeii were no doubt repeated in the 
various towns throughout the provinces, especially in the West. 
There Avas evidently the same tendency in the cities of Gaul, 
Spain, and Africa to imitate the culture of the central city, 
to adopt the Roman language, art, and manners. But there 
were certain special features of provincial life which are 
worthy of notice. 

With the overthrow of the old system of official despotism 
that prevailed under the republic, there was a growing inter- 
est in public affairs on the part of the people. Each town 
vied with other towns in the improvement of the public works. 
The growing public spirit is shown in the buildings erected 
not only by the town itself, but by the generous contributions 
of wealthy private citizens. 

The relations between the people of the provinces were also 
becoming closer by the improvement in the means of com- 
munication. The empire became covered with a netwdrk of 
roads, which were now used not merely for the transportation 
of armies, but for purposes of travel and correspondence. 
The Appian Way, originally l)uilt by Appius Claudius (p. 
312), was reconstructed during this period, and was the model 
for the other highways of the empire. The Romans traveled 
for business and for pleasure; and by some persons traveling 
by land or by sea was regarded as a part of one's education. 
It was a mark of culture to have spent some time in Greece, 
Asia Minor, or Egj'pt. Many of the Roman highways were 
used as post-roads, over which letters might be sent by means 
of private runners or by government couriers. Foot-runners 
were accustomed to make a distance of twenty-five miles a 
day; while a mounted courier, with his relay of horses, might 
cover a hundred miles in the same time. The postal system 
of Rome, although hardly to be compared with that of 



436 THE ROMAN WORLD 

modern times, afforded a useful means for the transmission of 
official dispatches and for the correspondence between private 
persons. 

Industry and Commerce. — The industrial life of Eome still 
suffered from the introduction of slave labor which followed 
the great wars of conquest during the republican period. 
Practically all the agricultural and manufacturing labor was 
performed by slaves. This led to the degradation of these 
forms of industry. Hence Italy ceased to produce the com- 
modities that she needed ; and this in turn led to tlie necessity 
of importing from the provinces a large part of the grains 
and manufactured ^Jroducts necessary for consumption. Com- 
merce, therefore, continued to be the most important industry 
during the imperial period. The mercantile pursuits — those 
of the merchant, the importer, the banker, the capitalist — 
were the most honored occupations. Eome carried on an ex- 
tensive commerce with all parts of the world. From Spain 
she imported lumber, wool, linen, and silver ore ; from Africa 
and Egypt, grains and fruit; from Greece, wines. From the 
seaboard of the eastern Mediterranean she received the lux- 
uries of the Orient — the perfumes of Arabia, the spices, ivory, 
and precious stones of India, and the silks of China. There 
were three great commercial routes from the Far East — the 
first by way of the Indian Ocean and the Red Sea to Alex- 
andria ; tlie second by way of the Persian Gulf, the Euphrates 
River, and the Syrian desert to Antioch; and the third by way 
of the Caspian Sea, the Volga, and the Don to Olbia on the 
Black Sea (map. p. 439). 

III. The Five Good Emperors (96-180 a. d.) 

Nerva, Trajan, and Hadrian. — With the death of Domitian 
the empire came liack into the hands of wise and beneficent 
rulers. The period of prosperity wliich began with Vespasian, 
was now continued for nearly a century. These rulers are 



DEVELOPMENT OF THE EAKLY EMPIRE 



437 



known as " the fivQ good emperors " ; and when we consider 
their uprightness of character, their political ability, and their 
uniform regard for the welfare of their subjects, we prob- 
ably cannot find in the history of the world a like series of 
sovereigns, ruling with equal success for the same length of 
time. The first of these rulers was Nerva (9G-98 a. d.), 
whose mildness and tolerance contrasted strongly with the 
severe qualities of Domitian. Nerva was chosen neither 
by the praetorians nor by the legions, but by the senate — 
which fact indicates that the 
empire was returning to the 
normal political system estab- 
lished by Augustus. Within 
his brief reign, he could do lit- 
tle except to remedy the wrongs 
of his predecessor. He forbade 
the prosecutions for high trea- 
son and the practice of dela- 
tion; he recalled the exiles of 
Domitian, and relieved the peo- 
ple of some oppressive taxes. 
In the words of Tacitus, " He 
blended things once irreconcil- 
able, princely power and liberty" (principatum ac lihcrta- 
iem). To prevent any disturbance at his death, he associated 
Trajan with himself in the government. 

Trajan (98-117 a. d.) has the great distinction of being the 
first emperor who was not a native either of Eome or of Italy. 
He was a Spaniard by birth; and this fact shows that the 
dividing line between Roman and provincial was becoming 
effaced. Trajan was one of the greatest of the Roman sover- 
eigns. He was a brave soldier, a wise statesman, and an able 
administrator. He had something of the conciliator}'^ spirit of 
Augustus, and preserved the forms of the repulilic, while main- 
taining the authority of the emperor. He restored to the 




Nekva 



TTiOGRESg 




ROMAX DOMTXIONS 

At the Death ofTnijaii 
A.l). 1 17 

Tilt' gitatcst cxlciit of tilt' Kiiipire 

SCALE OF MILES 
6 100 5uU MM lijo 5(l0 



438 



E ]MAr» No. 18. 




439 



A List of the Chief Roman Provinces 

WITH THE DATES OF THEIR ACQUISITION OR ORGANIZATION 



I. Etropean Provinces 
Western. 

Spain (B.C. 205-19). 
Gaul (B.C. 120-17). 
Britain (a.d. 43-84). 

Central. 
Rhaetia et Vindelicia (b.c. 15). 
Noricum (b.c. 15). 
Pannonia (a.d. 10). 

Eastern. 

Illyricum (b.c. 167-59). 
Macedonia (b.c. 146). 
Achaia (b.c. 146). 
Mcesia (b.c. 29). 
Thrace (a.d. 46). 
Dacia (a.d. 107). 

II. African Provinces 

Africa proper (b.c. 146). 
Cyrenaica and Crete (b.c. 74, 

63). 
Numidia (b.c. 46). 
Egypt (B.C. 30). 
Mauretania (a.d. 42). 



III. Asiatic Provinces 

1. In Asia Minor. 

Asia proper (b.c. 133). 
Bithynia ct Pontus (b.c. 

74, 65). 
Cilicia (b.c. 67). 
Galatia (b.c. 25). 
Pamphylia et Lycia (b.c. 25, 

A.D. 43). 
Cappadocia (a.d. 17). 

2. In Sonthwcstern Asia. 

Syria (b.c. 64). 
Judea (B.C. 63-a.d. 70). 
Arabia Petrsea (a.d. 105). 
Armenia (a.d. 114). 
Mesopotamia (a.d. 115). 
Assyria (a.d. 11-5). 

IV. Island Provinces 

Sicily (B.C. 241). 

Sardinia et Corsica (b.c. 238). 

Cyprus (b.c. 58). 



Total, 32. 



Note. — Many of these chief provinces were subdivided into smaller prov- 
inces, each under a separate governor — making the total number of provincial 
governors more than one hundred. For a complete list of the Roman prov- 
inces in A.D. 117, see Leighton, p. xxix. 



440 



DEVELOPMENT OF THE EARLY EMPIRE 



441 




Trajan 



people the right of electing the magistrates, which had been 
taken away by Tiberius. He respected the rights of the sen- 
ate, and gave to it liberty of 
speech. He was also a liberal pa- 
tron of literature and art. While 
Trajan followed in the main the 
policy of x\ugustus, he departed 
from tliis policy in one particular. 
He did not restrict the frontiers 
within the limits that Augustus 
had intended. Under him the 
Eomans became once more a con- 
quering people. This warlike em- 
peror pushed his conquests across 
the Danube and acquired the 
new province of Dacia. He also 
extended his arms into Asia, and 

as a result of a war with the Parthians brought into subjection 
Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Assyria. It was during the reign 
of Trajan that the Eoman empire 
reached its greatest extent. 

The next emperor, Hadrian (117- 
lo8 A. D.), was proclaimed by the 
])r8etorians. But Hadrian did not re- 
gard this as a constitutional act, and 
requested to be formally elected by 
the senate. In some respects he was 
similar to Trajan, with the same 
statesmanlike ability, and the same 
desire for the welfare of his subjects. 

i Jl But he differed from Trajan in 

Hadrian thinking that the greatness of Eome 

did not depend upon military glory. 

He therefore voluntarily gave up the extensive conquests which 

Trajan had made in the East, and once more made the Eu- 




442 



THE ROMAN WORLD 



phrates the frontier of the empire. In this regard he returned 
to the policy of Augustus, whicli was to improve the empire 
rather than to enhirge it. Hadrian showed, if possible, a 
stronger sympathy with the provinces than any of his prede- 
cessors. To become acquainted with their condition and to 
advance their interests, he spent a large part of his time in 
visiting them ; and he is hence sometimes called " the Trav- 
eler." Of his long reign of twenty-one years he spent nearly 
two thirds outside of Italy. He made his temporary residence 
in the chief cities of the empire — in York, Athens, Antioch, 
and Alexandria — where he was continually looking after the 
welfare of his people. Hadrian also looked well to the de- 
fenses of the empire, especially against the German tribes on 
the north. He not only established military garrisons along 
the line of frontier rivers, the Danube and the Ehine, but also 
is said to have erected a fortification connecting the head 
waters of these rivers. The most durable evidence of his de- 
fensive policy is seen in the ex- 
tensive wall built on the north- 
ern frontier of the province of 
Britain, the remains of which 
exist at the present day. 

Antoninus Pius and Marcus 
Aurelius. — The two emperors 
tliat foUowed Hadrian belonged 
to the family of the An'tonines, 
and were among the purest and 
most upright characters that we 
find in Roman history. Antoni'- 
nus Pius (138-101 A. D.) was 
a senator from the province of 
Gaul, whom Hadrian had recommended to the senate for 
election to the principate. As a man and a sovereign his life 
was inspired with the liighest moral^princii)lcs. As a private 
citizen he was simple and temperate in his habits; and as an 




Antoninus Pius 



DEVELOPMENT OF THE EARLY EMPIRE 



443 



emperor he was the same. His exalted character was reflected 
in his heneficent reign. Although not so great a statesman 
as Hadrian, he was yet more honored and beloved by his sub- 
jects. His reign of twenty-three years is usually known as 
the " uneventful reign," because there were no wars and 
calamities to mar the peaceful course of events. But while 
devoid of startling incidents, the reign of Antoninus was of 
great importance, because of the purifying influence which 
the emperor exercised upon law and legislation, and because 
it marked the beginning of the golden age of Roman juris- 
prudence. 

Marcus Aurelius (161-180 a. d.), who came to the throne 
at the death of Antoninus, was in his personal character one 
of the most remarkable men of 
antiquity. He was a philosopher 
as well as an emperor; and his 
" Meditations " — a book on the 
conduct of life — has been highly 
esteemed as a moral text-book by 
all subsequent generations. But 
with all his personal worth, his 
reign was a period of misfortunes. 
It was now that Eome was af- 
flicted with a deadly plague and 
famine, the most terrible in her 
history. In addition to this, the 
barbarians from the north — the 
Quadi and Marcomanni — were 
trying to break through the frontiers on the upper Ehine, and 
threatening to overrun the provinces. But the emperor met 
these dangers with courage and patience; and he died at his 
post of duty while resisting the enemies of Rome. The only 
blot upon the memory of this noble prince is the fact that he 
was led to persecute the Christians, whom he regarded as a 
turbulent sect and whom the people superstitiously believed 




w 

Mabcus Aurelius 



444 THE ROMAN WOELD 

were the cause of their calamities. Tliis act was thus a great 
mistake made by a conscientious man. 

The Culmination of the Empire. — The death of Marcus 
Aurelins closed the most prosperous period of Roman hivstory 
and the culmination of the empire. When one looks at the 
general condition of the Roman world it will not be difficult 
to see tliat the fall of the Roman republic and the establish- 
ment of the empire were not an evil, but a great benefit to the 
Roman people. In place of a century of civil wars and discord 
which closed the republic, we see more than two centuries of 
internal peace and tranquillity. Instead of an oppressive and 
avaricious treatment of the provincials, we see a treatment 
which is Avith few exceptions mild and generous. Instead of a 
government controlled by a proud and selfish oligarchy, we 
see a government controlled, generally speaking, by a wise and 
patriotic prince. From the accession of Augustus to the death 
of Marcus Aurelius (31 b. c. to 180 a. d.), a period of two 
hundred and eleven years, only three emperors who held 
power for any length of time — Tiberius, Nero, and Domitian 
— are known as tyrants ; and their cruelty was confined almost 
entirely to the city, and to their own personal enemies. The 
establishment of the empire, we must therefore believe, marked 
a stage of progress and not of decline in the history of the 
Roman people. The Roman world reached its highest stage of 
development in the age of the Antonines, and the period has 
been called l\v Gibbon the happiest in the history of mankind. 

The Imperial Government and Administration. — It was 
during this period that tlie imperial government of Rome 
furnished the highest example tbat the world has ever seen of 
what we may call a " paternal autocracy " — that is, a govern- 
ment in tbe hands of a single ruler, but exercised solely for 
the benefit of the people. In this respect the ideals of Julius 
and Augustus seem to have been completely realized. There 
was stil3 a certain deference paid to the constitutional forms 
of the republic ; but this deference to the past did not interfere 



DEVELOPMENT OF THE EARLY EMPIRE 445 

with the emperor's present authority. The senate was treated 
with respect; but its members, being chosen by the emperor, 
were of course submissive to his will, and there was no occa- 
sion to protest against an authority which received the un- 
qualified support of the people.^ 

An effort was now made by the emperors to give to the 
administrative system a more complete organization. For 
example, the body of advisers which had been occasionally 
consulted by the previous emperors was organized by Hadrian 
into a permanent council (consilium principis) ; and he in- 
cluded among its members some of the most eminent jurists. 
This emperor also gave a more complete organization to the 
civil service — that is, the body of administrative officers who 
executed the imperial will. Hitherto, the emperor had relied 
upon his own private dependents — freedmen and even slaves — 
to conduct his official business. But Hadrian organized a dig- 
nified body of officers drawn from the equites to preside over 
the departments of administration. 

The Provincial and Municipal Systems. — The general or- 
ganization of the provinces remained very much as it had been 
established by Augustus. There were still the two classes — 
the senatorial provinces governed by proconsuls and proprie- 
tors appointed by the senate; and the imperial provinces, 
governed by the legati, or emperor's lieutenants. But this 
distinction was now more formal than real, since the emperor 
exercised nearly the same supervision over the former as over 
the latter. We have a good example of the scrupulous care 
which the emperor exercised over the provinces in the corre- 
spondence between Trajan and Pliny the Younger, governor 
of Bithynia. The questions submitted by the governor and 

^ It is hardly proper to call the Roman empire at this time a " constitu- 
tional monarchy." as we understand that phrase ; since the emperor's 
power, properly speaking, was not restricted by any legal limitations. His 
sovereignty was not shared or restrained by any other body in the state. 
The "dyarchy," which to a great extent was a fiction under Augustus, was 
still more a fiction under his successors. 



446 THE EOMAN WOKLD 

the answers given by the emperor deal with many matters 
relating to the welfare of the province. 

The province was, in fact, a collection of towns or cities: 
and the political freedom of the provincials depended upon 
the status of the towns in which the}' lived. These towns were 
not all alike. While they generally had their own govern- 
ment and chose their own officers, their relations to Rome 
were quite various. The different kinds of towns and their 
relative numbers in the provinces we may judge from Pliny's 
enumeration of tlie towns of Bast'ica, a province in Spain. 
Here were nine colonies, eight viunicipia, twenty-nine Latin 
towns, six free towns, three federate towns, and one hundred 
and twenty tributary towns. The colonies were generally set- 
tlements of soldiers or poor citizens sent out from Italy and 
retaining full Roman rights. The municipia were native 
towns which had received the same rights. The Latin towns 
were those which received the partial rights of citizenship 
(comniercium). The free towns were the native cities which 
were exempted from all burdens. The federate towns were 
related to Rome by a special treaty. The tributary towns, 
which comprised the great mass of provincial cities, were sub- 
ject to the Roman tribute or tax, which might be paid in 
money or in produce. The town had generally for its own 
government a municipal council (curia or ordo decurionum) . 
composed of the landed aristocracy (ciirinles) and presided 
over by two magistrates {duuniviri). The tendency of all 
towns in the West was to conform to this model. 

Literature of the Early Empire. — The influence of the 
early oin])erors u})on the intellectual life of Rome may be seen 
in the literature. The literary period which followed the 
brilliant age of Augustus has sometimes been called the " Sil- 
ver Age." The despotic rule of the Julian emperors was not 
favorable to letters. Two names of that period, liowever, 
stand out with some prominence, those of Seneca and Lucan. 
Seneca was a distinguished Stoic philosopher and wrote in- 



DEVELOPMENT OF THE EARLY EMPIRE 447 

stniclive essays upon moral subjects; Lucan wrote a lengthy 
epic poem describing the civil war between Pompey and Csesar. 
Under the patronage of the Flavian emperors occurred a lit- 
erary revival, which was marked by at least two distinguished 
writers. Pliny the Elder and Quintilian. Pliny, the most 
learned man of the day, wrote an extensive work on Xatural 
History ; while Quintilian, a native of Spain, was the author 
of an exliaustive treatise on Oratory. The revival which began 
under the Flavians culminated in the more vigorous literature 
of tlie time of the good emjjerors. During this time appeared 
two of the most distinguished of Roman writers — Tacitus, 
perhaps the greatest of Roman historians, and Ju'venal, the 
greatest of Roman satirists. Besides these may be mentioned 
Pliny the Younger, the writer of epistles, and Suetonius, the 
biographer of the " Twelve Caesars." 

Roman Architecture. — It was during the period of the five 
good emperors, especially under Trajan and Hadrian, that 
the architecture of Rome reached its highest development. 
Roman architecture was still modeled after that of the Greeks, 
but the Romans continued to use their skill for more prac- 
tical purposes, and expressed in a remarkable manner the 
ideas of massive strength and imposing dignity. By their 
splendid works they have taken rank among the world's great- 
est builders. We have already noticed the progress made in 
the age of Augustus. This progress was continued by his 
successors, and by the time of Hadrian Rome liad become a 
city of magnificent public buildings. The architectural center 
of the city was the Roman Forum, with the additional Forums 
of Julius, Augustus, Vespasian, Nerva, and Trajan (see map, 
p. 468), Here were the buildings in which the gods were wor- 
shiped, the laws were enacted, and justice was administered. 
The most conspicuous buildings which would attract the eyes 
of one standing in the Forum were the splendid temples of 
Jupiter and Juno upon the Capitoline hill. Although it is true 
that the Romans obtained their chief ideas of architectural 

MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 26 



448 



THE ROMAN WOELD 



beauty from the Greeks, it is a question whether Athens, even 
in the time of Pericles, could have presented such a scene of 
imposing grandeur as did Eome in the time of Trajan and 
Hadrian, with its forums, temples, aqueducts, basilicas, pal- 




Mausoleum of Hadrian (Castle of St. Anfjelo) 

aces, porticoes, amphitheaters, theaters, circuses, baths, col- 
umns, triumphal arches, and tombs. 

Roman Philosophy. — As the Eomans were essentially a 
practical people, they had little taste for pure philosophy. 
They adopted, however, some of the philosophical systems of 
the Greeks, and paid special attention to the practical or moral 
side of these systems. Their philosophy was largely the phi- 
losophy of life. The two systems which were most popular 
with them were Epicureanism and Stoicism. The Epicureans 
believed that happiness was the great end of life. But the 
high idea of happiness advocated by the Greek philosophers 



DEVELOPMENT OF THE EARLY EMPIRE 449 

became degraded into the selfish idea of pleasure, which could 
easily excuse almost any form of indulgence. In Eome we 
see this idea of life exercising its influence especially upon 
the wealthy and indolent classes. The Stoics, on the other 
hand, believed that the end of life is to live according to the 
highest law of our nature. This doctrine tended to make 
strong and upright characters. It could not well have a 
degrading influence; so we find some of the noblest men of 
Rome adhering to its tenets — such men as Cato, Cicero, Sen- 
eca, and Marcus Aurelius. But the study of philosophy was 
restricted mainly to the educated classes, and had little influ- 
ence upon the common people. The lower classes still retained 
their old religious notions, or else were gradually accepting 
the now teachings of Christianity. 

Roman Jurisprudence. — The most distinctive product of 
Roman civilization was the Roman law; and this too reached 
its highest development under the empire. The Romans had 
come to believe that law was based upon principles of 
equality and justice. The rights of all free persons — citizens, 
Latins, and provincials — were now fully recognized and pro- 
tected by the Roman courts. This law had been growing and 
broadening with the growth and extension of the Roman 
power. It was now scattered in a vast number of decisions 
and edicts made by the Roman praetors and the provincial 
governors, as well as by the emperor himself. Hadrian di- 
rected one of his jurists — Salvius Julia'nus — to make a collec- 
tion of these laws, so that there could be a single code for the 
whole empire. This collection was called the Perpetual Edict 
(Edictum Perpetuum) . But more than this, the Roman jur- 
ists were beginning to feel the influence of the Stoic philos- 
ophy and to recognize the truth of tlie high moral precepts 
laid down by such emperors as Antoninus Pius. They were 
led to believe that law is a science founded upon the principles 
of justice, and that the law of the state must be so interpreted 
as to conform to these principles. 



450 



THE ROMAN WORLD 



IV. Decline of the Early Empire (180-284 a. d.) 

The Period of Military Despotism. — The great defect of 
the imperial government was the fact that its power rested 
npon a military basis. It is true that most of the emperors 
were popular and loved by their subjects. But back of their 
power was the army, which now more than ever before as- 
serted its claims to the govermnent, and by its usurpation 
brought the empire to the verge of ruin. This period, ex- 
tending from the death of Marcus Aurelius to the accession 
of Diocle'tian (180-284 A. D.), has therefore been called " the 
period of military despotism." It was a time when the em- 
perors were set up by the soldiers, and generally cut down by 
their swords. During this period of one hundred and four 
years, the imperial title was held by twenty-nine different 
lulers,^ some few of whom were al)le and high-minded men, 
I)ut a large number of whom were weak and despicable. Some 
of them held their places for only a few months. The histor}^ 
of this time contains for the most part only the records of a 
declining government. There are few events of importance, 
except those which illustrate the tyranny of the army and the 
general tendency toward decay and disintegration. 

Septimius Severus (193-211 a. r».). — The reign of Septimius 
Sevei-ns is noted for the re-forming of the praetorian guards, 
which Augustus had organized and Tiberius had encamped 
near the city. In place of the old body of nine thousand sol- 
diers Septimius organized a Roman garrison of forty thousand 
troops selected from the best soldiers of the legions. This was 



^The following table shows the names of these emperors and the dates of 
their accession : 



Com'niodus .... 

Per'tiiiax 

.Tulianus 

Septimius Seve'nis . 
Caracalla ) 
Geta ( . • . • 

Macri'nus .... 
Elag-ab'aliis .... 
Alexander Severus . 
Maximi'nus .... 



Gordia'nus I. I, 
Gordianus II. * ' ■ 
Pupie'nus Maximus 
Balbi'nus 

Gordianus III. . . 
Philip'ims . . . . 

Deoiuji 

Galliis 

^Kiiiilia'nus . . . . 
Valerian 



2,SS 
244 
249 
251 
253 
253 



GalUe'nus . . . . a.d. 260 

Claudius II " 268 

Aurelian " 270 

Tacitus " 2*5 

Floria'nus . . . . " 2*6 

Probus " 2*6 

Carus " 282 

Cari'nus I .. goo 

Numeria'nus) • • ■ '">' 



DEVELOPMENT OF THE EARLY EMPIRE 



451 




Caracalla 



intended to give a stronger military support to the govern- 
ment; but in fact it gave to the army a more powerful influ- 
ence in the appointment of the emperors. 

Edict of Caracalla (211 a. d.). — The Roman franchise, 
which had been gradually extended by the previous emperors, 
was now conferred upon all the 
free inhabitants of the Eoman 
world. This important act was 
done by Caracalla, whose motive, 
however, was not above reproach. 
The edict was issued to increase 
the revenue by extending the in- 
heritance tax, which had hereto- 
fore rested only upon citizens. 
Notwithstanding the avaricious 
motive of the emperor, this was 
in the line of earlier reforms and 
effaced the last distinction be- 
tween Eomans and provincials. The name of Caracalla is in- 
famous, not only for his cruel proscriptions, but especially for 
his murder of Papinian, one of the greatest of the Roman 
jurists, who refused to defend his crimes. 

Elagabalus and Alexander Severus. — ^We need not dwell 
upon the different reigns of the dreary period extending from 
Caracalla to Claudius 11.; and we shall notice only two 
princes, who represented the most extreme types of the Roman 
character. The one was Elagabalus (218-222 a. d.), the most 
repulsive of the emperors, who took his name from the sun- 
god worshiped in the East, and who became a devotee of the 
grossest superstitions and a monster of wickedness. The other 
was Alexander Severus (222-235 a. d.), a prince of the purest 
and most blameless life. He loved the true and the good of 
all times. It is said that he set up in his private chapel the 
images of those whom he regarded as the greatest teachers of 
mankind, including Abraham and Jesus Christ. He selected 



453 



THE ROMAN WOELD 



as his advisers the famous jurists, Ulpian and Paullus. The 
most important event of his reign was tlie successful resist- 
ance made to the Persians, who had just established a new 
monarchy (that of the Sassan'idffi) on the ruins of the Par- 
thian empire. 

Foreign Dangers of the Empire. — Ever since the time of 
Augustus it had been the policy of the emperors to maintain 

the frontiers on the Ehine, the 
Danube, and the Euphrates. 
This policy had been generally 
carried out with success until 
the middle of the third centu- 
ry, wlien the outside nations be- 
gan to break over these bound- 
aries. There were several of 
these foreign peoples that were 
now encroaching upon the Eo- 
man territory. On the lower 
Ehine near the North Sea were 
a number of barbarous German 
tribes, united under the general 
name of Franks. On the upper Ehine in the vicinity of the 
Alps were various tribes gathered together under the name 
of Alemanni (all men). Across the Danube and on the north- 
ern shores of the Black Sea was the great nation of the Goths, 
which came to be the terror of Eome. On the east beyond 
the Euphrates was the new Persian monarchy (that of the 
Sassanidae), which was now laying claim to all the Boman 
provinces in Asia. Under a succession of emperors whose 
names we need not remember, the Eouuins were engaged in 
wars with these various peoples — not now wars for the sake of 
conquest and glory as in the time of the republic, l)ut wars of 
defense and for the sake of existence. 

The Silent Invasions; the Coloni. — Tlie continual pressure 
of the outside ];)eoples — especially the Germans on the north — 




Alexander Severus 



DEVELOPMENT OF THE EARLY EMPIRE 453 

led the emperors to adopt a conciliatory policy, and to grant 
to these barbarians peaceful settlements within the provinces. 
Sometimes whole tribes were allowed to settle upon lands as- 
signed to them. Not only the Roman territory but the army 
and offices of the state were opened to Germans who were will- 
ing to become Roman subjects. The most able of the bar- 
barian chiefs were even made Roman generals. This gradual 
infiltration of the barbarian population is sometimes called 
the " silent invasions." A part of the new population was 
treated in a manner new to them. Instead of being sold as 
slaves, like captives in war, they were given over to large 
landed proprietors, and attached to the estates as permanent 
tenants. This class of persons were called colo'ni, and were 
really serfs attached to the soil. The great body of coloni was 
made up not only of barbarian immigrants, but of manumitted 
slaves, and even of Roman freemen who could not support 
themselves. They formed a large part of the later population 
in the provinces. 

Partial Recovery of the Empire (268-284 a. d.). — Under 
the leadership of live able rulers, the so-called Illyrian em- 
perors — Claudius II., Aurelian, Tacitus, Probus, and Cams — 
the empire recovered somewhat from the disasters of the pre- 
ceding years. Claudius II. defeated the Goths who had crossed 
the Danube. Aurelian (270-275 a. d.) built a new and more 
extensive wall about the city of Rome, restored the Roman 
authority in the East, and destroyed the city of Palmy'ra, 
which had been made the seat of an independent kingdom, 
ruled by the famous Queen Zenobia. The successful efforts 
of these emperors showed that the empire could still be pre- 
served, if properly Organized and administered. The events 
of the third century made it quite clear that if the empire 
was to continue, and the provinces were to be held together, 
there must be some radical change in the imperial govern- 
ment. The decline of the early empire thus paved the way 
for a new form of imperialism. 



454 THE ROMAN WORLD 



SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. The Julian Emperors. — Tiberius and Caligula. — Claudius 
and Nero. — The Empei-or and the Empire. — Monarchical Tenden- 
cies. — Condition of the Provinces. — Public Works. — The Chris- 
tians at Rome. 

II. The Flavian Emperors. — The Disputed Succession. — Ves- 
pasian and Titus. — The Tyranny of Domitian. — Classes of Roman 
Society. — Domestic Life: Houses, Food, Dress. — Social Life and 
Amusements. — Life in the Towns; Pompeii and the Graffiti. — 
Provincial Life, Travel, and Correspondence. — Industry and 
Trade. 

III. The Five Good Emperors. — Nerva, Trajan, and Hadrian. — 
Antoninus Pius and ]\Iarcus Aurelius. — The Culmination of the 
Empire. — The ImjDerial Government and Administration. — The 
Provincial and Municipal Systems. — Literature of the Early Em- 
])ire. — Roman Architecture. — Roman Philosophy. — Roman Juris- 
prudence. 

IV. Decline of the Early Empire. — The Period of Military 
Despotism. — Septimius Severus. — Edict of Caracalla. — Elagabalus 
and Alexander Severus. — Foreign Dangers of the P>mpire. — The 
Silent Invasions; the Coloni. — Partial Recovery of the Empire. 



REFERENCES FOR READING 

Pelham, Bk. V., Ch. 4, "The Julian Line"; Bk. VI., Ch. 1, "The 
Flavians and the Antonines"; Ch. 2, "The Empire in the Third 
Century" (18).^ 

Gibbon, Chs. 1-3 (the Roman empire from Augustus to Marcus 
Aurelius); Ch. 8 (the new Persian empire); Ch. 11 (the wall 
of Aurelian; the conquest of Palmyra) (IS). 

Abbott, Ch. 13, "From Tiberius to Nero"; Ch. 14, "The Flavian 
Emperors" (22). 

Bury, Roman Empire, Ch. 30, "The Roman World under the Em- 
pire"; Ch. 31, "Roman Life and Manners"; pp. 366-373 (the 
destruction of Jerusalem); pp. 438-448 (correspondence be- 
tween Trajan and Pliny the Younger) (18). 

Capes, Earlv Empire, Ch. 14, "Life in the Provinces"; Ch. 15, 
"State of Trade" (18). 

Antonines, Ch. 6, "Attitude of the Imperial Government to- 
ward Christians"; Ch. 9, "Administrative Forms of the Im- 
perial CJovernment" (IS). 

Thomas, Ch. 1, "At Pompeii"; pp. 28-41 (the grafjfiti); Ch. 4, "The 
Baths and the Games"; Ch. 5 (gifts, peculiar customs of the 
Romans); Ch. 8, "Countrv Life"; pp. 190-200 (country houses); 
Ch. 9, "Schools and Books" (education); Ch. 14, "A Typical 
Roman of the Empire, Pliny the Younger" (19). 

Man, Ch. 32, "The Pompeian House"; Ch. 56, "The Graffitr (20). 

'The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the 
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. 



THE LATER EMPIRE 455 

Preston and Dodge. II., "The House and Every Day Life"; IV., 

"Food and Clothing" (19). 
Inge, Ch. 0, "Grades of Society"; Ch. 9, "Amusements"; Ch. 10, 

"Luxury" (19). 
Dill. Roman Society from Nero, Bk. I., Ch. 2, "Municipal Life"; 

Bk. IV., Ch. 1, "The Religion of Mithra" (19). 
]\lerivale. Empire, ^"ol. IV., Ch. 39, "Unity of the Empire"; Ch. 41, 

"Life in Rome"; Vol. VII., pp. 58-62 (the eruption of Vesu- 
vius) (IS). 
Boissier, Rome and Pompeii, Ch. 1, "The Forums"; Ch. .1, "The 

Catacombs"; Ch. 4, "Hadrian's Villa" (at Tivoli) (20). 
Lanciani, Ruins and Excavations, pj). 310-319 (the Forum of 

Trajan). 
Midleton, Vol. I., pp. 343-345 (the arch of Septimius Severus) ; Vol. 

II., Ch. 12, "Walls of Aurelianus" (20). 
Farrar, Seekers after God, "Marcus Aurelius." 
Munro, Source Book, Part XL, "Roman Life and Society" (25). 
Tacitus, Annals, Bk. XV., Chs. 38-43 (the burning of Rome); Ch. 

44 (persecution of the Christians under Nero) (25). 
Suetonius, The Twelve Caesars (26). 



CHAPTER XXX 

THE LATER EMPIRE OF DIOCLETIAN AND CONSTANTINE 

I. The Government of Diocletian (284-305 a. d.) 

The New Imperialism. — It has been said that the early 
empire oi' Augustus and his successors was an absolute mon- 
archy disguised by republican forms. This is in general quite 
true. But the old republican forms had for a long time been 
losing their hold, and at the time of Diocletian they were ready 
to be thrown away entirely. By the reforms of Diocletian and 
Constantine there was established a new form of imperialism — 
an absolute monarchy divested of republican forms. Some of 
their ideas of reform no doubt came from the new Persian 
monarchy, which was now the greatest rival of Rome. In this 
powerful monarchy the Romans saw certain elements of 
strength which they could use in giving new vigor to their own 



456 



THE EOMAN WORLD 



government. By arlopting these Oriental ideas, the Roman 
empire may be said to have become Orientalized. 

Diocletian and his Policy. — The tirst step in the direction 
of the new imperialism was made by Diocletian. Born of an 

obscure family in Dal- 
matia (part of Illyri- 
cnm ) , he had risen by his 
own efforts to the high 
position of commander of 
the Roman army in the 
East. It was here that 
he was proclamied em- 
peror by his soldiers. He 
overcame all opposition, 
assumed the imperial 
power, and made his resi- 
dence not at Rome, but in 
Nicomedia, a town in 
Asia Minor. His whole 
policy was to give dignity 
and strength to the impe- 
rial authority. He made 
of himself an Oriental monarch. He assumed the diadem of 
the East. He wore gorgeous robes of silk and gold such as 
were worn by Eastern rulers. He compelled his subjects to 
salute him with low prostrations, and to treat him not as a citi- 
zen, but as a superior being. In this way he hoped to make 
the imperial ofhce respected by the people and the army. The 
emperor was to be the sole source of power, and as such was to 
be venerated and obeyed. 

The "Augusti" and "Cassars." — Diocletian saw that it was 
difficult for one man alone to manage all the affairs of a great 
empire. It was sufficient for one man to rule over the East, 
and to repel the Persians. It needed another to take care of the 
West and to drive back the German invaders. He therefore 




Diocletian 



THE LATER EMPIRE 457 

associated with him his trusted friend and companion m arms, 
Maximian. But he was soon convinced that even this division 
of power was not sufficient. To each of the chief rulers, who 
received the title of Augustus, he assigned an assistant, who 
received the title of Ccesar. The two Csesars were Gale'rius and 
C'onstan'tius ; and they were to be regarded as the sons and 
successors of the chief rulers, the Augusti. Each Cgesar was to 
recognize the authority of his chief ; and all were to be subject 
to the supreme authority of Diocletian himself. The Roman 
world was divided amon^ the four rulers as follows: 



The 


Ea 

1 


ST 


The 


West 

1 


Diocletian 

(Augustus) 

t 


No 


1 

Galerius 
(Caesar) 

1 


i 
Maximian 
(Aug-ustus) 

1 


1 

CONSTANTIUS 

(Caesar) 

1 


Thrace, Macedonia, 
Asia, and Egypt. 


i-icum, I'aunonia, 
and Moesia. 


Italy and 
Africa. 


Spain, Gaul, 
and Britain. 



The Last Persecution of the Christians. — In the latter part 
of his reign Diocletian was induced to issue an edict of perse- 
cution against the Christians. It is said that he was led to per- 
foi'm this infamous act by his assistant Galerius, who had al- 
ways been hostile to the new religion, and who filled the em- 
peror's mind with stories of seditions and conspiracies. An 
order was issued that all churches should be demolished, that 
the sacred Scriptures should be burned, that all Christians 
should be dismissed from public office, and that those who 
secretly met for public worship should be punished with death. 
The persecution raged most fiercely in the provinces subject to 
Galerius; and it has been suggested that the persecution should 
I)e known by his name rather than by the name of Diocletian. 

Effects of Diocletian's Policy. — The general result of the 
new policy of Diocletian was to give to the empire a strong and 
efficient government. The dangers which threatened the state 
were met with firmness and vigor. A revolt in Egypt was 



458 



THE ROMAN WORLD 



quelled, and the frontiers were successfully defended against 
the Persians and tlie barbarians. Puljlic works were con- 
structed, among which were the great Baths of Diocletian at 
Kome. After a successful reign of twent3'-one years Diocletian 
voluntarily gave up his power, eillier on account of ill health, 
or else to see liow his new system would wovlv without his su- 
pervision. He retired to his native ))rovince of Dalmatia, and 
spent tlie rest of his days in his new ])alace at Salo'na on the 
shores of the Adriatic. 



II. The Reign" of Constantine (313-337 a. d.) 

Accession and Policy of Constantine. — Even before the 
death of Diocletian, rivalries sjjrang up which led to civil war. 
By a succession of victories Con'stantine established his supe- 
riority and l)ecame the 
sole and undisputed ruler 
of the empire. He was a 
man of wider views than 
Diocletian, and had even 
a greater genius for or- 
ganization. The work 
which Diocletian began, 
Constantine completed. 
He in fact gave to Eo- 
man imperialism the final 
form which it preserved 
as loug as the empire ex- 
isted, and the form in 
which it exercised its 
great influence upon the 

modern governments. 
Constantine 

We should remember that 

it was not so much the early imperialism of Augustus as the 

later imperialism of Constantine which reappeared in the em- 




THE LATER EMriRE 459 

pires of modern Europe. This fact will enable us to understand 
ilie greatness of Constantine as a statesman and a political re- 
former. His policy was to centralize all power in the hands of 
the chief ruler; to surround his person with an elaborate court 
system and an imposing ceremonial; and to make all officers, 
civil and military, responsible to the head of the empire. 

Conversion of Constantine. — Constantine is generally 
known as the " first Christian emperor." The story of his 
miraculous conversion is told by his biographer, Euse'bius. It 
is said that while marching against his rival Maxentius, he 
beheld in the heavens the luminous sign of the cross, inscribed 
with the words, " By this sign conquer." As a result of this 
vision, he openly professed the new religion; he adopted the 
cross as his battle standard; and from this time he ascribed 
his victories to the God of tbe Christians. The truth of this 
story has been doubted by critical historians; but that Constan- 
tine looked upon Christianity in an entirely different light 
from his predecessors, and that he was an avowed friend of the 
Christian church, cannot be denied. His mother, Hel'ena, was 
a Christian, and his father, Constantius, had opposed the per- 
secutions of Diocletian and Galcrius. He had himself, while 
he was ruler in only the West, issued an edict of toleration 
(313 A. D.) to the Christians in his own provinces. 

Adoption of Christianity. — Constantine was therefore pre- 
pared, when he became the sole emperor, to reverse the policy 
of Diocletian and to recognize Christianity as the state reli- 
gion. How far Constantine himself was a sincere Christian it 
is not for us to say; but no one can doubt that the adoption of 
Christianity was an act inspired by political wisdom. A large 
part of the empire was already Christian, and the recognition 
of the new religion gave stability to the new government. Con- 
stantine, however, in accepting Christianity as the state reli- 
gion, did not go to the extreme of trying to uproot paganism. 
The pagan worship was still tolerated, and it was not until 
many years after this time that it was proscribed by the Chris- 



TKOCtRESSI^^K M^r* TsTo. 19. 




m 


« 






-, y^ 








'^ 


d 




f 


M 










— 














^- s 


w 


M 


CL, 


fl 




o 


= 




^- 


-^ 


fl 


^ 


jj 




ji 


.,(' 


O 




> 


^ 


V 




a 




^ 






M 


< 







460 



THE LATER EMPIRE 461 

tian emperors. For the purpose of settling the disputes be- 
tween the different Christian sects, Constantine called (325 
A. D.) a large council of the clergy at Nice {Niccea, in Asia 
Minor), which decided what should thereafter be regarded as 
the orthodox belief.^ 

The New Provincial System. — Another important reform 
of Constantine was the reorganization of the Roman territory 
in a most systematic manner. This was based upon Diocle- 
tian's division, but was much more complete and thorough. 
The whole empire was first divided into four great parts, called 
" prefectures," each under a prgetorian prefect subject to the 
emperor. Each prefecture was then subdivided into dioceses, 
each under a diocesan governor, called a vicar, subject to the 
prsetorian prefect. Each diocese was further subdivided into 
provinces, each under a provincial governor called a consular, 
president, duke, or count. Each province was made up of cities 
and towns, under their own municipal governments. The new 
divisions of the empire may be indicated as follows: 

(1) The Prefecture of the East — containing the five dio- 
ceses of the East, Egypt, Asia, Pontus, and Thrace. 

(2) The Prefecture of Illyricum — containing the two dio- 
ceses of Dacia and Macedonia. 

(3) The Prefecture of Italy — containing the three dioceses 
of Italy, Illyricum, and Africa. 

(4) The Prefecture of Gaul — containing the three dioceses 
of Spain, Gaul, and Britain. 

The New Military Org-anization. — Scarcely less important 
than the new provincial system was the new military organiza- 
tion. One of the chief defects of the early empire was the im- 
proper position which the army occupied in the state. This de- 
fect is seen in two ways. In the first place, the army was not 
subordinate to the civil authority. We have seen how the 

1 This was the doctrine regarding the nature of the Son held by 
Athanasiiis, as opposed to the doctrine which was held by Arius and 
condemned as a heresy, receiving the name of "Arianism," 



463 



THE ROMAN WORLD 



praetorian guards really became supreme, and brought about 
that wretched condition of things, a military despotism. In 
the next place, the military power was not separated from the 
civil power. In the early empire, every governor of a province 
had not only civil authority, but he also had command of an 
army, so that he could resist the central government if he were 
so disposed. But Constantino changed all this. He abolished 




Alien OF CONSTANTINE 

the Roman garrison or praetorian guard. He gave to the terri- 
torial governors only a civil authority; and the whole army was 
organized under distinct oflficers, and made completely subject 
to the central })Ower of the empire. This change tended to pre- 
vent, on the one hand, a military despotism; and, on the other 
hand, tlie revolt of local governors. 

The military ability of Constantino cannot be questioned. 
In commemoration of his early victories, the senate erected in 
the city of Rome a splendid triumphal arcli, which stands to- 
day as one of the finest specimens of this kind of architecture. 



THE LATER EMPIRE 463 

The New Capital, Constantinople. — One very important act 
of C'onstantine was to break away from the traditions of the 
ohi empire by establishing a new capital. The old city of Rome 
was tilled with the memories of paganism and the relics of the 
republic. It was the desire of Constantine to give the empire 
a new center of power, whicli should be favorably situated for 
working out his new plans, and also for defending the Roman 
territory. He selected for this purpose the site of the old 
(Ireek colony, Byzantium, on the confines of Europe and Asia. 
This site was favorable alike for defense, for commerce, and 
for the maintenance of an Oriental system of government. 
Constantine laid out the city on an extensive scale, and adorned 
it with new buildings and works of art. The new capital was 
called the city of Constantine, or Constantinople. 

The New Court Organization. — Constantine believed with 
Diocletian that one of the defects of the old empire was the 
fact that the person of the emperor was not sufficiently re- 
spected. He therefore not only adopted the diadem and the 
elaborate robes of the Asiatic monarchs, as Diocletian had done, 
but reorganized the court on a thoroughly Eastern model. An 
Oriental court consisted of a large retinue of officials, who sur- 
rounded the monarch, who paid obeisance to him and served 
him, and who were raised to the rank of nobles by this service. 
All the powers of the monarch were exercised through these 
court officials. 

These Oriental features were now adopted by the Roman 
emperor. Tlie chief officers of the court comprised the grand 
chamberlain, who had charge of the imperial palace; the chan- 
cellor, who had the supervision of the court officials and re- 
ceived foreign ambassadors; the quffistor, who drew up and 
issued the imperial edicts ; the treasurer-general, who had con- 
trol of the public revenues ; the master of the privy purse, who 
managed the emperor's private estate; and the two commanders 
of the bodyguard. The imperial court of Constantine fur- 
nished the model of the royal courts of modern times. 



464 thp: ro:\ian world 

Effect of Constantine's Reforms. — If we should take no 
account of the elTocls of Coaslauline's reforms upon the lib- 
erties of the Eoman jaeople, we might say that his government 
was an improvement upon that of xVugiistus. It gave new 
strength to the empire, and enabled it to resist foreign inva- 
sions. The empire was preserved for several generations longer 
in the West, and for more than a thousand years longer in 
the East. But the expenses necessary to. maintain such a 
system, with its elaborate court and its vast number of officials, 
was great. The taxes were oppressive. The members of every 
city council {curiales) were held responsible for the raising of 
the revenues. The people were burdened and lost their interest 
in the state. Constantine also, like Augustus, failed to make 
a proper provision for his successor. At his death (337 a. d.) 
his three sons divided the empire between them, and this divi- 
sion gave rise to another period of quarrels and civil strife. 

III. The Successors of Constantine (337-395) 

Attempt to Restore Paganism. — The first event of grave 
importance after the reign of Constantine was the attempt of 
the Emperor Julian (3G0-363 a. d.) to restore the old pagan 
religion, for which attempt he has been called " the Apostate." 
Julian was in many respects a man of ability and energy. He 
repelled the Alemanni who had crossed the Ehine, and made 
a vigorous campaign against the Persians. But he was by con- 
viction a pagan, and in the struggle between the old and the 
new religion he took the part of the ancient faith. He tried to 
undo the work of Constantine by bringing back paganism to its 
old ])osition. He did not realize that Christianity was the re- 
ligion of the future, and was presumptuous in his belief that 
he could accomplish that in which Marcus Aurelius and Diocle- 
tian had failed. He uuiy not have expected to uproot the new 
religion entirely ; but he hoped to deprive it of the impor- 
tant privileges which it had already acquired. The religious 



THE LATER EAfPIKE 



465 



changes which he was able to effect in his brief reign were re- 
versed b}^ his successor Jovian (363-364 a. d.), and Christianity 
afterward remained undisturbed as the religion of the empire. 

Revolt of the Goths. — After the death of Jovian the empire 
was divided between Valentinian and his younger brother Va- 
lens, the former ruling in the ^ 

West, and the latter in the East. 
Valentinian died (375 a. d.), 
leaving his sons in control of the 
West, while Valens continued to 
rule in the East (till 378). It 
was during this latter period 
that a great event occurred 
which forewarned the empire of 
its final doom. This event was 
the irruption of the Huns into 
Europe. This savage race, 
emerging from the steppes of 
Asia, pressed upon the Goths 
and drove them from their 
homes into the Eoman territory. 

It was now necessary for the Romans either to resist the whole 
Gothic nation, which numbered a million people, or else to re- 
ceive them as friends and give them settlements within the em- 
pire. The latter course seemed the wiser, and they were ad- 
mitted as allies, and given new homes south of the Danube, in 
Moesia and Thrace. But they were soon provoked by the ill- 
treatment of the Roman officials, and rose in revolt, defeating 
the Roman army in a battle at Adriano'ple (378 a. d.), in 
which Valens himself was slain. 

Theodosius and the Final Division of the Empire (379- 
395). — Theodo'sius I. sueteedod Valens as emperor of the East. 
He was a man of great vigor and military ability, although his 
reign was stained with acts of violence and injustice. He con- 
tinued the policy of admitting the barbarians into the empire, 

MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 27 




Julian 



466 



THE RODMAN WORLD 



but converted them into useful and loyal subjects. From their 
number he reenforced the ranks of the imperial armies, and 
jealously guarded them from injustice. When a garrison of 
Gothic soldiers was once mobbed in Thessaloni'ca, he resorted 
to a punishment as revengeful as that of Marius and as cruel 
as that of Sulla. He gathered the people of this city into the 
circus to the number of seven thousand, and caused them to be 
massacred by a body of Gothic soldiers (390 a. d.). For this 
inhuman act he was compelled to do penance by St. Ambrose, 

the bishop of Milan — which 
fact shows how powerful the 
Church had become at this 
time, to compel an emperor to 
obey its mandates. Theodosius 
was himself an ardent and or- 
thodox Christian, and went so 
far as to be intolerant of the 
pagan religion, and even of the 
worsbip of heretics. In spite 
of his shortcomings he was an 
able monarch, and has received 
the name of " Theodosius the 
Great." He conquered his 
rivals and reunited for a brief 
time the whole Boman world 
under a single. ruler. But at his death (395 a. d.), he divided 
the empire between his two sons, Arca'dius and Hono'rius, the 
former receiving the East, and the latter tiie West. 

The death of Theodosius in 395 marks an important ejioch, 
not only in tlie history of the Eoman empire but in the history 
of European civilization. From this time the two parts of the 
einpire — the I*]ast and the West — became more and more sep- 
arated from each other, until they became at last two distinct 
worlds, having different destinies. The eastern part main- 
tained itself for al)out a thousand years with its capital at Con- 




THEODOSTT'S 

statue at Barletta, Italy 



THE LATER EMPIRE 467 

stantinople, until it was finally conquered by the Turks (1453 
A. u.). The western part was soon overrun and conquered by 
the German invaders, who brought with them new blood and 
new ideas, and furnished the elements of a new civilization. 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. The Government of Diocletian. — The New Imperialism. — 
Diocletian and his Policy. — The "Aiig-iisti" and "Caesars." — The 
Last Persecution of the Christians. — Effects of Diocletian's Policy. 

II. The Reign of Constantine. — Accession and Policy of Con- 
stantine. — Conversion of Constantine. — Adoption of Christianity. 
— The New Provincial System. — The New Military Organization. — 
The New Capital, Constantinople. — The New Court Organization. — 
Effect of Constantine's Reforms. 

III. The Successors of Constantine. — Attempt to Restore 
Paganism. — Revolt of the Goths. — Theodosius and the Final Di- 
vision of the Empire. 

REFERENCES FOR READING 

Pelham, Bic. VII., Ch. 1, "From the Accession of Diocletian to 
the Death of Theodosius" (18).^ 

Merivale, General Historv, Ch. 70, "The Epoch of Diocletian"; 
Ch. 73, "Reigni of Julian" (18). 

Gibbon, Ch. 17, "Foundation of Constantinople"; Ch. 23, "The 
Religion of Julian" (18). 

Stanley, Lect. 6, "The Emperor Constantine"; Lect. 2, "The 
Council of Nicaea" (21). 

Milman, Historv of Christianity, Ch. 3, "Foundation of Constan- 
tinople" (21). 

Seeley, Essay, "The Later Empire" (18). 

Seignobos, Ch. 24, "Christianity" (18). 

Munro, Source Book, Part X., "Christianity and Stoicism" (25). 

>The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in tie 
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. 



ROME 

Under tlie Later Emperors 



SOLE OF FE 

6i5o iooo 



PRIXCIPAX BUILDINGS 



I. FORl'MS 

1 . Roman 

•2. Julius 

3. Augustus 

4. Nerva 

5. \'espa8iaa 

6. Trajan 

II. TEMPLES 

7. Jupiter CapUolinus 
b. Quirinua 

9. Minerva 
II). Pantheon 
11. Trajan 
I'.>. Hope 
l;i. Fortune 

14. Ceres 

15. Diana 

16. Honor and Virtue 

17. Divine Claudius 

18. Venus and Rome 



III. BATHS 

19. Agrij.pa 

40. Aleiaudrina. 

•21. Titus 

•2'2. Trajan 

'23. Constantine 

'24. Diocletian 

^5. Caracalla 



IV. THEATERS 

26. Ponipey 

27. Balbus 

28. Marcelliis 



VI. CIRCUSES 

31. Masimus 

32. Flaminius 

33. Nero 

VII. POKTU'OES 

34. Pompey 

35. Oc-tavius 

36. Livia 

VIII. BASILICAS 

37. Julia 

38. Constantine 

39. Ulpian 

40. Emilia 

IX. PLACES OF ASSEM- 

BLY 

41. Siteof theComitium 

42. Curia, or Senate 

House 

43. Sa'pta JuliaCVoting) 

.. ARCHES 

44. Titus 

45. Constantine 

46. Septimius Severus 

XI. COLUMNS 

47. Trajan 

48. Antoninus 

49. Marcus Aureliua 

XII. TOMBS 

50. Augustus 

51. Hadriaa 

52. Scipio 

XIII. CAMPS 

53. Prwtoriaa 

54. Agrippa 



V. AMPHITHEATERS 

29. Flavian (Colosseum) 

30. Military 



XIV. MISCELLANEOUS 



66. Palace of the Caesars 
57. Emporiutu 




488 




469 



CHAPTER XXXI 

DISTINCTIVE FEATUEES OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 

I. The Political System of Rome 

Unity of the Ancient World. — Before we consider the fate 
of tlie Roman empire, and the changes that resulted from the 
barbarian invasions, let ns take a brief review of the most dis- 
tinguishing features of the Roman empire. The first thing 
that we notice is the fact that Rome brought under her author- 
ity a great part of the civilized world. The great nations which 
liad flourished on the shores of tlie Mediterranean Sea — Car- 
thage, Macedonia, Greece, the nations of Asia Minor, Phoenicia, 
Judea, and Egypt — all became parts of one universal empire. 
The ideas and customs, the art and institutions of these coun- 
tries were taken np, and notwithstanding tlieir many dif- 
ferences were welded together into what was practically one 
civilization. The more barl)arous peoples, also, which she 
conquered — like those of Spain. Gaul, and Britain — were 
transformed by her civilizing influence. Rome thus accom- 
plished a result never before attained, to the same extent, by 
any other ancient people — the establishment of a world-unity 
in government, law. and religion. 

The Roman Municipal System. — No nation before the Ro- 
mans had shown such a genius for political organization, or 
had developed a system of government so well suited to main- 
tain an authority over a wide territory. In looking at this 
political system we find that its fundamental element was the 
city. The Roman empire Avas. in fact, a collection of cities. 
Tbe government which was established was a government over 

470 



DISTINCTIVE FEATURES OF THE EMPIRE 4T1 

cities. Rome succeeded in giving to her cities not only local 
self-government, but also, in great measure, a uniform organ- 
ization, patterned after that of the central city. Each city 
had its senate, or council (curia), something like that of Rome 
itself; its body of magistrates {duumviri, and other officers), 
like the magistrates of the old republic; and in later times, 
its defender of the people {defensor popuU), like the old plebe- 
ian tribune. The cities throughout the empire may thus be re- 
garded as reflections of the central city of Rome ; and they were 
bound to it by bonds of sympathy as well as by political ties. 
The Roman Provincial System. — The next feature of the 
political organization was the provincial system, by which the 
cities were bound together under a common authority. This 
system was developed by the Romans, and passed through suc- 
cessive stages. In the first place, under the republic we see a 
number of cities in a certain territory grouped together and 
placed under the authority of a governor {proprcetor or procon- 
sul) having civil and military power, and also a quaestor, hav- 
ing charge of the finances — both officers being under the super- 
vision of the senate. In the next place, under the early empire 
this senatorial supervision — which was still retained in what 
were called the " senatorial provinces " — was supplemented by 
the direct supervision of the emperor over other provinces — 
called " imperial provinces." In the latter case the province 
was governed by a military commander (legatus) appointed by 
the emperor, and accompanied by a financial officer {procura- 
tor) . Finally, under the later empire, the military authority 
was taken away from the governor; the whole territory of the 
empire was arranged in divisions and subdivisions (prsefectures, 
dioceses, and provinces) each under a civil governor (prefect, 
vicar, or prfeses) — each governor being subject to his immediate 
superior, and all being finally responsible to the emperor him- 
self. The army was placed under a distinct set of imperial 
officers. By this arrangement the central authority was main- 
tained throughout the whole Roman domain. For purposes 



472 THE EOMAN WORLD 

of administration over a large territory, it was perhaps the 
most effective system ever devised. 

The Roman Imperial Idea. — The Roman empire found its 
highest unity in the person of the emperor. The cities and 
the various territorial governments were all bound together 
under his supreme authority. We must keep in mind the fact 
that the Roman idea of imperialism was different from the old 
Oriental idea of monarchy. The Oriental idea was that the 
monarch was the representative of divine authority on earth. 
It was essentially theocratic. The Roman idea, on the other 
hand, was that the emperor was the representative of the state, 
the supreme magistrate of the people. It was, in a certain 
sense, democratic. We are able to see this by tracing the growth 
of the imperial idea. The imperium of the early kings was a 
delegated power, derived from the people and sanctioned by a 
special law (lex de imperio). When the ancient king exercised 
his power in a despotic way, he was driven out of the city; and 
the imperium was conferred upon several magistrates. Again, 
when the republican magistrates exercised this power selfishly in 
the interests of the aristocracy, the people revolted and .placed 
the imperium. once more in the hands of a single magistrate. 
And they did not rest until they found a ruler who could 
be regarded as the representative of the whole people. Such 
representatives they found in Julius Cresar and Augustus. 

The emperor was looked upon as the first man of the state 
(princeps civitafis. not merely princeps senatus). His author- 
ity was based upon the imperium and the tribunician power; 
that is, he was regarded as both the supreme magistrate and 
the defender of the people. The imperial idea found its highest 
expression in the rule of the Antonines. This idea was, it is 
true, somewhat modified by the Oriental influence under Dio- 
cletian and Constantine. But still the distinctive idea of Ro- 
man imperialism was this, that the emperor personified the 
authority of the state; and upon this idea was based the maxim, 
" the will of the prince has the force of law." 



DISTINCTIVE FEATURES OF THE EMPIRE 473 
II. The Legal System of Eome 

Universality of the Roman Law. — The greatest addition 
which the Romans made to the civilization of the ancient world 
was no doubt their system of law. This does not mean, of 
course, that the Romans were the first people who ever had 
laws. Every ancient people possessed a certain body of laws. 
Even among the early Babylonians we have seen the evidence 
of legal customs relating to property and contracts, as well as 
the remains of written documents by which legal transactions 
were performed. The Egyptians, the Jews, and the Greeks pos- 
sessed their own national laws. But the Romans were the 
first to develop a universal system of law, applicable not only 
to all the people of the empire, but to all times and places. 
With every enlargement of the Roman state, there was an ex- 
pansion of their system of law. The expansion of the law was 
at first, no doubt, due merely to political and commercial ex- 
pediency; but it afterward recognized the rights of man as man 
and the principles of natural justice, and this gave it the char- 
acter of a universal system. 

Extension of the Franchise. — One of the methods by which 
the Roman lav/ was broadened was by the extension of the fran- 
chise, or the rights of citizenship. We have seen that the civil 
rights of citizenship comprised: (1) the commercium, or the 
rights growing out of trade (as the rights of property and con- 
tract); (3) the conuhium, or the right growing out of domestic 
relations (as the paternal power and the right of inheritance). 
These rights were at first restricted to the original Roman citi- 
zens. The extension of the franchise began by granting the 
commercium. to outsiders — 'first to the plebeians, then to the 
Latins, and then under the name of the " Latin right " to the 
people of Italy and the provinces. The granting of the conu- 
hium followed, as the exclusive spirit of the Romans passed 
away, until finally the full rights of citizenship were given to 
all the free inhabitants of the Roman world. This gradual 



474 THE EOMAN WORLD 

extension of the franchise shows that the fundamental policy of 
Eome was not conquest, but incorporation. The conquered 
people became not mere Koman subjects, but Roman citizens, 
sharing in all the privileges granted by the Eoman law. 

The Jus Gentium. — Another and more important way in 
which the Koman law was broadened, was by the development 
of a new body of legal principles, which grew up by the side 
of the old law. The old law was called the jus civile, and was 
based upon the XII. Tables. Being an old law it was narrow, 
and soon became antiquated; it did not meet the needs of a 
growing community. Besides, this old law applied only to Ro- 
man citizens, and did not protect any persons before they had 
received the franchise. Now in early times before the exten- 
sion of the franchise, there were many persons in Italy who 
were not yet citizens, but were subject-foreigners {peregrini). 
The Romans were oljliged to trade with these foreigners; and 
hence disputes would arise between the Romans and such for- 
eigners, or between the foreigners living in different cities — 
whicli disputes could not be settled by the old Roman law. 
To settle such disputes tlie Romans appointed a new praetor 
{prwtor peregriiius); and this praetor was allowed to decide such 
cases in the way that seemed most fair and just, without refer- 
ence to the old law. In the provinces, also, the governors were 
allowed to settle similar disputes. From the various decisions 
of the " foreign praetors " and provincial governors, there grew 
up an extensive body of legal principles, broader and more 
equitable than the old law. This new body of law was called 
the jns f/entium ; and it formed a great part of Roman juris- 
prudence, far more important in fact than the old jus civile. 

Scientific Nature of the Roman Law. — By the extension of 
the old law and especially by the development of the new law, 
every free inhabitant of the Roman world could secure his 
civil rights in a court of justice. These influences made the 
Roman law the broadest system of jurisprudence that the world 
had vet seen. But there was another influence at work which 



DISTINCTIVE FEATURES OP THE EMPIEE 475 

gave to the law a truly scientific character. This was the influ- 
ence of the Roman jurists. These men wrote treatises upon the 
law, and explained its real meaning. They gathered together 
the vast mass of legal rules, and reduced them to a system. 
Being schooled in the principles of the Stoic philosophy, they 
believed that law was founded upon natural justice and the 
universal rights of man. By reducing the law to a system and 
by discovering general principles that should govern it, they 
gave to it the character of a science. These men — like Gains, 
Ulpian, Paullus, JNIodesti'nus, and Papinian — represent the 
highest genius of the Roman people. By their writings they 
built up a noble system of jurisprudence, suited not only to the 
wants of the Roman empire, but to the needs of those nations 
which grew up after the Roman empire passed away. 

III. Christianity and the Imperial Church 

The Spread of Christianity. — The Ronum empire came to 
be one, not only in government and law, but also in religion ; 
and this religion was Christianity. But it was a long time 
after its first appearance in the remote province of Judea that 
Christianity was accepted as the religion of the Roman world. 
The ancient Romans had already a religion of their own. This 
had grown out of an early ancestor worship and a polytheistic 
nature worship. With the extension of their power over other 
peoples, the Romans became tolerant of foreign religions; and 
had even accepted many of the features of these foreign sys- 
tems. They accepted the Greek notions regarding the nature 
of the gods; and adopted some of the elements of the Syrian 
and Egyptian religions. The only spot in the empire where a 
pure monotheism existed, was in Judea; but even here the 
spiritual idea of religion had come to be obscured by an ex- 
cessive attention to external forms and ceremonies. 

Christianity arose from Judaism; but it emphasized the fact 
that true religion consists in a spiritual life; based upon love 



476 THE ROMAN WORLD 

to Grod and love to man. The new religion spread from Judea 
to Syria, to the cities of Asia Minor, Macedonia, and Greece, 
and finally to all the provinces of the empire. The early 
progress of Christianity was in the face of opposition and per- 
secutions. These persecutions were excused on the ground of 
political necessity. But in spite of all apologies, the cruel and 
revolting barbarities which accompanied them must always re- 
main a dark blot upon the history of the empire. The new 
religion could not be destroyed; it continued to spread, and to 
exercise its humanizing influence upon all the phases of Roman 
life. After Christianity became practically the religion of the 
Roman people, it was, as we have already noticed, accepted as 
the religion of the state (p. -159). 

Growth of the Church Organization.— With the spread of 
Christianity throughout the provinces there grew up an eccle- 
siastical organization, patterned somewhat upon the organiza- 
tion of the empire. For example, in the town we find the 
parish church presided over by the parish priest. A number of 
parish churches were grouped together into a diocese and 
governed by a bishop. A number of dioceses were united into 
a province under a higher church officer, called a metropolitan 
or archbishop. In the East a few of the metropolitans — like 
those of Constantinople, Antioch, and Alexandria — rose above 
the other bisliops in dignity and authority, and became recog- 
nized as " patriarchs." In the West the 1)ishop of Rome exer- 
cised even greater authority, and was recognized as the chief 
bishop. In this way there grew up in the church territorial 
divisions and subdivisions, and gradations of authority, simi- 
lar to those that existed in the empire. And so it came 
about that while the Roman empire was becoming Christian- 
ized, Rome came to be organized as the head and center of 
Christianity. 

Development of an Ecclesiastical Culture. — As the church 
acquired a distinct organization of its own, modeled after that 
of the empire, so it acquired a distinct culture of its own, de- 



DISTINCTIVE FEATURES OF THE EMPIRE 



477 



rived to a certain extent from that of the empire. In the first 
place, its architecture was borrowed from Rome. The early 
churches were modeled after the Roman basilica — the hall of 
justice or court house. But when the basilica was consecrated 
as a Christian church, it acquired a sacred character that dis- 
tinguished it from the secular building. In the next place, the 




Interior of the Basilica of Trajan (Restoration) 

language of the church was the language of the empire. This 
language was in the eastern provinces principally Greek, and 
in the western provinces Latin; so that the eastern churches 
used the Greek language in their literature and ritual, while 
the western churches used the Latin language. Moreover, the 
thought of the church was greatly influenced by the modes of 
thinking which prevailed in difi'erent parts of the empire. The 
Greek mind was essentially speculative and philosophical; and 



478 THE ROMAN WORLD 

SO the eastern or Greek churches busied themselves in discuss- 
ing difficult questions regarding the nature of the Father and 
the Son and their relations to each other. On the other hand, 
the Eoman mind was more practical and legal, and so the 
western or Latin churches were more concerned with questions 
relating to the divine government and the relations of man to 
that government. 

By such means the church acquired an art, a literature, and 
a philosophy which, though derived in a certain sense from the 
empire, came to be distinctly ecclesiastical. The highest culture 
of the church is seen in the writings of " the Fathers." Among 
the Greek Fathers were Athanasius, patriarch of Alexandria, 
who formulated the orthodox creed; and Chrysostom. patri- 
arch of Constantinople, the most eloquent preacher of his age. 
Chief among the Latin Fathers were Jerome, who first trans- 
lated the Scriptures into Latin (the Vulgate) ; and Augustine, 
bishop of Hippo in Africa, who wrote the " City of God." 

IV. Weakness of the Empire 

Defects of the Imperial System. — With all the strength 
which the empire acquired by its centralized government, its 
universal law, and its organized church, it yet contained certain 
elements of weakness which led to its final dissolution. One of 
these elements of weakness may be found in the defects of the 
imperial system itself. The purpose of the empire' was to 
create a government which would insure the welfare of the 
|)eo]ile. Til is purpose had, to a great extent, been realized in 
the policy of the best of the emperors. Still the imperial gov- 
ernment, even in its highest form, was scarcely more than a 
beneficent ]iatornalism in which everything was done for the 
people, and the people could do nothing for themselves. The 
people had no share in making the laws or in electing the of- 
ficers of the state, and they lost all interest in public affairs. 
The government of the empire, then, was defective because 



DISTINCTIVE FEATURES OF THE EMPIRE 479 

it had no democratic basis. It might be a government for 
the people; but it could not be a government hy the people. 
In fact, democratic institutions were practically impossible 
because ( 1 ) all the people of such an extensive territory could 
not assemble in one place; and (2) the Romans had not dis- 
covered the modern principle of " representation." 

Burdens of Taxation. — Another element of weakness may 
be found in the grinding system of taxation which existed in 
the later empire. The old abuses which prevailed in the re- 
public had been corrected by the reforms of Augustus and liis 
successors. But the later empire, with its Orientalized form 
of government and its elaborate system of bureaus and officials, 
required a vast amount of money to support it. This money 
had to be raised from the people. The duty of collecting the 
taxes rested upon the cnrlaJcs, that is, the governing class in 
the cities, which consisted of those holding a certain amount 
of land. If the curiaJes could not collect the money from the 
lower classes, they were obliged to furnish it from their own 
fortunes. They could not evade this responsibility. They 
could not abandon their position for that of the law or the 
clergy or the army ; nor could they quit the city without the 
permission of the provincial governor. They became prac- 
tically an hereditary class, upon which rested largely the finan- 
cial weight of the empire. The heavy exactions laid upon the 
people for the support of the government tended to the im- 
poverishment of the empire. 

Degradation of the Peasantry. — Still another cause of the 
weakness of the later empire was the degradation of the free 
agricultural classes, or the small landowners and the free la- 
borers. The condition of the slaves, it is true, was consider- 
ably improved during the later period. They were better pro- 
tected by the law, and they oljtainecl their freedom more easily 
than before. But even when freed they were obliged to obtain 
their living by settling upon the estates of the great landlords, 
who granted them a little plot of ground on condition of man- 



480 THE ROMAN WORLD 

iial labor or a certain amount of produce. Here they lived 
from one generation to another; and by being attached to the 
soil they became serfs, or coloni. This movement was no doubt 
beneficial to the slave population. But the burdens resting 
upon the small landowner and the free laborer compelled them 
also to occupy this servile condition. The lifting up of the 
slaves was thus accompanied by the lowering of the free peas- 
ant classes. In this Avay a large part of the Roman people was 
reduced practically to the condition of serfdom. And this class 
of serfs, or coloni, was augmented by the settlement of bar- 
barians witliin the limits of the empire. 

Decay of the Population. — Still further, the native popula- 
tion of the empire was continually decreasing in numbers. The 
vitality of the Roman people was becoming exhausted. The 
upper classes were worn out by a life of luxury and indolence. 
The lower classes were exhausted by a constant struggle for 
existence under unfavorable conditions. Famines, plagues, and 
wars had decimated the population. The armies, notwith- 
standing their excellent organization, ccndd not l)e replenished 
by vigorous native soldiers. Domestic life, too, had lost much 
of its sanctity ; and, as a consequence, the empire lost one of 
the conditions of natioual growth and j)rosperity. Human life 
itself was often held in light esteem. All these causes led to the 
depopulation and exhaustion of the later empire. It has been 
aptly said that Rome " perished for want of men." 

Pressure of the Barbarians. — With such elements of in- 
ternal weakness we cannot wonder that the Roman world fell a 
prey to the barl:)arians from the north. The pressure of these 
])arbarians was met sometimes by a policy of active resistance, 
and sometimes by a policy of passive submission. We have al- 
ready seen how they were admitted within the lioundaries of 
the empire, receiving permanent settlements, sometimes ab- 
sorbed into the armies and even into the government (p. 453). 
This " infiltration " of a foreign population into the empire 
tended not only to dilute the life of the Roman people, but 



DISTINCTIVE FEATURES OF THE EMPIRE 481 

also to efface the boundaries between the Eonian and the bar- 
barian world. As a result of all this, the subsequent history 
of the empire is closely related to the history of the barbarians 
who found their way into the Koman provinces. 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. The Political System of Rome. — Unity of the Ancient 
World. — The Roman Municipal System. — The Roman Provincial 
System. — The Roman Imperial Idea. 

II. The Legal System of Rome. — Universality of the Roman 
Law. — Extension of the Franchise. — The Jus Gentium. — The 
Scientific Nature of the Roman Law. 

III. Christianity and the Imperial Church. — The Spread of 
Christianity. — Growth of the Church Org-anization. — Development 
of an Ecclesiastical Culture. 

IV. Weakness of the Empire. — Defects of the Imperial Sys- 
tem. — Burdens of Taxation. — Degradation of the Peasantry. — 
Decay of the Population. — Pressure of the Barbarians. 

REFERENCES FOR READING 

Curteis, Ch. 1. "Administrative and Legal LTnity"; Ch. 2, "The 
Christian Church in the First Four Centuries" (24).^ 

Merivale, General History, Ch. 80, "Reflections upon the History 
of Rome" (18). 

Empire, Vol. VII., pp. 479-496, "Symptoms of Decline in the 

Empire" (18). 

Bury, Students' Empire, Ch. 3, "The Roman W^orld under the 
Empire." 

Later Empire. Vol. I., Ch. 1, "Christianity and Paganism"; 

Ch. 2, "Influence of Christianity on Society" (the early 
church); Ch. 3, "Disintegration of the Empire" (24). 

Milman, History of Christianity, Bk. IV., Ch. 1, "The Roman 
Empire imder Christianity" (21). 

Shahan, Beginnings of Christianity (21). 

Healy, Valerian Persecutions (21). 

Hodgkin, Vol. IL, Ch. 9, "Causes of the Fall of the Western 
Empire" (24). 

Seelev. Essay, "Proximate Causes of the Fall of the Roman Em- 
pire" (18). 

Dill, Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire. 
Bk. IL, Ch. 2, "Decay of the Middle Class" (society in the 
fourth century) (19). 

Translations and Reprints, Vol. IV., No. 1, "The Early Christian 
Persecutions" (25). 

'The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the 
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. 



PERIOD V. THE DISSOLUTION OP THE EOMAN EMPIEE 
(395-800 A. D.) 



CHAPTER XXXII 

THE GERMAN OCCUPATION OF THE WEST 

I. The Germans and their Institutions 

The Barbarian World. — We arc now prepared to see how 
the I^^nian empire, which had played such an important part 
in the history of the ancient world, was broken up, and how 
it became the foundation of a new society and of new states. 
We shall see the western provinces conquered by the German 
trilies, and transformed into new kingdoms. We shall see the 
imperial power still preserved in the East, but passing into a 
state of decline. We shall also see the imperial title revived in 
one of the German kingdoms, resulting in the establishment 
of what was practically a new Roman empire in the West. 

This breaking up of the old empire and the transfornuition 
of Europe \vere due largely to the encroachments of tlie bar- 
barian world upon the Roman world. For our purpose we may 
group the peoples of this outside barbarian world into three 
great branches: (1) the Germanic or Teutonic peoples, on llie 
north of the Rhine and the Danube; (2) the Slavic or Slavouiau 
peoples, in the central part of what is now European Russia; 
and (3) the ])eoples in the central and western parts of Asia, 
whom we call, for want of a better name, Scythians or Tura- 
nians. The most barbarous of these peoples were the Tura- 

482 



GERMAN OCCUPATION OF THE WEST 483 

nians, of which the Huns were the most warlike and aggressive. 
The Slavs were more peaceful and at this time did not make 
any important incursions into the empire. The Germans were 
nearest to the Roman borders, and also approached most nearly 
to the civilized stage. They comprised many tribes — the Goths, 
the Vandals, the Alemanni, the Burgundians, the Lombards, 
the Franks, the Saxons, and others of less importance. It was 
these Germans who now made the first inroads into the empire, 
and whose characteristics are the most important for us to 
consider. 

German Characteristics. — Our knowledge of the early Ger- 
mans is derived mostly from Cffisar and Tacitus. They are 
described by these writers as a vigorous and warlike race, of 
gigantic stature, with fierce blue eyes and long yellow hair, sim- 
ple in their social and political life, and inspired with the 
spirit of liberty and independence. They differed from the 
more civilized Romans in their manners and customs, in their 
political organization, their laws, and their religion. They 
were, in fact, in that primitive stage of progress in which the 
Romans, as well as the Greeks, were at the beginning of the 
historical period. Their most striking characteristics were 
their love of liberty and their spirit of personal loyalty. 
Tacitus tells us that their chiefs ruled by persuasion rather 
than by authority. The chief was wont to surround himself 
with a following (coniitatus) of young men, who voluntarily at- 
tached themselves to him, and shared in liis dangers and glory. 

The German Political System. — The unit of the German 
political society was not the city, as in tbe case of the Romans, 
but the village community {marl\ or pagus). The Germans, 
who had been a nomadic people living by war and the chase, 
were now beginning to settle down to an agricultural life. The 
most primitive form of agricultural life is the village commu- 
nity — which is simply a collection of families, settled upon a 
piece of land, and organized into a little body politic. The 
land upon which the people settled was, for the most part, held 



484 THE ROMAN WORLD 

in common — upon it every one could pasture his flocks and 
herds. The arable land was divided into strips, and allotted 
each year to the householders for cultivation. The land upon 
which the house and garden were situated, was assigned per- 
manently to each family. Thus we have three kinds of land — 
the common or waste land, the arable land, and the house land. 

The village community was governed by an assembly com- 
posed of all freemen capable of bearing arms; and hence the 
village was a pure democracy. It was presided over by a head- 
man, or village chief (gerefa, or reeve), who was chosen by the 
people and who led them to war. A group of villages formed 
a " hundred," which also had its democratic assembly and its 
chief. A collection of hundreds made the tribe; and the "tribe 
was also governed by an assembly and a war chief. The polit- 
ical system of the Germans was thus democratic in character, 
and presented a striking contrast to the imperial system of 
Kome. 

The German Judicial System. — Among primitive barbarians 
it is customary for injuries to be atoned for either (1) by 
private redress, in which each one takes the law into his own 
liands, or (2) by blood revenge, in which a family obtains re- 
dress for an injury done to its members. But the Germans had 
advanced beyond this primitive stage, and the person charged 
with a crime was allowed a trial before the chief and the whole 
assembly, or Ix^fore a number of persons selected to try the case. 
The guilt or innocence of the culprit was usually determined 
in one of three ways: (1) by "compurgation," which required 
that a certain number of persons, called " compurgators," be 
found who would swear that they believed the accused, when 
he asserted his innocence; (2) by ordeal, which required that 
tlie accused should undergo some dangerous test, like handling 
red-hot iron, from which, if he escaped uninjured, he was 
judged to be innocent ; or (3) by combat, or a fight between the 
contesting parties, or their champions. The penalty inflicted 
upon the guilty party was usually a money compensation, called 



GERMAN OCCUPATION OF THE WEST 485 

weregild, which varied according to the rank of the injured 
person. Tlie crimes which prevailed among the Germans were 
chiefly of the character of jjersonal injuries; since the rights 
relating to property and contracts were scarcely yet recognized. 
The simple laws of the Germans thus showed a marked differ- 
ence from the highly developed jurisprudence of the Eomans. 

Conversion of the Germans. — The early German religion 
was similar to the primitive worship of the early Greeks and 
Eomans — a polytheistic nature worship. They worshiped Tu- 
isco, Wodin (Odin), Thor, and Freya — names still preserved 
in the Englisli names of the days of the week, Tuesday, 
Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday. Their idea of immortality 
was based upon what they regarded as most enjoyable in human 
life. Their heaven was the " Valhalla," the hall of the slain, 
where valiant heroes shared in the banquets of the gods. But 
it is especially important for us to notice that many of the 
German tribes were converted to Christianity before they made 
their final settlements in the Koman territory. When the fol- 
lowers of Arius were banished from the Eonum empire as 
heretics, after the Council of Nice (p. 460), many of them be- 
came missionaries to the barbarians. The most distinguished 
of these missionaries was ITl'filas, " the apostle to the Goths." 
By his efforts the Gothic nation was converted to the Arian 
form of Christianity; and his translation of the Bible into their 
language was the first German version of the Scri])tures. From 
the Goths Christianity spread among the neighboring tril:)es, 
the Burgundians and the Vandals. Tlie acceptance by the 
Germans of a religion which was fundamentally the same as 
that of the Eomans was one of tlie causes which finally led to 
the fusion of the Eomans and the Germans into one society, 

II. The Great Invasions 

Nature of the Invasions. — If we recall what we have al- 
ready learned, we may realize that the pressure of the northern 

MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 28 



486 THE ROMAN WORLD 

barbarians upon the south was not a new thing in the history of 
the ancient world. In fact, it represents a long continued and 
almost constant struggle. We have seen, in early times, the 
Scythians pressing down upon the Medes and Persians (p. 62). 
We have seen the Gauls invading Macedonia and Greece (p. 
248), and also, about the same time, invading Italy and de- 
stroying Rome (p. 300). We have seen the Cimbri and Teu- 
tones threatening the Eoman republic in the days of Marius 
(p. 365) ; and the Quadi and Marcomanni harassing the em- 
pire during the reign of Marcus Aurelius (p. 443). We have 
seen the frontiers broken in during the decline of the early em- 
pire (p. 452), and the Goths obtaining a foothold in the prov- 
inces during the reign of Valens (p. 465). These events show 
that from the earliest times the barbarian north had been a 
constant menace to the civilized south. The invasions were, 
in their nature, a struggle for the possession of the earth — or 
at least for the lands most favorable for human existence. As 
long as the Roman empire preserved its original strength, it 
was able to maintain itself in this struggle for existence. But 
when its resources were exhausted, its frontiers gave way to the 
barbarian pressure. These invasions were not of the nature 
of mere military expeditions; they were rather the migration 
of nations in the search of new settlements. The most im- 
portant of the great invasions which now took place were those 
of the Visigoths under Al'arie, the Huns under At'tila, and the 
Vandals under Gen'seric. 

Invasion of the Visigoths under Alaric. — The Gothic na- 
tion was divided into two parts, the Visigoths or West Goths, 
and the Ostrogoths or East Goths. The Visigoths were now set- 
tled in the Roman territory south of the Danube, and were 
subject to the Eastern emperor. Under their great leader, 
Alaric, they revolted (395 A. D.) against the Roman authority; 
they invaded IMacedonia and Greece, and tlireatened to dev- 
astate the whole peninsula. The Eastern emperor. Arcadius, 
in order to relieve liis own territory, pacified the Gothic leader 



GEKMAN OCCUPATION OF THE WEST 487 

by granting to him Illyricum and making him master general 
of the province. Not entirely satisfied with this territory, Al- 
aric soon invaded Italy, and ravaged the plains of the Po. But 
he was defeated at Pollentia (403 a. d.) by the great Vandal 
soldier, Stil'icho, who was now enlisted in the service of the 
Western emperor, Honorius. The generalship of Stilicho was 
also shown in checking an invasion made by a host of Vandals, 
Burgundians, and Sue'vi, under the lead of Kadagai'sus (406 
A. D.). Italy seemed safe as long as Stilicho lived; but he was 
unfortunately put to death to satisfy the jealousy of his un- 
grateful master, Honorius (408 a. d.). 

With Stilicho dead, Italy was practically defenseless. Alaric 
at the head of the Visigoths immediately invaded the penin- 
sula, and marched to Rome. He was induced to spare the city 
only by the payment of an enormous ransom. But the barba- 
rian chief was not satisfied with the payment of money. He was 
in search of lands upon which to settle his people. Honorius 
refused to grant his demand, and after fruitless negotiations 
with the emperor, Alaric determined to enforce it by the sword. 
He took the city of Rome and sacked it (410 a. d.). For three 
days the city was given up to plunder. He then overran south- 
ern Italy and made himself inaster of the peninsula. He soon 
died, and his successor, Adolphus (Ataulf), was induced to find 
in southern Gaul and Spain the lands which Alaric had sought 
in Italy. 

Invasion of the Huns under Attila. — The next great inva- 
sion of the Western Empire was made by the Huns under 
Attila. This savage people from Asia had already gained a 
foothold in eastern Europe north of the Danube. Under their 
great chieftain, Attila, who has been called " the Scourge of 
God," they invaded Gaul and devastated the provinces ; they 
laid siege to the city of Orleans, but were finally defeated by 
the Roman general Aetius, with the aid of the Visigoths. The 
battle was fought near Chalons (451 a. d.), and has been called 
one of the great decisive battles of the world, because it re- 



488 THE ROMAN WORLD 

lieved Europe from the danger of Scythian domination. Attila 
later invaded Italy, but retired without attacking Rome. 

Notwithstanding the brilliant service which Aetius had ren- 
dered, he was made the victim of court intrigue, and was mur- 
dered hy his jealous prince, Valentinian HI. The fate of 
Aetius, like tliat of Stilicho before him, shows the wretched 
condition into which the imperial government had fallen. 

Invasion of the Vandals under Genseric. — The Vandals 
who had fought under Kadagaisus had, upon the death of that 
leader, retreated into Spain, and had finally crossed over into 
Africa, where they had erected a kingdom under their chief 
Genseric (Gaiseric). They captured the Roman city of Car- 
thage and made it their capital ; and they soon obtained control 
of the western Mediterranean. On the pretext of settling a 
quarrel at Rome, Genseric landed his army at the port of Ostia, 
took possession of the city of Rome, and for fourteen days 
made it the subject of pillage (455 a, d.). By this act of 
Genseric, the city lost its treasures and many of its works of 
art, and the word " vandalism " came to be a term of odious 
meaning. 

Fall of the Empire in the West (476 a. d.). — By these and 
other barbarian conquests, the authority of the Western em- 
peror was now limited to Italy, together with a small part of 
northwestern Gaul, which still remained under the Roman 
governor Sya'grius. The emperors themselves were weak and 
incapable of ruling. The real power was exercised by others. 
The imperial administration at Rome was, for a time, in the 
hands of Placid'ia, sister of Honorius and daughter of Theodo- 
sius the Great. With the death of Stilicho and Aetius, the 
command of the Roman armies fell to Ric'imer, who is known 
as the " king-maker," since he set up and deposed emperors at 
his will. Then followed Orestes, who was once the secretary of 
the barbarian chief Attila, and who now commanded the bar- 
barian auxiliaries in Italy. He received the title of Roman 
" patrician "' and attempted to rule after the manner of Rici- 



GERMAN OCCUPATION OF THE WEST 489 

mer. He placed upon the throne his son, Romuhis Augustulus, 
a boy six years of age, whose reign has no significance, except 
that he was the last of the Western emperors. His brief reign 
was Ijroiight to an end by a revolt on the part of the barbarian 
mercenaries, who demanded one third of the lands of Italy. 
The young prince, Augustulus, was deposed by Odoa'cer, chief 
of the Her'uli (47(5 a. d.). Word was sent to the Eastern ruler 
that there was no longer any need of a separate emperor in 
the West. Odoacer accordingly received the title of patrician 
and ruled over Italy as the vicar of the Eastern em]:)eror. Tlie 
West was thus deprived of the imperial title; and this event is 
sometimes called the " fall of the Western Roman empire." 

III. The New Germanic Kingdoms 

In Italy, the Heruli and Ostrogoths. — The West was now 

theoretically united to the East; but as the result of the inva- 
sions it became, in fact, the seat of new Germanic kingdoms, 
which were practically independent of the Eastern emperor. 

In order to realize the great changes which were now taking 
place in western Europe, let us locate on the map (p. 490) the 
new kingdoms established by the German invaders. Odoacer, 
the king of the Heruli, continued to rule over Italy for seventeen 
years (476-493 a. d.). Although a barbarian he respected the 
forms of the Roman government. Although an Arian he did 
not disturb the orthodox church. The brief dominion of the 
Heruli was cut short by the conquest of Italy by the Ostrogoths 
under Theod'oric. 

The Ostrogoths, following their old kinsmen the Visigoths, 
had settled south of the Danube, and had become allies of the 
Eastei-n emperor. Their chief was Theodoric, who had been 
brought up as a hostage at Constantinople, and had l^ecome fa- 
miliar with the customs and institutions of the Romans. To 
satisfy the demands of his people for better lands, Theodoric 
obtained from the emperor the authority to take possession of 



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490 



GERMAN OCCUPATION OF THE WEST 



491 



Italy. After a brief war he became master of the peninsula, 
and founded the new kingdom of the Ostrogoths (493-552 
A. D.). He acknowledged a nominal allegiance to the emperor 
at (Constantinople; but, in fact, he ruled as an independent sov- 
ereign. He proved to be a great statesman and civilizer, and 
may well be regarded as the greatest of the barbarian kings. He 
restored Italy to a prosperous condition, such as it had not seen 




Tomb of Theodoric at Eavenna 



since the days of the Antonines. He drained the marshes, re- 
paired the highways, restored the old monuments, and built 
splendid edifices. His ambition was to infuse a new Teutonic 
vigor into the old civilization of Eome — to ])reserve the old in- 
stitutions, M^liile he gave to them a new spirit. He compiled the 
Koman law (the Edictum Theodorici) for the benefit of his 
Roman subjects: and. although an Arian, he respected the 
rights of the ortliodox church. He also patronized learning. 
The chief ornaments of his reign were Boe'thius. who wrote the 



492 THE ROMAN WORLD 

" Consolations of Philosophy " ; and his private secretary, Cas- 
siodo'rus, who wrote a " History of the Goths " (now preserved 
only in an abridged form). The last years of Theodoric were 
disturbed by intrigues and by acts unworthy of a great prince. 
At his death (527 a. d.), his enemies succeeded in having his 
ashes scattered; but his tomb at Eavenna renuiins as a monu- 
ment of his greatness. 

In Spain, the Suevi and Visigoths. — The peninsula of 
Spain became the seat of two Germanic kingdoms — that of the 
Suevi and that of the Visigoths. The Suevi had taken part 
in the great invasion under Radagaisus (p. 487) . After the de- 
feat of that barbarian leader by Stilicho, they had found a 
refuge in Spain, where they founded a Ivingdom in the north- 
western part of the peninsula (409-585 a. d.). They had little 
influence upon the history of Spain, as they were absorbed into 
the greater kingdom of the Visigoths. 

The Visigoths were led into Spain from Italy by Adolphus, 
the successor of Alaric (p. 487). Their kingdom lasted for 
many years (419-711 a. d.), and at one time extended over the 
entire Spanish peninsula and into southern Gaul as far as the 
river Loire. I^ike many other barbarian chiefs, the Visigothic 
kings had great respect for the Roman institutions which they 
found among the conquered people. How much their first 
king, Adolphus, was under tbe influence of Rome we may judge 
from his own statement, in which he says that while he wished 
at first to destroy the Roman name, he was convinced that 1o 
maintain the Gothic state it was necessary to preserve the Ro- 
man institutions. The Visigothic kings respected the rights of 
their Roman subjects. While one king (Euric) drew up the 
barbarian laws for the Gothic people, another king (Alaric 
n.) drew up the Roman laws for the Roman people. The 
tendency in Spain was to preserve the equality of the Romans 
and the Goths under the common authority of the king, 
who ruled more like a Ronum emperor than like a barbarian 
chieftain. 



GEKMAN OCCUPATION OF THE WEST 493 

In Gaul, the Burgundians and Franks. — In passing to the 
province of Gaul, we find the southeastern part, along the val- 
ley of the Rhone, occupied by the kingdom of the Burgundians 
(410-534 A, D.). Here, as in Italy and Spain, there was a dis- 
position on the part of the kings to place the Roman and the 
German people on a plane of equality. For example, one Bur- 
gundian king (Gundibald) codified the barbarian laws of his 
own people; and another king (Sigismund) drew up a collection 
of the Roman law for his Roman subjects. The Burgundians 
were regarded as a brave people; and their heroic exploits are 
sung in the Niehelun gen-lied, the great epic poem of the Ger- 
man race. Their kingdom was continued until it was absorbed 
by that of the Franks. 

The most important of all the new German kingdoms was 
the Frankish monarchy, the first dynasty of which was called 
tlie Merovingian (486-753 a. u.). The founder of this dynasty 
was Clovis (Clodwig, Clodovech), the chief of the Salian 
Franks — or that part of the Frankish nation that moved across 
tlie Rhine. This great chieftain, after defeating Syagrius (see 
p. 488) at the battle of Soissons (486 a. d. ; map, p. 516), soon 
overcame the neighboring tribes in Gaul, — the Alemanni in 
the northeast, the Burgundians in the southeast, and the Visi- 
goths in the southwest, — and thus brought the whole of Gaul 
under his authority. He recognized a sort of allegiance to the 
Eastern emperor by accepting the title of " consul." During 
his reign and that of his successors the Roman people were re- 
spected, their cities were preserved, their language and laws 
remained untouched; and many of the Romans were even se- 
lected to assist the Frankish king in his government. 

One of the most noteworthy facts in the reign of Clovis was 
his conversion to the orthodox form of Christianity, — which 
followed his victory over the Alemanni. The king became the 
protector of the church, and the church became a support 
of the king. The death of Clovis was followed by many divi- 
sions and reunions of the kingdom; but the policy which he 



494 



THE ROMAN WORLD 



adopted led to the blending of Eoman ideas of law with the 
German ideas of liberty, and to an alliance between the church 
and the state which afterward made the Frankish monarchy 
the strongest jjolitical power in western Europe, as we shall 
hereafter see. 

In Britain, the Anglo-Saxons. — The German conquest of 
Britain resulted from a series of migrations, beginning at the 
middle of the fifth century (449 a. d.) and extending over a 

period of a hundred and 
fifty years. The people 
whom we generally call 
the " Anglo-Saxons " in- 
cluded the Jutes, who 
settled in Kent; the Sax- 
ons, who settled in Sus- 
sex, Wessex, and Essex ; 
and the Angles, who set- 
tled in East Anglia, ]\ler- 
cia, and Northum'ber- 
land. These settlements, 
Avhich grew into as many 
kingdoms, are often spo- 
ken of as the " Anglo- 
Saxon Heptarchy." Al- 
though the province of 
Britain had previously 
been made a seat of Eoman civilization, many of the remains 
of which exist at the present day, the Teutonic institutions be- 
came thoroughly transplanted to English soil; and the German 
ideas of personal liberty and of local self-government became 
more firmly fixed there than in any other country of Europe. 
But still it would be a mistake to suppose that the Roman in- 
fluence was entirely destroyed. .The Eoman cities still re- 
mained and preserved some of the municipal institutions of 
the empire. When the Eoman missionary, iVugustine, was sent 




A.xolo-Saxox Heptakciiy 



GERMAN OCCUPATION OF THE WEST 495 

to Britain, and the Anglo-Saxons were converted to Chris- 
tianity, the church became organized on a Roman basis, and 
attained a sort of national unity, even before the Saxon king- 
doms themselves were united. The Christian clergy, who were 
imbued with Koman ideas, became the advisers of the Saxon 
kings, and gave them lessons in the art of government and po- 
litical administration. 

When we speak of the conversion of the Anglo-Saxons by 
Augustine, we must not forget that Christianity had already 
been established in Britain during the Roman period. When 
the island was invaded by the pagan Germans, the Celtic Chris- 
tians took refuge in Scotland and Ireland. The early British, 
or Celtic, church was thus preserved in these places, and had 
a strong seat in the island of lo'na. The rivalry between the 
Christian Celts and the missionaries from Rome was finally 
settled by an agreement to unite under an archbishop appointed 
by the Pope. The man selected was Theodore of Tarsus, who 
organized the Anglo-Saxon church upon a Roman model. 

IV. The Romano-Geemanic Society 

Fusion of the Romans and Germans. — The society which 
grew up in the new barbarian kingdoms was partly Roman and 
partly German. The two peoples lived side by side in the same 
territory — the one in the old municipalities, and the other, gen- 
erally speaking, in the rural districts — in villages or upon great 
estates. Being thus brought together under the same authority, 
they were necessarily influenced by each other. Their institu- 
tions, although diverse in origin and different in character, 
were modified by their mutual contact, resulting in a political 
system which possessed both Roman and German elements. 
One of the chief results of the invasions, therefore, was the 
fusion of the two peoples, the mingling to a great extent of 
their political and social institutions, their languages, and to a 
certain degree their systems of law. 



496 THE ROMAN WORLD 

The German Kingship. — The chiefs of the new kingdoms 
became lyings with something of an imperial dignity and au- 
tliority. Tliey assumed tlie imperial insignia — the crown, the 
imperial scepter, and the purple robe. They surrounded them- 
selves with household officers, like an imperial court. They 
governed their territory in a manner similar to that of an impe- 
rial province. Thus the royal power, by appropriating the old 
imperial idea of Rome, gradually became more absolute than 
among the primitive German people. 

The New German Nobility. — A new nol)ility also sprang 
up, which included both a German and a Eoman clement. It 
depended primarily upon the German principle of the comita- 
tus (p. 483), or the personal relation between the chief and his 
followers. Those who were closely related to the king were his 
companions, and shared something of his dignity. Besides this 
personal nobility, there was what might be called an official 
nobility, made up of the military chiefs, or dukes (duces), and 
the territorial governors, or counts (comites). Persons were 
admitted to this privileged class, whether they were Germans or 
Eomans; and tliis fact tended to break down the distinction be- 
tween the two peoples. 

The Common Freemen. — The growth of the new kingship 
and tlie new nobility tended to degrade the condition of the 
common freemen. The pure deuiocratic institutions of the 
primitive Germans became somewhat modified. In the old 
German societ}', before the invasions, all the freemen had been 
accustomed to meet together in their assemblies, and had had a 
real share in the government. It is true that after the inva- 
sions the kings sometimes called the people together: but the 
national assemblies were more often made up of the nobles than 
of the common freemen. ]\Ioreover, the freemen who were ex- 
cluded from the nobility, were obliged to live upon the soil; and 
many of them gradually descended to the condition of the old 
Eoman roJoni. or serfs. 

The Christian Church. — During the period of the invasions 



I 



GERMAN OCCUPATION OP THE WEST 497 

the church was growing in authority and influence. By its 
efficient organization, it was able to maintain its power, while 
the rest of society was breaking up and becoming reorganized. 
The clergy formed the most intelligent and influential class 
in the community. They not only exercised a great influence 
over the people, but became the advisers of the kings, and, to 
a large extent, shaped their laws and administration. More- 
over, the church, by bringing within its communion and under 
its authority both tlie German and the Eoman population, be- 
came a powerful agency in fusing the two peoples together and 
breaking down their race prejudices. Finally, the division of 
the church between the Arians and the orthodox gradually 
passed away by the triumph of the orthodox faith. On this 
account the church came to be united, and formed the greatest 
single power in western Europe. 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. The Germans and their Institutions. — The Barbarian 
World. — German Characteristics. — The German Political System. 
— The German Judicial System. — Conversion of the Germans. 

II. The Great Invasions. — Nature of the Invasions. — Invasion 
of the Visigoths under Alaric. — Invasion of the Huns under 
Attila. — Invasion of the Vandals under Genseric. — Fall of the 
Empire in the W^est. 

III. TfiE New Germanic Kingdoms. — In Italy, the Heruli and 
Ostrog-oths. — In Spain, the Suevi and Visigoths. — In Gaul, the 
Burg'undians and Franks. — In Britain, the Anglo-Saxons. 

IV. The Romano-Germanic Society. — Fusion of the Romans 
and Germans. — The German Kingship. — The New German Nobil- 
ity. — The Common Freemen. — The Christian Church. 

REFERENCES FOR READING 

Emerton, Ch. 2. "The Tavo Races"; Ch. 3, "Breaking- of the 

Frontiers"; Ch. 8, "Germanic Ideas of Law" (the Salic law) 

(24).^ 
Curteis, Ch. 6, "Alaric and the Visig"oths"; Ch. 7, "Genseric and 

the Vandals"; Ch. 8, "Attila and the Huns"; Ch. 9, "The 

Change of (lOvernment" (24). 
Thatcher and Schwill, Ch. 4, "The Mig-ration of Nations" (24). 

•The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the 
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. 



498 THE ROMAN WORLD 

Adams, Ch. 3, "Additions of Christianity"; Ch. 4, "The German 
Conquest and Fall of Rome" (24). 

Milman, Latin Christianity, Vol. II., Bk. III., Ch. 2, "Conversion 
of the Teutonic Races" (Saint Cohimban; Saint Boniface) ; Ch. 
:i, "Theodoric the Ostrogoth" (21). 

Hunt, History of the English Church (21). 

Robinson, Ch. 3, "The (Jerman Invasions and Break-up of the 
Roman Empire" (24). 

Oman, Dark Ages, Ch. 2, "Theodoric, King- of the Ostrogoths"; 
Ch. 8, "The Visigoths in Spain" (24). 

Bemont and Monod, Ch. 7, "Institutions in Gaul after the In- 
vasions" (24). 

Translations and Reprints, Vol. VI., No. 3, "The Early Ger- 
mans" (25). 

Robinson, Readings, Vol. I., pp. 52-55 (conversion of Clovis as told 
by Gregory of Tours) (25). 



CHAPTER XXXIII 

THE ROMAN EMPIRE IN THE EAST 

I. Recovery of the Empire by Justinian 

The Eastern Empire before Justinian. — While the Roman 
and the Teuton were uniting to build up a new society in the 
West, the old Roman Empire still continued in the East. The 
emperor at Constantinople still claimed to be the rightful ruler 
of the whole Roman world, and had succeeded in gaining the 
nominal allegiance of most of the German kings; but his real 
authority was confined to the provinces east of the Adriatic. It 
is true that the East was relieved of such invasions as had de- 
stroyed the Western provinces. Still the government at Con- 
stantinople was very weak, often in the hands of incapable 
men and under the influence of intriguing women. The capi- 
tal and the other cities of the empire were distracted by 
political dissensions and religious discord. Not till we come 
to the reign of Justinian do we see anything like a revival of 
the old Roman spirit. 



THE ROMAN EMPIRE IN THE EAST 



499 



The Reign of Justinian (527-565 a. d.). — Justinian was 
the most famous ruler of the li^astern Empire; and his deeds 
are recorded by Proco'pius, the most eminent historian of that 
period. A barbarian by l)irth, Justinian came to Constantino- 
[)le while yet a young man, and there received an excellent edu- 




Church of St. Sophia at Constantinople 

cation. He married the famous dancer Theodo'ra, who after- 
ward became an orthodox Christian, and who at times aided 
the emperor by her keen intellect and her vigorous spirit. In 
spite of many stories which detract from the personal character 
of Justinian, his reign was, after that of Constantine, the most 
brilliant in the history of the East. He constructed many pub- 
lic buiklings, chief among which was the Church of St. Sophia, 
dedicated to Wisdom. During his reign the culture of the silk- 
worm was introduced into Europe, the eggs being stealthily 
brought from China, it is said, by being concealed in a hollow 
staff. But the greatest renown of Justinian rests upon his 
partial recovery of the western provinces, and his codification 
of the Roman law. 

Recovery of Africa from the Vandals (534 a. d.). — The 
great desire of Justinian was to restore the grandeur of the 



PROGRKSSIVE IVIAP No. CI. 




500 



THE KOMAN EMPIKE IN THE EAST 501 

old Roman empire. To accomplish this, it was necessary not 
only to maintain the frontiers against the hostile Persians in 
the East, but also to recover the provinces in the West from the 
hands of the barbarian kings. The most hated and aggres- 
sive of the barbarians were the Vandals in Africa. They had 
swept the Mediterranean with their fleets, and had even threat- 
ened Constantinople. Unlike other tribes that had accepted 
Arian Christianity, the Vandals were intolerant in religion, 
and persecuted the members of the orthodox church. To rescue 
this province Justinian placed his greatest general, Belisa'rius, 
in command of a naval expedition to Africa. After a cam- 
paign of three months, the Vandals were conquered. Africa 
was restored to the empire, and placed under an " exarch," or 
governor, appointed by the emperor. 

Recovery of Italy from the Ostrogoths (535-552 a. d.). — 
Justinian soon found a pretext for invading Italy. But the 
conquest of the Ostrogoths proved a more serious undertaking 
than that of the Vandals. Belisarius was dispatched with an 
expedition to Sicily (535 a. d.). After the conquest of that 
island, Naples and Rome were taken. But Belisarius was him- 
self shut up in the Roman capital and besieged for a year by 
the Gothic armies. When the siege was finally raised, he pur- 
sued the Goths to Ravenna, and compelled the surrender of 
that city. In the midst of his victories, he was recalled to Con- 
stantinople and sent against the Persians. In the meantime 
the Ostrogoths recovered Rome and a large part of the Italian 
peninsula. Belisarius was a second time sent into Italy. He 
succeeded in recapturing Rome; but he was feebly supported 
by the emperor and again recalled to Constantinople. The 
final conquest of Italy was left to another general, Narses. 
With the fall of the Ostrogothic kingdom, Narses was ap- 
pointed exarch, with his capital at Ravenna. By these con- 
quests in Africa and Italy — to which the southern part of 
Spain was added — the authority of the empire was reestab- 
lished over a large part of the western provinces. 



502 THE EOMAN WORLD 

The Codification of the Roman Law. — To the transient 
fame which resulted from the wars of Justinian was added the 
more permanent glory which came from his compilation of 
the Roman law. The emperor appointed the famous lawyer 
Tribo'nian, with the aid of a commission of jurists, to collect 
the laws of the empire. These consisted of the imperial " con- 
stitutions " — that is, the laws issued by the emperors — and the 
writings of the jurists. The newly codified body of the civil 
law was called the Corpus Juris Civilis, and consisted of four 
parts. (1) The Code was a collection of the imperial constitu- 
tions, issued since the time of Theodosius — who had already 
made a collection of the previous constitutions. (2) The Di- 
gest, or Pandects, comprised extracts from the writings of 
thirty-nine of the greatest Roman jurists — including Gains, 
Ulpian, Paullus, Modestinus, and Papinian. It was the boast 
of the commission that three million lines had been reduced to 
one hundred and fifty thousand. (3) The Institutes was a text- 
book, containing the general principles of the law and intended 
for the use of students. (4) The Novels contained the later 
laws of Justinian issued after the publication of the Code. 
This compilation was perhaps the greatest legacy of Rome to 
the modern world. " It was in this form," as Savigny says, 
" that the Roman law became the common law of Europe." 

II. Barbarian Encroachments upon the Empire 

Conquest of Italy by the Lombards (568 a. d.). — The em- 
pire, which had recovered so much of its former greatness dur- 
ing the reign of Justinian, was after his death again exposed 
to barbarian incursions. The first great disaster was the loss of 
Italy, whicli had just been recovered by Belisarius and Narses. 
It is said that ISTarses — now the exarch at Ravenna — was ill- 
treated by the authorities at Constantino])le; and that he, in 
revenge, invited the Lombards to come to Italy. The Lombards 
had alreadv settled in Pannonia. Lender their leader, Al'boin, 



THE ROMAN EMPIRE IN THE EAST 



503 



they descended into the valley of the Po, and afterward overran 
nearly the whole of Italy. The principal seat of their power 
was in the north, their capital being at Pavia. In the south 
they established a number of duchies — like that of Spole'tum 
and that of Beneventum. The Eastern Empire was able, how- 
ever, to liold the territory about Eavenna and about Rome; 
and this territory remained under the authority of the exarch 



» Pavia 



S' 



T« I I^ J 




<A 



V ^ ^Ravenna 

\V'PENTAP> 
0LI8. -" 

T U S O I aV 

DUCHY 

• Spoletu: 
OF 

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ITALY 

Under the Lombards 
7tli Century 

I I Lombards 

I [ Eastern Empire 



Rome\ 
kKOME\ 



BUCHT OF 

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Nap%. -^ BENEVENTUM 




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SCALE OF MILES 



of Ravenna and of the Eastern Empire. The Lombards were 
oppressive and cruel. Unlike the Ostrogoths, they had little 
respect for the Roman people or for Roman institutions. They 
had adopted the Arian form of Christianity ; but they were in- 
tolerant and were open enemies of the orthodox church. The 
Lombard rule marks the lowest point that Italy reached during 
the barbarian invasions. 



504 THE ROMAN WORLD 

Slavic Settlements in the Eastern Provinces. — The invasion 

of the Lombards was the beginning of a new period of en- 
croachments upon the Eastern Empire. We saw some time 
ago that the early Germans had been pushed forward upon the 
frontiers by the pressure of the Huns from Asia (p. 405). So 
now the Slavic j^eoples were being pressed forward by other 
Asiatic tribes, the Avars and Bulgarians. The Slavs were thus 
brought into somewhat the same relation to the East as the 
Germans had been to the West. They did not, however, suc- 
ceed in overthrowing the empire in the East, as the Germans 
had practically done in the West. But still there came to be 
established at least four new barbarian states south of the Dan- 
ube. These were Servia, Croatia, (Virinthia, and Bulgaria. 
The first three of these were founded l)y tlie Slavs; the last was 
founded by the Ikilgarians, originally a " Turanian " people, 
who, liowever, having mixed with the Slavs, adopted the lan- 
guage and customs of the latter, and became themselves prac- 
tically a Slavic peo])le. 

Heraclius and the Declining Empire. — The loss of these 
territories in Italy and on the Danube was a painful evidence 
of the weakness of the government at (Constantinople. The 
Persians also renewed their wars and overran the provinces in 
the East. They took possession of Egypt and Syria, invaded 
Asia Minor, and their armies encamped within sight of Con- 
stantinople. From this dangerous condition the empire was 
temporarily rescued by the heroic efforts of Heracli'us (610-641 
A. D.), an emperor whose warlike deeds remind us of Justinian. 
He boldly attacked the enemy, rescued Asia Minor and Egypt 
and carried the war into the Persian territory. But the vigor- 
ous reign of Heraclius was hardly more than a parenthesis in 
the general uiovement toward decay and degeneracy. The 
Eastern Empire continued to exist for more than eight hun- 
dred years and to render some service to civilization. It pro- 
tected Europe from the encroachments of Asiatic peoples, and 
])reserve(l tin' fruits of ancient k-arning to modern times. 



THE ROMAN EMPIRE IN THE EAST 505 

III. The Mohammedan Attack 

Mohammed and his Religion. — While the empire was strug- 
gling to defend itself against Persia, there appeared in Asia a 
new power which was to prove a more formidable enemy than 
Persia, and a new religion which was destined to be a rival 
of Christianity itself. This new religious power sprang up in 
Arabia, of which little had been previously. known. Its founder 
and leader was Mohammed. It is not necessary for us to re- 
count the many stories which are told regarding his life — his 
early vocation as a merchant, his miraculous visions, his call 
to preach, his flight from his native city Mecca (from which 
date, 622 a. d., begins the Mohammedan era), his failure as a 
simple prophet, and his use of the sword as a tool of religious 
conquest. It is enough for us to keep in mind the fact that he 
welded together a disunited people, proclaimed a new religion 
to his fellow-men, and founded a new empire in the East. 

The religion of Mohammed, it has been said, was com- 
pounded of an eternal truth and a novel fiction. It may be 
summed up in the words, " There is only one God, and Mo- 
hammed is his prophet." It was a protest against the poly- 
theistic and idolatrous tendencies of the East. It was also the 
assertion of the prophetic character of a man who extended re- 
ligion by means of the sword, and sought to exalt himself by 
imposing upon the world the choice between the Koran,^ 
tribute, or death. 

Mohammedan Conquests in the East and West. — The con- 
quests begun by Mohammed were carried on by his successors, 
the " caliphs," as they were called. Of these the greatest war- 
rior, and the real founder of the Arabian supremacy in the East, 
was Omar. This caliph united all the people of Arabia under 
his banner, and entered upon a remarkable career of conquest. 
He defeated Heraclius, as that emperor was returning from a 

'The Koran is the Bible of the Mohammedans; they believe it to 
have been divinely revealed to the prophet, and accept it as the final 
authority in civil as well as religious law. 



506 



THE KOMAN WORLD 




Mosque of Omar, Jerusalem 



victorious campaign against Persia; he wrested Syria and Pal- 
estine from the empire, and erected an Arabian mosque at 
Jerusalem on the site of Solomon's Temple. He then defeated 
the Persians and overthrew the dynasty of the Sassanidse. He 

invaded Egypt, and, 
after besieging Alex- 
andria for fourteen 
montlis, became mas- 
ter of that country. 
With this beginning 
under Omar, the Ara- 
bians continued t o 
push their conquests, 
under other caliphs, in 
northern Africa to the 
Athmtic. They then 
crossed into Spain and destroyed the kingdom of the Visi- 
goths (711 A. D.), k'aving only a small Christian kingdom 
(Astu'ria) in the extreme north. They invaded Gaul and 
threatened to overrun all the countries of western Europe, and 
even to destroy Christianity itself. From this disastrous fate 
Christian Europe was rescued by the Franks under Charles 
Martel' at the famous battle near Tours, which may well be 
called one of the decisive battles of the world. In a single cen- 
tury, from the death of ^Mohammed (632 a. d.) to the battle of 
Tours (732 a. d.) , the Arabians, or Saracens, had established an 
empire extending from the Indus Eiver to the Atlantic Ocean. 
Dismemberment of the Caliphate. — By the middle of the 
eighth century the ]\lo]u\mmedan })ower had reached its great- 
est extent under the dynasty called the Ommi'ads, who made 
their capital at Damascus. From this time the caliphate grad- 
ually fell to pieces. The Ommiads were overthrown by a new 
dynasty, called the Abbas'sids, who removed tlieir capital far- 
tlier east, to tlie sliores of the Tigris at P>agdad. One of the 
Ommiads, named Abd-er-Kah'man, escaped and fled to Spain, 



THE ROMAN EMPIRE IN THE EAST 50? 

where he established an independent caliphate, with its capital 
at Cor'dova. It was not long before another independent 
caliphate arose in Africa, with its capital at Cairo, under the 
rule of the Fat'imites, who traced their descent from Fa'tima, 
the daughter of Mohammed. In spite of these and subsequent 
divisions, the Mohammedan religion continued to prevail over 
these countries. 

Mohammedan Civilization. — By their conquests the Mo- 
hammedans came into contact with the higher civilizations of 
Persia and the Eastern Empire. While western Europe was 
under the shadow of the German invasions, and the Eastern 
Empire was going into decline, Bagdad and Cordova, and other 
Mohammedan cities, became the centers of learning and cul- 
ture. The Arabians studied philosophy, cultivated mathe- 
matics, and excelled in medicine. They obtained their chief 
ideas of architecture from the cities of the Eastern Empire; 
but they developed a new and beautiful style of ornamentation, 
called " arabesque," which is made up of lines and curves, and 
dispenses with the forms of living beings. The Arabians were 
not very original; but they took up much of the culture of the 
East and afterward transmitted it to the peoples of western 
Europe. 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. Recovery of the Empire by Justinian. — The Eastern Em- 
pire before Justinian. — Tiie Reign of Justinian. — Recovery of 
Africa from the Vandals. — Recovery of Italy from the Ostro- 
g"oths. — Codification of tlie Roman Law. 

II. Barbarian Encroachments upon the Empire. — Conquest 
of Italy by the Lombards. — Slavic Settlements in the Eastern 
Provinces. — Hcraclius and the Declining- Empire. 

III. The Mohammedan Attack. — ^Mohammed and his Re- 
ligion.- — Mohammedan Conquests in the East and West. — Dis- 
memberment of the Caliphate. — Mohammedan Civilization. 

REFERENCES FOR READING 

Seignobos, Ch. ."iO, "The Eastern Roman Empire"; Ch. 31, "Mo- 
hammed and Mohammedanism" (18).' 

'The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the 
Appendix, where a fuller title of the booli will be found. 

MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 29 



508 THE ROMAN WORLD 

Bemont and Monod, Ch. 8, "The Roman Empire in the East"; 
Ch. 11, "The Arabian Empire" (24). 

Duruy, Ch. 4, "The Greek Empire"; Bk. II., "The Arab In- 
vasion" (24). 

Curteis, Ch. 10, "The Emperor Justinian"; Ch. 11, "The Empire 
in IJelation to the Barbarians of the East" (24). 

Gibbon, Ch. 40, "The Reign of Justinian"; Ch. 41 (career of Beli- 
sarius); Chs. 50-52 (extension of the Mohammedan power); 
Ch. 51 (Saracen conquest of Spain); Ch. 52 (siege of Constan- 
tinople) (IS). 

Stanley, Leet. s. "Mahometanism in its Relation to the Eastern 
Church" (21). 

Milman, Latin Christianity, Bk. TIL, Ch. 4, "Justinian" (21). 

Morey, Roman Law. pp. 158-163, "The Final Codification by 
Justinian" (22). 

Smith, R. B., Leet. 3, "Mohammedanism" (teachings of the 
Koran) (24). 



CHAPTER XXXIV 

THE GROWTH OF THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE 

I. The Papacy and the Latin Church 

The Growth of the Papacy. — We have thus seen the break- 
ing up and decline of the old Roman empire — resulting (1) 
from the German occupation of the West, and (2) the en- 
croachments made upon the East by the Slavs, by the Per- 
sians, and finally by the Mohammedans. We are now prepared 
to look at the events which led to tlie progress and consolida- 
tion of western Europe. We shall see an alliance formed 
between the two strongest powers of the West — the papacy and 
the Franks.. We shall then see the founding of a new Prankish 
dynasty, called the Carolingian; and the revival of the Eoman 
empire under the Carolingian rulers. Our attention must 
first be directed to that power which was most influential in 
bringing about these results — namely, the papacy, the chief 
authority in the Latin church. 



GROWTH OF THE CAEOLINGIAN EMPIRE 



509 




Papal Emblems 



The bishop of Rome — or the " Pope " (papa, father) as he 
was now called — had been acquiring new power and dignity 
during the whole period of the invasions. This was due to a 
number of causes, which we may briefly enumerate as fol- 
lows: (1) the belief that the Roman bishop was the lineal suc- 
cessor of Saint Peter; (2) the 
prestige of Rome as the previous 
capital of the world; (3) the rec- 
ognition of the Roman church as 
the "mother church" in the West ; 
(4) the custom of appealing to the 
Roman bishop upon moral and ec- 
clesiastical questions ; and (5) the 
personal influence of three great 
bishops — Innocent I., Leo I., and 
Gregory I. — whose ability as statesmen and whose vigorous 
policy gave to the bishop of Rome a commanding position 
throughout the Christian world. 

The Schism of the East and the West : the Iconoclastic Con- 
troversy. — Although the bishop of Rome had come to be recog- 
nized as superior to other bishops, the Eastern emperor as- 
sumed to exercise an authority over him. as he did over the 
ecclesiastical officers in the East. The distinction, however, 
between the Western or Latin churches, on the one hand, and 
the Eastern or Greek churches on the other, was so deeply 
rooted as to lead to their final separation. The most conspicu- 
ous cause of this schism between the East and the West was 
the famous " iconoclastic controversy." The emperor Leo III. 
(the Isaurian) had issued an edict (726 a. d.) forbidding the 
use of images, pictures, or other representations of Christ and 
the saints in the churches, and commanding the destruction 
of such symbols. As the emperor claimed that his authority 
was superior to that of any ecclesiastic — ^bishop, patriarch, or 
Pope — he intended this edict to apply to the Western as well 
as to the Eastern churches. The Pope, Gregory II., however, 



510 THE ROMAN WORLD 

refused to recognize the authority of this edict, and proclaimed 
that all persons would be excommunicated who ventured to 
obey it. By this act the Pope proved his independence of the 
Eastern emperor. The controversy regarding " iconoclasm " 
(image-breaking) raged fiercely throughout the church. As 
a result of this — and of other causes — the Latin church was 
able to preserve its freedom from imperial dictation, and to 
maintain its independent organization, under the supremacy 
of the bishop of Eome; while the Greek church was content 
to fall under the headship of the emperor at Constantinople. 

Western Monasticism. — The influence of the Latin church, 
as well as the authority of the Pope, was promoted by the 
establishment of monasticism in the West. This form of se- 
cluded religious life had long prevailed in the East, where its 
devotees had led a solitary and contemplative existence. When 
transplanted to the West, monasticism assumed a more practi- 
cal and philanthropic character. Under the rule of Saint 
Benedict, who established a monastery at Monte Cassino in 
Italy (529 a. d.), it became a prominent feature of the West- 
ern church. The " rule of Saint Benedict " required the tak- 
ing of three vows — poverty, chastity, and obedience. It also re- 
quired the performance of three daily duties — prayer, study, 
and manual labor. The monastic system spread throughout 
the countries of Europe, and exercised an important influence, 
not only in strengthening the church, but also in improving 
the condition of society. By encouraging manual labor, the 
monks restored the waste lands in difl'erent countries, and gave 
a new dignity to agricultural pursuits. By their copying of 
manuscripts, they preserved from destruction many works of 
ancient literature, and encouraged learning and scholarship. 
By their hospitality, they furnished a refuge for the weak, the 
sick, and the distressed, and presented to the world examples 
of Christian charity. 

The Papal Missions. — The influence of the Latin church 
was also extended by the encouragement given by the Popes to 



GROWTH OF THE CAEOLINGIAN EMPIKE 511 

missionary work. We have already seen how Augustine was 
sent (by Pope Gregory I.) to Britain to rescue that island from 
paganism and to bring it under the authority of the church 
(p. 49.1). The Irish monk and missionary, Saint Columban, 
was sent to the countries about the upper Rhine, where his 
work was continued by his disciple, Saint Gall, the founder 
of one of the great monasteries in central Europe. But the 
greatest of the papal missionaries was Saint Boniface, who 
was sent by the Pope as the " apostle to the Germans." His 
work resulted not only in the conversion of many German 
tribes, but also in the reform of the Prankish church and in 
bringing it more completely under the papal authority. In 
this work he received the aid of Charles Martel, who had now 
come to be looked upon as the champion of Christendom and 
the faithful supporter of the Pope. 

The Popes and the Lombards. — The people of western 
Europe who seemed to have the least respect for the dignity 
and authority of the Pope were his nearest neighbors, the 
Lombards. The Lombard kings desired to unite the Avhole of 
Italy under their own power. This would require, in the first 
place, the conquest of the Exarchate of Ravenna, which was 
still subject to the Eastern emperor. It would require, in the 
next place, the occupation of the city of Rome, the seat of the 
papal power. If this were accomplished, the Pope would be 
obliged to submit to the authority of the Lombard king — a 
master more oppressive than the emperor whose authority the 
Pope had denied. In the face of such a warlike people as 
the Lombards, the Pope was practically helpless, unless he 
could find some military support. He could not well appeal 
to the Eastern emperor from whom he wished to be free. The 
only people of Europe who could give him the necessary aid 
were the Franks — the people who had already saved Chris- 
tendom by their victory over the IMohammedans (p. 506). The 
Pope, Gregory III., therefore, first turned for help to Charles 
Martel, the hero of the battle of Tours ; but this great general 



613 THE ROMAN WORLD 

died before the desired aid could be given. This appeal of the 
Pope for military assistance against the Lombards was an 
important step, which finally led to the alliance of the Franks 
and the papacy — an event of great significance in the history 
of Europe. 

II. The Alliance of the Franks and the Papacy 

The Frankish Monarchy; Mayors of the Palace. — We may 

ask why the Pope called for help upon Charles Martel and 
not upon the Frankish king. The fact is that the Frankish 
kings had ceased to possess any real authority : the governing 
power had passed into the hands of an officer of the king's 
household, called the " mayor of the palace." It is true that 
the early kings — like Clovis, the founder of the Merovingian 
dynasty, and Dagobert, who consolidated the Frankish power 
— were able rulers ; Imt from the time of Dagobert, the crown 
was worn by feeble men. who reigned but did not rule. It was 
said by an old writer, " There was nothing left for the king 
to do but to be content with his flowing hair and long beard, 
and to sit on the throne and play the ruler" (Eginhard). 
The later Merovingian kings are hence known as faineant (do- 
nothing) kings. But in spite of the weakness of these so- 
called kings, the Frankish monarchy found able rulers in the 
mayors of the palace. These officers had succeeded in making 
the Franks the strongest nation of Europe. Charles Martel 
was mayor of the palace when he defeated the Mohammedans 
at Tours; and it was to him as the real representative of tlio 
Frankish people, as well as the defender of Christendom, that 
the Pope now appealed for lielp against the Lombards. 

Pepin the Short and the New Dynasty. — At his death 
Charles Martel was succeeded by his two sons, one of whom 
soon retired to a monastery. This left the other son, Pepin or 
(or Pippin) surnamed the Short {Jc Bref), as the sole mayor 
of the palace. Pepin was not disposed to exercise the real 



GEOWTH OF THE CAEOLINGIAN EMPIEE 513 

power of king without also having the title of king. He 
needed only some moral support to depose his feeble sovereign 
(Childeric HI.), and to reign in his stead. He therefore 
appealed to the Pope as the supreme arbiter of moral ques- 
tions. The Pope (Zacharias) replied, " It seems better that 
he who has the power in the state should be king, and should 
be called king rather than he who is falsely so called." With 
this sanction Pepin deposed the last Merovingian, assumed the 
royal title, and was raised on a shield, according to the Ger- 
man custom. He was also anointed with the holy oil, accord- 
ing to the Jewish custom, by Saint Boniface, now archbisliop 
of Mainz. This ceremony was intended to give a religious 
sanction to the royal power, and to indicate that the king 
reigns " by the grace of God." In this way was established 
a new line of Prankish kings, called the Carolingian (or Car- 
lovingian) dynasty (752 a. d.). The effect of this revolution 
was to cement more closely the alliance of the Franks with 
the papacy, and to give to the Popes the military support 
which they desired. 

Pepin's Defeat of the Lombards. — The Pope could now urge 
upon Pepin his duty to protect the church from the encroach- 
ments of the Lombards. Under their king, Aistulf, the Lom- 
bards had already conquered the Exarchate of Ravenna, over- 
run the central part of Italy, and were laying siege to the 
city of Eome. The Pope (now Stephen II.) fled to Gaul and 
besought the new Prankish king to come to his aid, at the 
same time anointing and crowning the king in person, thus 
emphasizing the papal sanction of the king's title. Pepin was 
quick to respond. He crossed the Alps with his army, marched 
to Rome, relieved the city, and thinking that his work was 
accomplished, returned to Gaul. On his departure from Italy, 
the Lombards again besieged Rome with a larger force than 
before. A second time the Pope appealed to the Prankish 
king; and a second time Pepin led his army into Italy. The 
king was now determined to make a more thorough settlement 



514 THE ROMAN WORLD 

of the Italian trouble. He not only raised the siege of Eome, 
but drove the Lombards from all the territory they had re- 
cently captured, and extorted from their king a promise to 
respect thereafter the rights of the church. 

The "Donation of Pepin" and the Temporal Power of the 
Popes. — The question now arose as to what should be done 
with the territory rescued from the hands of the Lombards. 
This territory was claimed by the Eastern emperor as his right- 
ful possession. But Pepin replied to this demand that his 
expedition into Italy was not made in the interests of the 
emperor, but in the interests of the church; that he himself 
had no desire for these lands, and that they should be given 
to the Pope. The whole territory — comprising the Exarchate 
of Eavenna, the Pentap'olis, and the Duchy of Eome (map, 
p. 503) — was therefore turned over to the church as the " pat- 
rimony of St. Peter" (756 a. d.). This gift is called the 
" Donation of Pepin," and it laid the foundation of the tem- 
poral power of the Popes. From this time the Pope became 
a temporal sovereign in Italy, exercising a political as well as 
an ecclesiastical authority. But quite as important was the 
fact that it established more firmly the alliance between the 
Franks and the papacy, by which each was bound to assist 
the other in their respective spheres of authority. 

III. The EMriRE of Charlemagne " 

The Consolidation of Central Europe. — The movements 
which we have already considered — namely, the growth of 
the papacy as the chief power in the Latin church, and the 
alliance of the Popes with the Prankish monarchy — resulted 
finally in the estal)lishmcnt of a Eomano-Germanic empire 
under the Carol ingian rulers. The founder of this empire was 
Charles the Great, who was the son of Pepin, and wlio is gen- 
erally known as Charlemagne. Charlemagne was not only 
the greatest man of his age, but one of the great men of his- 



GROWTH OF THE CAEOLINGIAN EMPIRE 



515 



tory. After the death of Pepin (7G8 a. d.) he ruled for a 
short time with his brother Carlonian ; but at the death of 
Carlonum lie became the sole ruler of the Frankish nation. 
He proved himself to be a born king and statesman. He was 
a man of gigantic stature, of imposing presence, and of broad 
ideas. His ambition was to consolidate the peoples of central 
Europe into one great Christian state, and to lift them to a 
higher plane of civilization. 

A considerable part of his reign was occupied with wars 
with outlying peoples, and with efforts to organize them under 
his authority and to bring 
them under the influence 
of the church. We can 
only briefly refer to these <^ 
wars: (1) He invaded 
the kingdom of the Lom- 
bards, to settle anoth(M' 
quarrel between this peo- 
ple and the Poises ; lie 
conquered their territory, 
and was himself crowned 
with the " iron crown of 
the Lombards," ^ thus annexing this kingdom to his own. (2) 
He invaded northern Spain to free the Christians from the 
yoke of the Saracens (Mohammedans). On his retreat the 
rear guard of his army was attacked in the pass of Ronces- 
valles, where the heroic warrior Roland was killed; but this 
disaster did not prevent Charlemagne from annexing the 
northern part of Spain, which he did under the name of the 
*' Spanish March." (3) He made war upon the barbarous 

'This famous crown takes its name from a smaU fillet of iron within 
the broad band of gold and jewels which protects it. The piece of iron is 
said to have been wronsht from a nail taken from the true cross, and to 
have been owned liy C'onstantine and T'one Orearory the Great before it 
passed into tl.e hands of the Lomliard kinas. The crown was afterward 
used by Charlemagne and Napoleon. It is now in the church of Monza, a 
town in northern Italy. 







The Iron Crown of the Lombards 



'f>tiog^-e:s&t^k'"f: ivlajt^ -!<ro. 13. 




GEOWTH OF THE CAROLINGIAN EMl'IHE 



517 



nations on the eastern frontier — the Avars and Bavarians ; he 
drove back the Avars, and added to his territory Bavaria, the 
seat of the Bavarians, who had hitherto remained independent. 
(4) He made many expeditions against tlie Saxons on the 
north of the Eliine, 



'v'%;4 



who long resisted 
his power, but who 
were finally reduced 
to his authority and 
brought under the 
influence of Chris- 
tianity. By these 
conquests the do- 
minions of Charle- 
m ague were ex- 
tended over a large 
part of central Eu- 
rope, and included 
the following chief 
provinces : Saxony 
and Frisia, Austra- 
sia and ISTeustria, 
Burgundy and 
Aquitaine, Lom- 
bardy (northern Italy) and Bavaria, together with the Spanish 
March on the south, and the Avaric March on the east. This 
extensive dominion seemed to need only the sanction of the 
Pope to make it in name, as well as in fact, an empire. 

Coronation of Charlemagne as Roman Emperor (800 a. d.). 
— At this time the imperial title at Constantinople was held 
by a woman — the empress Irene — whose authority was not 
recognized in the West. It needed only a suitable occasion 
to confer the title upon Charlemagne, who was now the most 
conspicuous ruler in Europe and the ablest defender of Chris- 
tianity. The occasion soon presented itself. When the Pope, 




Charlemagne (Traditional Portrait) 



518 THE EOMAN WORLD 

Leo III., was driven from Rome by an insurrection, Charle- 
magne, with his army, entered the city and reinstated him. 
As a reward for this service, the Pope on Christmas Day, in 
the Church of St. Peter, placed upon Charlemagne's head a 
golden crown, and saluted him as " Charles Augustus, crowned 
of God, great and pacific emperor of the Romans." The Ro- 
man people who witnessed this impressive ceremony in the 
church shouted their approval, and the Prankish soldiers out- 
side the building joined in the acclamation. In describing 
this memorable event, Mr. Bryce says : " In that shout, echoed 
by the Pranks without, was pronounced the union, so long in 
preparation, so mighty in its consequences, of the Roman and 
the Teuton, of the memories and the civilization of the South 
and the fresh energy of the North, and from that moment 
modern history begins." 

The coronation of Charlemagne has been variously inter- 
preted. It has been regarded as the revival of the Western 
Roman empire which had been extinguished by the deposition 
of Romulus Augustulus (p. 489) ; but as a matter of fact there 
had never been recognized a Western Empire as legally distinct 
from the Eastern. Again, it has been considered as the trans- 
ference of the imperial title from the East to the West; but 
the empire in the East continued to exist for centuries as a 
rival to that of the West. It has also been regarded as the 
simple recognition of the imperial position which Charlemagne 
himself had achieved and to which he was entitled by his own 
conquests. It has finally been considered as the bestowal of 
the title by the Pope as a reward for Charlemagne's services 
to the church, and to indicate that his authority was derived 
from the Pope. These various opinions are, to a great extent, 
merely theories to justify the later claims set up by the par- 
tisans of the emperor or of the Pope. Charlemagne himself 
professed to be surprised by the act of coronation; but he 
nevertheless gracefully accepted the title which was thereby 
conferred. 



GROWTH OF THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE 519 

Charlemagne and his Imperial Government. — Charlemagne 
was now both Frankisli king and Koman emperor. But it is 
diffigult for us to separate these two functions; since his gov- 
ernment, like that of his predecessors, was made up of both 
German and Roman features. In looking at the political 
organization of Charlemagne's empire we may distinguish be- 
tween the central government and the local government. 

(1) The central government consisted of the emperor him- 
self, the othcers of the palace, and the national assemblies. 
The emperor was of course the supreme head of the empire, 
somewhat like the old Roman prince. His authority extended 
over all the aifairs of the state. He was assisted by the officers 
of the palace, called the " palatines," each one of whom had 
charge of some particular branch of administration, like the 
issuing of the royal decrees, the administration of Justice, the 
care of the imperial household, and similar matters. One of 
the peculiar features of Charlemagne's government was the 
preservation of the old German assemblies, in which the people 
had some share of political authority. There were two of these 
assemblies held each year. The larger one, which met in the 
spring and was called the " Field of May," was made up not 
only of the nobles, but of a large part of the common freemen. 
This assembly generally met in the open air, and approved the 
laws submitted to it by the emperor. The smaller assembly, 
which met in the autumn, was a gathering of the various 
officers of the empire for the purpose of giving an account of 
their administration, and of laying out the work for the coming 
year in accordance with the wish of the emperor. 

(2) The local government consisted of a large number of 
officers who exercised authority within the different provinces 
or districts. There were several kinds of such local officers. 
There were two kings, the sons of Charlemagne, who ruled 
over Aquitaine and Italy. Then there were several dukes, the 
chiefs of barbarian tribes, who were permitted to govern their 
own people, subject to the imperial will ; such were the dukes 



530 THE KOMAN WOELD 

of Brittany in Gaul, and of Spoletum and Beneventum in 
Italy (p. 503). But the largest number of these local officers 
were counts, or " grafs," — there were about three hundred 
of these, — who were appointed directly by the emperor to 
carry out his will in their separate districts or counties. The 
districts on the borders of the empire were called " marks," 
and were placed under officers called " margraves." Bishops 
were also appointed over the various dioceses to supervise the 
affairs of the church. But all these officers, whatever their 
rank, were subject to the supreme authority of the emperor. 
To keep a strict control over all these local governors, and to 
protect the interests of the people, Charlemagne appointed two 
special officers, called missi dominici — the one a count and 
the other a bishop — to travel together through the various 
provinces for the purj^ose of inspecting the affairs of each 
locality, of correcting abuses, and of administering Justice. 
These last-named officers formed a sort of connecting link 
between the central and local governments. In the political 
system which he organized, Charlemagne showed his great 
ability as a statesman and an efficient administrator. 

The Capitularies of Charlemagne. — The comprehensive 
mind of ,Charlemagne is seen in the vast number of laws 
passed by him for the government of his people. These laws 
were called " capitularies," and related to all matters which 
concerned the interests of his subjects. More than eleven hun- 
dred of such laws have been collected and preserved to us; so 
that we can learn much from them not only regarding the 
high ideals of Charlemagne, but regarding the condition of 
European society during this time. These laws emanated 
from the emperor himself or from his immediate counselors, 
and were prepared so as to meet the approval of the assemblies, 
to which they were generally submitted. They related to the 
duties of officers, the administration of justice, the punishment 
of crime, tlie regulation oF industi'v, the suppression of beg- 
gary, the encouragement of religion, and ;i nniltitude of other 



GROWTH OF THE CAKOLINGIAN EMPIRE 521 

matters, all of which indicate the great concern which the 
emperor had for the welfare of his people. 

Charlemagne and European Civilization. — Charlemagne's 
greatest distinction lies in the fact that he was a promoter of 
civilization. He brought about a union of the German and 
the Eoman people, and laid the basis of a new European soci- 
ety. He encouraged haljits of industry among his people, and 
published rules for the cultivation of the soil. He encouraged 
the revival of learning and of art. The long period which had 
elapsed since the beginning of the invasions had been a period 
of intellectual decline. But Charlemagne was a man who ap- 
preciated culture. He gathered about him the most learned 
men from all parts of Europe, and encouraged them in their 
scholarly pursuits. He also looked after the education of his 
subjects. He established schools in connection with the cathe- 
drals and monasteries, as well as a " school of the palace " 
under the supervision of the famous scholar, Alcuin, arch- 
bishop of York. He promoted a taste for architecture, and 
built many churches, one of which was the cathedral at his 
capital, Aachen (Aix-la-Chapelle), where he was at last buried 
(81-i A. D.). Charlemagne was the most efficient agent in 
uniting the German and the western Roman world, and in 
laying the basis of a new Eomano-Germanic society, and thus 
in furnishing a broader foundation for the states which were 
to be formed from the ruins of the old Roman empire. Al- 
though his empire fell to pieces after his death, the beneficial 
results of his policy and work have remained as a heritage to 
modern Europe. 

General Summary. — The name of Charlemagne closes the 
long period of ancient history which has been the subject of 
our study. As we look back we are able to see the successive 
stages of progress in the development of the old world. 

(1) In the first place, we have seen the beginnings of 
civilization in the East — the early struggle of man for exist- 
ence, and the growth of agriculture, manufactures, and com- 



522 THE ROMAN WOELD 

merce; the formation of cities, and the rise and fall of great 
empires, and the initial stages in the development of art, 
science, and religion. In our study of the Oriental world we 
found that man first emerged from barbarism in those centers 
which were best fitted by nature for human existence — the 
fertile valleys of the Euphrates and the Nile. We found that 
the different forms of culture which were developed in these 
localities by the Babylonians and the Egyptians were brought 
together and commingled in Syria. Here we saw the rise of 
two important nations which carried to the highest point of 
development two phases of ancient civilization — the com- 
mercial under the Phoenicians, and the religious under the 
Hebrews. Then followed the consolidation of the Orient un- 
der the dominion of the Assyrians, the first great world power, 
which brought into a closer union the various civilizations of 
the East. The dissolution of the Assyrian empire was fol- 
lowed by a still wider organization of the Oriental peoples 
under the second world power, Persia, which represented the 
highest unity attained by the Oriental world. 

(2) In the next place, we have seen how civilization passed 
from the East to the West, and found a new center in Greece — 
the heir of the Orient, the home of liberty, and the seat of a 
higher intellectual and aesthetic culture. In our study of the 
Greek world we saw the rise of small city states scattered over 
the different parts of Hellas, each being the center of an in- 
dependent political life. We saw the united struggle of these 
cities against the encroachments of the East, resulting in their 
triumph and the establishment of a period of peace and 
prosperity, during which time they developed an art, a litera- 
ture, and a philosopliy unequaled by any other nation. We 
then saw how their great love of independence brought about 
jealousies and conflicts, leading to the interference of a foreign 
power, and the growth of the third great world empire under 
Alexander — an empire which joined the Greek and Oriental 
worlds in one common civilization. 



GROWTPI OF THE CAKOLINGIAN EMPIRE 523 

(3) Finally, we have seen the shifting of the center of the 
ancient world from Greece to Italy and the growth of the im- 
perial dominion of Eome. In our special study of the Roman 
world, we saw not only the progress of the Roman arms 
and the expansion of the Roman territory, but the devel- 
opment of the idea of incorporation as a political principle 
— the bringing of conquered peoples within the state and the 
extension of the privileges of citizenship. We noticed that the 
struggles between different parties, however bitter they were, 
resulted in the more complete equalization of rights and the 
establishment of a universal peace. We saw that the Roman 
genius for organization was not exhausted until the most 
important civilized nations of the old world were brought un- 
der one system of government, law, and religion. And we 
saw at last that when the Empire was broken up, and the 
Romans and the Germans were brought togetlier, the influence 
of Rome still remained as a beneficial element in the recon- 
struction of European society. 

From the study of these successive movements, we must be 
convinced of the " continuity of history," of the fact that the 
achievements of one age or people have been transmitted to 
those succeeding, and also of the fact that, in spite of wars 
and revolutions, of the rise and fall of nations, the progress of 
the race as a whole has been onward and upward. 

SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW 

I. The Papacy and the Latin Church. — The Growth of the 
Papacy. — The Schism of the East and the West: the "Iconoclas- 
tic Controversy." — Western Monasticism. — The Papal Missions. — 
The Popes and the Lombards. 

II. The Alliance of the Franks and the Papacy. — The 
Frankish Monarchy; Mayors of the Palace. — Pepin the Short and 
the New Dynasty. — Pepin's Defeat of the Lombards. — The "Dona- 
tion of Pepin," and the Temporal Power of the Popes. 

III. The Empire of Charlemagne. — The Consolidation of 
Central Europe. — Coronation of Charlemagne as Roman Emperor. 
— Charlemagne and his Imperial Government. — The Capitularies 
of Charlemagne. — Charlemagne and European Civilization. — Gen- 
eral Summarj^ 



534 THE ROMAN WORLD 

REFERENCES FOR READING 

Duruy, Bk. III., "The Carolingian Empire" (24). ^ 

Emerton, Ch. 9, "Rise of the Christian Church"; Ch. 12, "The 
Franks from Charles Martel to Charlemagne"; Ch. 14, 
"Foundation of the Mediaeval Emjiire" (24). 

Thatcher and Schwill, Ch. 5, "The Franks" (24). 

Curteis, Ch. i:'>, "The Popes and the Franks in Italy"; Ch. 14, 
"The Franks and the Papacy" (24). 

Robinson, Ch. 4, "The Rise of the Papacy"; Ch. 7, "Charlemagne" 
(24). 

Seignobos, Ch. 32, "Charles the Great and the New Empire" (18). 

Bemont and Monod, Ch. 12, "The Faineant Kings"; Ch. 13, "Em- 
pire of the Franks". (24). 

Adams, Ch. 6, "The Formation of the Papacy"; Ch. 7, "The 
Franks and Charlemagne" (24). 

Oman, Ch. 1(3, "The Lombards and the Papacy"; Ch. 22, "Charles 
the Great and the Empire" (24). 

Bryce, Ch. 4, "Restoration of the P^mpire in the West"; Ch. 5, 
"Empire and Policy of Charles"; Ch. 7, "Theory of the Medi- 
aeval Empire" (24). 

Milman, Latin Christianity, Vol. II., Bk. III., Ch. 6, "Western 
Monasticism"; Ch. 7, "Gregory the Great"; Bk. IV., Ch. 7, 
"Iconoclasm"; Ch. 9, "Severance of Latin and Greek Chris- 
tianity" (21). 

Guggenberger, History of the Christian Era (21). 

Freeman, Essay, "The Unity of History" (3). 

Henderson, Documents, pp. 274-314, "The Rule of St. Benedict" 
(25). 

Eginhard, Life of Charlemagne (27). 

Translations and Reprints, Vol. VI., No. 5, "Laws of Charles the 
Great" (25). 

^The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the 
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. 



APPENDIX 

A CLASSIFIED LIST OF LMPORTANT BOOKS UPON ANCIENT 

HISTORY^ 

I. GENERAL AND MISCELLANEOUS WORKS 

(1) Ancient History, General. 

Ducoudray, G. History of Ancient Civilization. N. Y. 1889. 

Fisher, G. P. Outlines of Universal History. Part I. An- 
cient History. N. Y. 1S85. 

Ploetz, C. Epitome of Ancient, Mediseval, and Modern 
History. Part I. Ancient History. Bost. 1884. 

Rawlinson, G. Manual of Ancient History. N. Y. 1880. 

Smith, P. History of the World. Ancient History. .1 vols. 

Seig-nobos, C. History of Civilization. Tr. by A. H. Wilde. 
Vol. I. Ancient Civilization. N. Y. 1906. 

Souttar, R. Short History of Ancient Peoples. Lond. 
1904. 

(2) Anthropology and Ethnology. 

Brinton, D. G. Races and Peoples. N. Y. 1890. 
Clodd, E. Story of Primeval Man. N. Y. 1895. 
Deniker, J. Races of Man. N. Y^ 1891. 
Hoernes, M. Primitive Man. Lond. 1901. (Primer.) 
Joly, N. Man before JNIetals. N. Y. 1883. 
Keary, C. F. Dawn of History. N. Y. 
Morris, C. The Aryan Race. Chicago, 1892. 
Taylor, I. Origin of the Aryans. Lond. 1890. 
Tylor, E. B. Primitive Culture. 2 vols. N. Y. 1874. 

Early History of Mankind. Bost. 1878. 

Anthropology. N. Y. 1S81. 

Sayce, A. H. Races of the Old Testament. Lond. 1891. 
Starr, F. Some First Steps in Human Progress. Mead- 
ville. 1895. 

(3) Miscellaneous Works. 

Bourne, H. E. Teaching of History and Civics in the 
Elementary and Secondary School. N. Y. 1902. 

Clarke, J. F. Ten Great Religions: an Essay in Com- 
parative Theology. Bost. 1871. 

1 The books contained in this list have been s^lectecl with special refer- 
ence to their educational value in connection with the work of secondary 
schools. More complete lists may be found in the author's "Outlines of 
Greek History" and "Outlines of Roman History." 

MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. — 30 525 



526 APPENDIX 

Committee of Seven. American Historical Association. 

Study of History in Seliools. N. Y. 1903. 
Diesterweg-, G., and others. JMethods of Teaching- Historj'. 

Bost. 1883. 
Freeman, E. A. Historical Essays. Second Series. Lond. 

1873. 

Comjjarative Politics: with Lecture on the Unity of 

History. N. Y. 1874. 

New England History Teachers' Association. Historical 

Sources in Schools. N. Y. 1902. 
Historical Syllabus for Secondary Schools. Bost. 1904. 

II. THE ORIENTAL WORLD 

(4) Oriental History, General. 

B/^oughton, W. History of Ancient Peoples. N. Y. 1897. 
Duncker, M. History of Antiquity (Oriental Nations). 

Tr. by E. Abbott. 6 vols. Lond. 1877-82. 
Hommel, F. Civilization of the East. N. Y. 1900. (Primer.) 
Lenormant, F., and Chevallier, E. Ancient History of the 

East. 2 vols. Phil. 1871. 
Maspero, G. C. C. Life in Ancient Eg-ypt and Assyria. 

N. Y. 1892. 

Dawn of Civilization. Egypt and Assyria. Lond. 

1894. 

Struggle of the Nations. N. Y. 18.07. 

Passing- of the Empires. N. Y. 1899. 

McCurdy, J. F. History, Prophecy, and the Monuments. 

3 vols. N. Y. 1895-1901. 
Sayce, A. H. Ancient Empires of the East. N. Y. 1889. 
Eawlinson, G. Five Great Monai'chies. 3 vols. N. Y. 

1871. 
Smith, P. Ancient History of the East. N. Y^. 1871. 

(Students' Series.) 

(5) Babylonia and Assyria. 

Budge, C. A. W. Babylonian Life and History. Lond. 
1891. 

Goodspeed, G. S. History of the Babylonians and As- 
syrians. N. Y. 1904. 

Jastrow, M. Eeligion of Babylonia and Assyria. Bost. 
1898. 

Murison, R. G. Babylonia and Assyria. Edin. (Primer.) 

Perrot, G., and Chipiez, C. History of Art in Chaldrea and 
Assyria. 2 vols. Lond. 1884. 

Eagozin, Z, A. Story of Chaldaea. N. Y. 1891. 

- Story of Assyria. N, Y. 1891. 

Eogers, B. W. Babylonia and Assyria. 2 vols. N. Y. 

1889. 
Sayce, A. H. Social Life of the Assyrians and Babylonians. 

Lond. 1893. 



APPENDIX 527 

Schmidt, N. Outlines of a History of Babylonia and As- 
syria. Ithaca. 

Smitli, G. Assyria from the Earliest Times to the Fall of 
Nineveh. Lond. 

(6) Egypt. 

Breasted, J. H. History of Egypt from the Earliest Times 

to the Persian Conquest. N. Y. 1905. 
Brugsch-Bey, H. History of Egypt under the Pharaohs. 

Revised by M. Broderick. N. Y. 1891. 
Edwards, A. B. Pharaohs, Fellahs, and Explorers. N. Y. 

1892. 
Erman, A. Life in Ancient Egj^pt. Lond. 1894. 
Mariette, A. Outlines of Ancient Egyjitian History. N. Y. 

1862. 
Maspero, G. C. C. Egyptian Archa?ology. N. Y. 1S91. 
Murison, R. G. Historj^ of Egypt. Edin. (Primer.) 
Newbury, P. E., and Garstang. J. Short History of Egypt. 

Lond. 1904. 
Petrie, W. M. F. History of Egypt. 2 vols. N. Y. 1896. 
Perrot, G., and Chipiez, C. History of Art in Ancient 

Egypt. 2 vols. Lond. 1883. 
Eawlinson, G. History of Egypt. 2 vols. Lond. 1881. 

Story of Egypt. N. Y. 1892. 

Wendel, F. C. H. "History of Egypt. N. Y. 1890. (Primer.) 

(7) Phoenicia and Judea. 

Day. E. Social Life of the Hebrews. N. Y. 1901. 
Edersheim, E. W. Laws and Polity of the Jews. Lond. 
Hosmer, J. K. Story of the Jews." N. Y. 1891. 
Kendriek, J. Phcenicia. Lond. 1855. 
Kent, C. F. History of the Jewish People. N. Y. 1899. 

History of the Hebrew People. 2 vols. N. Y'. 1899- 

1901. 

Milman, H. H. History of the Jews. Lond. and N. Y. 

1878. 
Ottley, E. L. Short History of the Hebrews. N. Y^ 1901. 
Perrot, G., and Chipiez, C. History of Art in Phcenicia. 

2 vols. Lond. 18S5. 
Eawlinson, G. History of Phoenicia. Lond. 1889. 

Story of Phoenicia. N. Y^. 1896. 

Renan, E. History of the People of Israel. 5 vols. Bost. 

1888-95. 
Sayce, A. H. Early History of the Hebrews. N. Y. 1897, 

(8) Media and Persia. 

Benjamin, S. G. W. Story of Persia. N. Y. 1891. 
Ragozin, Z. A. Story of Media, Babylon, and Persia. 

N. Y". 1891. 
Vaux, W. S. W. Persia from the Earliest Times to the 

Arab Conquest. Lond. 



528 APPENDIX 

(9) Sources of Oriental History. 

Hammurabi, Code of. Tr. by C H. W. .Johns. Edin. 1903, 

Same tr. by K. F. Harper, Chicago, 1904. 
.Josephus, F." Works, Tr. by W. Whiston. Lend. 1870. 
Old Testament. Eevised Version. 
Sayce, A. H. Eecords of the Past. 6 vols. Lond. 1888-92. 



III. THE GREEK WORLD 

(10) Greek History, General. 

Abbott, E. History of Greece. 2 vols. N. Y. 1888-92. 

Alleroft, A. H., and Masom, W. F. History of Greece. 6 
vols. Lond. 

Bury, J. B. History of Greece (one vol. edition). N. Y. 
I'.IOO. 

Butcher, S. H. Some Aspects of the Greek Genius. Lond. 
and N. Y. 1893. 

Cox, G. W. General History of Greece. N. Y. 1894. (Stu- 
dents' Series.) 

The Greeks and the Persians. N. Y. (Epochs.) 

The Athenian Empire. N. Y. (Epochs.) 

Curteis, A. M. Pise of the Macedonian Empire. N. Y. 

1887. (p:pochs.) 
Curtius, E. History of Greece. 5 vols. N. Y. 1875. 
Huruy, V. History of Greece. 8 vols. Bost. 1892. 
Felton, C. C. Greece, Ancient and Modern. 2 vols, in 

one. Bost. 1893. 
Freeman, E. A. History of Federal Government in 

(Jreece and Italy. 2d Edition. Lond. 189;;. 
Gardner, P. Nev\' Chapters in Greek History. Lond. and 

N. Y. 1892. 
Grote, G. History of Greece. 12 vols. N. Y. 1857. Same 

10 vols. Lond.'l888. 
Holm, A. History of Greece. 4 vols. Lond. and N. Y. 

1894-98. 
IMahaffy, J. P. Survey of Greek Civilization. ^Nleadville. 

1890." 

vStory of Alexander's Empire. N. Y. 1897. 

Greek Life and Thought from the Age of Alexander 

to the Roman Conquest. Lond. and N. Y. 1887. 

Greek World under Eoman Sway. Lond. and N. Y. 

1890. 
Oman. C. W. C. History of Greece. Lond. and N. Y. 1901. 
Sankey, C. Spartan and Theban Supremacy. N. Y. 1887. 

(Epochs.) 
Shuckburgh, E. S. Short History of the Greeks. Camb. 

1901. 
Smith, Wm. History of Greece, with supplementary 

chapters on the History of Literature and Art. N. Y. 

(Students' Series.) 



APPENDIX 539 

(11) Greek Antiquities. Public and Private Life. 

Becker, W. A. Charicles. Loud. 18(56. 

Bliimner, H. Home Life of the Ancient Greeks. Lond. 
1893. 

Davidson, T. Education of the Greek People. N. Y. 1894. 

Fowler, W. W. City State of the Greeks and Romans. 
N. Y. 1893. 

Gardner, P.. and Jevons, F. B. Manual of Greek Antiqui- 
ties. N. Y. 1895. 

Gilbert, G. Constitutional Antiquities of Athens and 
Sparta. Lond. and N. Y. 1895. 

Greenidge, A. H. J. Handbook of Greek Constitutional 
History. Lond. and N. Y. 1896. 

Guhl, E. K., and Koner, W. D. Life of the Greeks and 
Komans. Lond. 1889. 

Gulick, C. B. Life of the Ancient Greeks. N. Y. 1902. 

Harper's Dictionary of Classical Literature and Antiqui- 
ties. N. Y. 1897. 

Mahaffy, J. P. Old Greek Life. N. Y. 1876. 

Social Life in Greece. Lond. and N. Y. 1890. 

Seyffert, O. Dictionary of Classical Antiquities. Lond. 
1891. 

Smith, Wm. Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. 
3d Edition. 2 vols. 'Lond. 1890. 

Whibley, L. I'olitical Parties in Athens. Camb. 1889. 

Greek Oligarchies. N. Y. 1896. 

(12) Greek Archaeology and Art. 

Butler, H. C. Story of Athens. N. Y. 1902. 
Collignon, M. Manual of Greek Archseolog3^ Lond. 1886. 
Gardner, E. A. Handbook of Greek Sculpture. Lond. and 
N. Y. 1897. 

Ancient Athens. N. Y. 1902. 

Harrison, J. E. Introductoi'y Studies of Greek Art. Lond. 
1904. 

and Verrall, M. de G. Mythology and Monuments 

of Ancient Athens. Lond. 1890. 

Mitchell, L. M. History of Greek Sculpture. 2 vols. 

N. Y. 1883. 
Murray, A. S. History of Greek Sculpture. 2 vols. Lond. 

1890." 

Handbook of Greek Archaeology. N. Y. 1892. 

Tarbell, F. B. History of Greek Art. Lond. 1896. 

(13) Mycenaean Age. 

Hall, H. R. The Oldest Civilization of Greece. Lond. 1901. 
Perrot, G., and Chipiez, C. History of Art in Primitive 

Greece; Mycenian Art. 2 vols. Lond. 1894. 
Ridgeway, W. Early Age of Greece. 2 vols. Camb. 1901-02. 
Schliemann, H. Mycena^. Lond. and N. Y. 1878. 

Tiryns. Lond." and N. Y. 1886. 



530 APPENDIX 

Schliemann, H. Troja. Lond. and N. Y. 1901. 
Schuchhai-dt, C. Schliemann's Excavations. Lond. 1891. 
Tsountas, C, and INIanatt, J. I. The Mycenjean Age. 
Bost. 1897. 

(14) Homer and the Homeric Age. 

Jebb, R. C. Introduction to Homer. Bost. 1869. 

Keller, A. G. Homeric Society. N. Y. 1903. 

Lang, A. Homer and the Iliad. N. Y. 1892. 

Leaf, W. Companion to the Iliad. N. Y. 1892. 

Warr, G. C. W. The Greek Epic. Lond. and N. Y. 1895. 

(15) Greek Literature and Philosophy. 

Benn, A. W. Philosophy of Greece in Relation to the His- 
tory and Character of the People. Lond. 1898. 

Burt, B. C. Brief History of Greek Philosophy. Bost. 1889. 

Fowler, H. N. History of Greek Literature. N. Y. 1902. 

Jebb, R. C. Greek Literature. N. Y. 1878. (Primer.) 

Jevons, F. B. History of Greek Literature. Lond. 1889. 

Lawton, W. C. Introduction to Classical Greek Literature. 
N. Y. 190:!. 

Marshall, J. Short Sketch of Greek Philosophy. N. Y. 
1891. 

Mayor, J. B. Sketch of Ancient Philosophy. Camb. 1881. 

Moulton, R. G. Ancieiit Classical Drama. Lond. and 
N. Y. 1890. 

Murray, G. G. A. History of Ancient Greek Literature. 
N. Y. 

Symonds, J. A. Studies of the Greek Poets. 2 vols. Lond. 
' 187.3. 

Zeller, E. Outlines of the History of Greek Philosophy. 
N. Y. 1886. 

(16) Greek Religion and Mythology. 

Bultinch, T. Age of Fable. (New Edition.) Phil. 1898. 
Collignon, M. Manual of Greek Mythology in relation to 

Greek Art. Lond. 1890. 
Gay lev, C. M. Classical Myths. Bost. 1893. 
Guerlier, H. A. Myths of Greece and Rome. N. Y. 1893. 
Murray, A-. S. Manual of Mythology. Phil. 1895. 

(17) Sources of Greek History. 

iEschvhis. Tragedies. Tr. by E. H. Plumptre. N.Y. 1868. 
Aristotle. Athenian Constitution. Tr. by F. G. Kenyon. 

Lond. 1891. 
Arrian. Anabasis of Alexander. Tr. by E. J. Chinnock, 

Lond. 1893. 
Demosthenes. Orations. 5 vols. (Bohn.) ... 2 vols. 

(Harpers,^ 



APPENDIX 531 

Herodotus. Tr. by G. Rawlinson. 4 vols. N. Y. . . . Tr. 
by H. Cary. (Bohn.) . . . Analysis and Summary by 
J. T. Wheeler. (Bohn.) 

Homer. Iliad. Tr. by W. C. Bryant. Bost. 1870. . . . Tr. 
by Lang-, Leaf, and Myers. Lond. 1893. 

Odyssey. Tr. by W. C. Bryant. Bost. 1872. . . . Tr. 

by Butcher and Lang. Lond. 1893. 

Thucydides. Tr. by B. Jowett. 2 vols. N. Y. . . . Analy- 
sis and Summary by J. T. Wheeler. (Bohn.) 

Xenoijhon. Cyropsedia and Hellenics. Tr. by J. S. Wat- 
son and H. Dale. (Bohn.) 



IV. THE ROMAN WORLD 

(18) Roman History, General. 

Alleroft, A. H., and Masom, W. F. History of Eome. 5 
vols. Lond. 

Beesly, A. H. The Gracchi, Marius, and Sulla. N. Y. 
(Epochs.) 

Bury, J. B. History of the Roman Empire from its Foun- 
dation to the Death of Marcus Aurelius. N. Y. 1893. 

Caries, W. W. The Early Empire. N. Y. (Epochs.) 

The Age of the Antonines. N. Y. (Ejjochs.) 

Duruy, V. History of Rome and the Roman People. Ed. 

by J. P. Mahaffy. 8 vols. Bost. 1888. 
GiblDon, E. History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman 

Empire. Ed. by Milman. 6 vols. Phil. . . . Ed. by 

Bury. 7 vols. Lond. Same abridged in one vol. N. Y. 

(Students' Series.) 
How, W. W., and Leigh, H. D. History of Rome to the 

Death of Caesar. N. Y. 1896. 
Ihne, W. History of Rome. 5 vols. Lond. 1871-82. 

Early Rome. N. Y. (Epochs.) 

Leighton, R. F. History of Rome. N. Y. 1890. 
, Liddell, H. G. History of Rome. N. Y. 1890. (Students' 

Series.) 
Matheson, P. E. Skeleton Outline of Roman History. 

(Chronologically Arranged.) Lond. 1890. 
Merivale, C. History of the Romans under the Empire. 

7 vols. N. Y. 1866. 

General History of Rome. N. Y. 1880. (Students' 

Series.) 

The Roman Triumvirates. N. Y. (Epochs.) 

Mommsen, T. History of Rome. Tr. by W. P. Dickson. 

4 vols. N. Y. 1871. Same abridged by Bryans and 

Hendy. N. Y. 1889. 
Pelham, H. F. Outlines of Roman History. N. Y. 1893. 
Shuckburgh, E. S. History of Rome to the Battle of 

Actium. N. Y. 1894. 
Seeley. J. R. Roman Imperialism and other Lectures and 

Essays. Bost. 1871. 



532 appp:ndix 

Seignobos, C. History of the Koinan People. N. Y. 1902. 
Smith, E. B. Eome and Carthage. N. Y. (Epochs.) 
Smith, Wm. Smaller History of Pvome. N. Y. 1899. 

(19) Roman Antiquities. Life and Manners. 

Becker, W. A. (iallus. Lond. 18(56. 

Church, A. J. l\oman Life in the Days of Cicero. N. Y. 
1890. 

Dill, S. Roman Society from Nero to Marcus Aurelius. 
Lond. 190.5. 

■ Koman Society in the Last Century of the Western 

Empire. Lond. 1898. 

Friedliinder, L. Town Life in Ancient Italy. Bost. 1902. 

Guhl, E., and Koner, W. The Life of the Greeks and Ro- 
inans. Lond. 

Harper's Dictionary of Classical Literature and Antiqui- 
ties. N. Y. 1897." 

Inge, W. R. Society of Rome under the Caesars. N. Y. 
18SS. 

Pellison, M. Roman Life of Pliny's Times. Meadville. 
1887. 

Preston, H. W., and Dodge, L. Private Life of the Ro- 
mans. Bost. 1894. 

Ramsay, W., and Lanciani, R. ^lanual of Roman Antiqui- 
ties. ' Lond. 1894. 

Thoiuas, E. Roman Life under the Caesars. N. Y. 1897. 

Seyffert, O. Dictionary of Classical Antiquities. Lond. 
1891. 

Smith, Wm. Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, 
."d Edition. 2 vols. 'Lond. 1890. 

(20) Roman Archseology and Art. 

Boissier, G. Rome and Pompeii: Archaeological Rambles. 
Lond. 1890. 

Roman Africa. N. Y. 1899. 

Burn, R. Ancient Rome and its Neighborhood. Lond. 
1895. 

Lanciani, R. Ancient Rome in the Light of Recent Dis- 
coveries. Bost. 1891. 

Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome. Bost. 1897. 

Middleton, J. H. Remains of Ancient Rome. 2 vols. 

Lond. 1892. 
Man, A. Pompeii: its Life and Art. Tr. bv F. W. Kelsey. 

N. Y. 1899. 
Parker, J. H. Architectural Histoi-y of Rome. Lond. 1881. 

(21) Christianity and Rome. 

Fisher, G. P. Beginnings of Christianity. N. Y. 1878. 

History of tlie Christian Church. X. Y. 1887. 

Hatch, E. Organization of the Early Christian Churches. 
Lond. 1881. 



APPENDIX 533 

Carr, A. The Church and the Roman Empire. Lond. and 

N. Y. 1887. 
Guggenberger, A. The History of the Cliristian Era. 3 

vols. St. Louis 1900-01. 
Hardy, E. G. Christianity and the Eoman Government. 

Lond. 1S94. 
Heaiy, P. J. The Valerian Persecution. Bost. 1905. 
Hunt, Wm. History of the English Church from its 

Foundation to the Norman Conquest. N. Y. 1901. 
Milman, H. H. History of Christianity. N. Y. 1872. 
History of Latin Christianity. 8 vols, in 4. N. Y. 

18S1. 
Eamsay, W. M. The Church and the Eoman Empire. 

N. Y. 1893. 
Eenan, E. Infliience of Eome upon Christianity. N. Y. 

1884. 
Shahan, T. J. The Beginnings of Christianity. N. Y. 1903. 
Stanley, A. I'. History of the Eastern Church. N. Y. 1884. 
Uhlhorn, G. Conflict of Christianity and Heathenism. 

N. Y. 1879. 

(22) Roman Constitution and Law. 

Abbott, F. P. Histoi-y and Description of Eoman Political 
Institutions. Bost. 1902. 

Arnold, W. T. Eoman System of Provincial Administra- 
tion. Lond. 1879. 

Granrud, J. E. Eoman Constitutional History. Bost. 1902. 

Greenidge, A. H. J. Eoman Public Life. Lond. 1901. 

Hadley, J. Introduction to Eoman Law. N. Y. 

Maine', H. S. Ancient Law. N. Y. 1884. 

Morey, W. C. Outlines of Eoman Law. N. Y. 

Muirhead, J. Historical Introduction to the Private Law 
of Rome. Lond. 1899. 

Ortolan, E. History of Roman Legislation. Lond. 1871. 

Taylor, T. M. Constitutional and Political History of 
Rome. Lond. 1899. 

Tighe, A. Development of the Roman Constitution. N. Y. 
1886. 

(23) Roman Literature. 

Cruttwell, C. T. History of Roman Literature. N. Y. 1887. 
Lawton, W. C. Introduction to Classical Latin Literature. 

N. Y. 1904. 
Mackail, J. W. Latin Literature. Lond. 189(5. 
ISIiddleton, G., and Mills, T. R. Student's Companion to 

Latin Authors. Lond. and N. Y. 1896. 
Simcox, G. A. History of Latin Literature. 2 vols. Lond. 

1883. 
TeufFel, W. S. History of Roman Literature. Ed. bv G. 

C. Warr. 2 vols. N. Y. 1891-92. 
Tyrrell, R. Y. Latin Poetry. Bost. 1895. 



534: APPENDIX 

(24) Mediaeval Period. 

Adams, G. B. Civilization during the Middle Ages. N. Y. 

1894. 
Beniont, C, and INIonod, G. Mediieval Europe from 395 

to 1270 A. D. N. Y. 1902. 
Bryce, J. Holy Eoman Empire. 6th Edition. Lond. 1899. 
Bury, J. B. History of the Later Roman Empire from 

Arcadius to Irene (395-800 A. D.). 2 vols. Lond. and 

N. Y. 1889. 
Chnrch, K. W. Beginnings of the Middle Ages. N. Y. 

1877. 
Curteis, A. M. History of the Boman Empii'e, 395-800 A. D. 

Lond. 1875. 
Duruy, V. History of the Middle Ages. N. Y. 1891. 
Emerton. E. Introduction to the Study of the Middle 

Ages. Bost. 1888. 
Hodgkin.T. Italy and her Invaders. 8 vols. Oxf. 1880-95. 
Harrison, F. Byzantine History in the Middle Ages. 

Lond. 1900. 
Kingsley, C. The Roma7i and the Teuton. 
INIohammed. The (^nr'an (Koran). Tr. bj^ E. H. Palmer. 

Oxford. 
Oman. C. W. C. The Dark Ages, 176-918 A. D, N. Y. 
IMullinger, J. B. Schools of Charles the Great. Lond. 1877. 
Kobinson, J. II. Introduction to the History of Western 

Euroi>e. Part L (The :SIiddle Ages). Bost. 1902. 
Sheppai'd, J. (!. Fall of Bome and Rise of Modern Na- 
tionalities. Lond. 1861. 
Smith, R. B. Mohammed and ^Mohammedanism. N. Y. 

1875. 
Thatcher, O. J., and Schwill, F. Europe in the Middle 

Ages. N. Y. 1896. 

(25) Sources of Roman History. 

Greenidge, A. H. J. Sources for Roman History. Oxford. 

Henderson, E. F. Select Documents of the Middle Ages. 
Lond. 1892. 

Munro, I). C. Source Book of Roman History. Bost. 1904. 

Robinson, J. H. Readings in European History. Vol. I. 
Bost. 1904. 

Translations and Rejjrints from Original Sources. Univer- 
sity of Pennsylvania. 7 vols. 1892-1900. 

Ammianus Marcellinus. Roman Histor\-. (Bohn.) 

Appian. Roman History. Tr. by H. White. 2 vols. N. Y. 
1899. 

Csesar. Commentaries. (Harpers.) 

Livy. History of Rome. 2 vols. (Harpers). ... 4 vols. 
(JBohn.) 

Polybius. Histories. Tr. by E. S. Shuckburgh. 2 vols. 
Lond. 1SS9. 

Tacitus. Works. Oxford translation. (Bohn.) 



APPENDIX 535 

Sallust. Works. (Harpers. Bohn.) 

Vergil. .ISneid. Tr. by C. P. Cranch. Bost. 1897. 



V. BIOGRAPHY 

(26) Biography, Collected. 

Collins, W. L. (Ed.). Ancient Classics for English Read- 
ers. 28 vols. Edin. and Phil. 1879-88. 

Cox, G. W. Lives of Greek Statesmen. 2 vols. N. Y. 
1885. 

Oman, C. Seven Eoman Statesmen of the Later Eepnblic. 
Lond. 1903. 

Plutarch. Lives. Tr. by J. Dryden. 3 vols. N. Y. . . . 
Ed. by A. H. Clough. Bost. 1881. . . . Tr. by A. 
Stewart and G. Long. N. Y^ 1889. 

Smith, Wm. Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography 
and Mythology. 3 vols. Lond. 1880. 

Suetonius. The Twelve Caesars. (Bohn.) 

(27) Biography, Individuals. 

Alexander. Bv T. A. Dodge. Bost. 1890. 

By R. Steele. Lond. 1894. 

By B. I. Wheeler. N. Y. 1900. 

AiKjiistiis Ca-sar. By J. B. Firth. N. Y". 1903. 

By E. S. Shuckburgh. Lond. 1903. 

ClKirlciiKKiiie. Bv Eginhard (Einhard). N. Y. 
By J. I. Alombert. N. Y. 1888. 

By T. Hodgkin. Lond. 1897. 

By H. W\ C. Davis. N. Y. 1900. 

Coiista'nthie. By E. L. Cutts. Lond. 1881. 

Cicero. By W. L. Collins. Phil. 1871. (Anc. Classics.) 

- By W. Forsvth. 2 vols, in one. N. Y'. 1871. 

By A. Troilope. N. Y. 1881. 

By J. L. Strachan-Davidson. N. Y. 1894. 

■ By G. Boissier. Lond. 1897. 

DemoHilieneH. Bv Bredif. Chicago, 1881. 

By E. H. Butcher. N. Y. 1882. 

Hoiuiibdl. By J. Abbott. N. Y. 1849. 
By T. Arnold. Bost. 1860. 

By T. A. Dodge. Bost. 1860. 

By W. O. Morris. N. Y. 1897. 

Julian.' By J. A. W. Neander. N. Y^ 1850. 

By A. Gardner. N. Y. 1895. 

JuliuK (UvKar. By J. Abbott. N. Y. 1849. 

By .T. Williams. Lond. 1854. 

By J. A. Froude. N. Y. 1880. 

By T. A. Dodge. Bost. 1892. 

- By W. W. Fowler. N. Y. 1892. 

MarniH Aiireliiis. By P. B. Watson. N. Y. 1884. 
Mohainninl. P.y W. "irving. 2 vols. N. Y. 1868. 



536 APPENDIX 

Mohammed. By Sir W. Muir. Loncl. 1888. 
JSlcro. By W. Henderson. Loncl. 1903. 
Pciichfi. By W. W. Lloyd. 2 vols. Lond. 1875. 

By E. Abbott. N. Y. 1891. 

Tibcriits. By J. Tarver. Westminster. 1902. 
Thvoddiic. By T. Hodgkin. i\. Y. 1896. 
Zoroaster. By A. V. N. Jackson. N. Y. 1899. 



VI. HISTORICAL FICTION 

(Jd8) OrientaL 

Arnold, E. L. L. Phra the Phoenician. 

Ebei's, G. Daughter of an Egyptian King. (6th century 
B. c.) 

The Sisters. (2d centmy b. c.) 

Uarda. (Time of Kameses II.) 

(29) Greek. 

Church, A. J. Heroes and Kings. (Mythical age.) 

Stories from Homer. (Mythical age.) 

Stories from Herodotus. (5th century b. c.) 

C'allias. (5th century B. c.) 

Young Macedonian in the Army of Alexander. (4th 

century b. c.) 

Haggard, H. IJ., and Lang, A. The World's Desire. 

(Trojan war.) 
Hawthorne, N. Tanglewood Tales. (M^'thical age.) 

Wonder Book. (Mythical age.) 

Kingsley, C. The Heroes. (Mythical age.) 

Landon, B. Fountain of Arethusa. (5th centxiry B. c.) 
Landon, W. S. Pericles and Aspasia. (5th century b. c.) 
Lamb. C. Adventures of Ulysses. (Trojan war.) 
Leatham, E. A. Charmione. (5th century n. v.) 

(30) Roman. 

Bulwer-Lytton. Last Days of Pompeii. (1st century 

A. D.) 

Church, A. J. The Hammer. (2d century B. c.) 

The Burning of Pome. (1st century A. D.) 

To the Lions. (2d century A. D.) 

The Count of the Saxon Shore. (5th century A. D.) 

Eckstein, E. Prusias. (1st century b. c.) 

Nero. (1st century A. D.) 

Quintus Claudius. (1st century A. D.) 

Farrar, F. W. Darkness and Dawn. (1st century A. D.) 

Kingsley, C. Hypatia. (4th century A. D.) 

Lee, E. B. Parthenia. (4th century A. D.) 

Pater, W. Marius the Epicurean. (2d century A. D.) 

wSienkiewicz, H. "Quo Vadis?" (1st century A. D.) 

Wallace, L. Ben Hur. (1st century a. d.) 



INDEX 



Diacritic marks : -e. eh as in cart, cliasm ; n. the Frencli nasal ; single 
Italic letters are silent. The long and short marks used with voxyels 
have their usual meaning. In all the names in this index, e and g fol- 
lowed by e, i, or y have respectively the sounds of s and j ; followed by a, 
o, or u, however, c has the sound of k, and g is sounded as in the word go. 



Aachen (ah'khen), or Aix-la-Cha- 
pelle, Charlemagne's capital, 521. 

Abhas'sids, Mohammedan dynasty, 
.506. 

Abder-Rah'man, caliph, 506. 

A'brani (A'braham), Hebrew patri- 
arch, 45. 

Academy at Athens. 200. 

Acarna'nia, district of Greece, 78. 

Ac'cad, city of Babylonia, 22. 

Acca'dians, early people of Baliy- 
lonia, 21. 

Achff'an League, 240-242. 

Af-ba'ia (Achcea), district of Greece, 
79 ; Roman province, H'A9. 

Aehil'les. Grecian hero, 06. 

Acrop'olis of Athens, 70, 100 ; ad- 
orned by Pericles, 200. 

Actium (ak'shi-um), battle of, 400. 

Adol'phus (Ataulf), Visigothic king, 
487. 

Adriano'ple. battle of, 465. 

iF/dilcs. plebeian, 200 ; curule, 206. 

>33ga'tes Islands, battle at, 320. 

jl'^ge'an Sea, 75 ; Athenian suprem- 
acy in, 161. 

.(Egi'na, island of Greece, 79 ; con- 
quered by Athens. 166. 

.aS'gospot'ami, battle of, 186. 

.'Ene'as, Trojan hero, 266. 

.^'^o'lia, district of Greece, 78, 

^Eo'lians, Hellenic tribe, 82 ; their 
migration to Asia Minor, 05 ; 
their lyric poetry, 1.30. 

.irquians. Italic tribe, 263, 200. 

.lOs'chylus. Greek tragic poet, 207. 

Aetius (a-e'shi-us), Roman general, 
487. 

.^^to'Iian League, 242, 333. 336. 

Africa, seat of the Carthaginian 
power, 315 ; Roman province, 340 : 
conquered by Vandals, 488 : by 
Justinian, 490 ; by the Saracens, 
505. 

Agamem'non, king of Mvcense, 84, 
96. 

A'ger piib'Ucns, public land at Rome. 
289. 

Aper Roma'nus. Roman domain. 307, 
369. 



Agesila'us, king of Sparta, 189. 
A'gis III., king of Sparta, 242. 
Ag'ora, Athenian market place, 109. 
Agrarian laws, of Sp. Cassius, 200 ; 

in the Licinian legislation, 296 ; 

of Tiberius Gracchus, 358. 
Agric'ola, Roman general, 420. 
Agrigen'tum. town in Sicily, 318. 
Agrip'pa, adviser of Augustus, 414. 
Ah'riman, Persian deity, 60. 
Aix-la-ChapeUe'^ Charlemagne's capi- 
tal. .521. 
Al'aric, king of the Visigoths, 486: 
Al'aric II., 492. 

Al'ba Lon'ga. city of Latium, 266. 
Al'boin, Lombard chief. 502. 
Alcae'us, Greek lyric poet, 139. 
Alcibi'ades, Athenian statesman and 

traitor. 183-185. 
Alcm;¥on'idiP, the, 121, note. 
Alc'man, Greek lyrist, 139. 
Al'cuin. archbishop of York, 519. 
Alenian'ni, German tribe, 452, 493. 
Alexan'der the (Jreat, his accession, 

230 ; his conquests, 231-235 ; his 

character, 235-237. 
Alexan'dria, founded, 234 ; center of 

Hellenistic culture, 254. 
Al'lia River, battle at. 300. 
Alphabet, Phcenician, 43. 
Am'brose, St., bishop of Milan, 466. 
Amphic'tyonies, (ireek leagues, 105. 
Amphip'olis. battle of, 182. 
Amphitheater, sports of the, 434. 
Amusements of the Romans. 322, 

432. 
Anac'reon, Greek lyric poet, 139. 
Anaxag'oras, Greek philosopher, 215. 
Anaximan'der, Greek philosopher, 

140. 
Anaxim'ines. Greek philosopher, 140. 
An'cus Mar'cius (shI-us), king of 

Rome. 268. 
Androni'cus. Roman poet, 351. 
Anglo-Sax'ons in Britain. 404. 
Antal'cidas, I'eace of, 189, 191. 
Antig'onus, general of Alexander, 

230. 
An'tioch, capital of Syria, 239 ; 

center of Hellenistic culture, 253. 



537 



i38 



INDEX 



Anti'oehus I., king of Syria, 230. 
Autioclius III. (the Great), 335. 
Antiooluis IV. (Epiplianes), 254. 
Antoni'nus Pi'us, emperor, 442. 
Anto'nius, Marcus ( Marlj An'ton.v). 
friend of Caesar, 393: opposeil l>.v 
Octavius, 395; attaclied b.v Cic- 
ero, 395 ; in second triumvirate. 
396; war witli Octavius, 397-401. 
Apcl'la. Spartan assembly. IIG, 117. 
Apel'les, Greeli painter. 245. 
Aplirodi'te (Venus), 100; statue of 

Melos, 252. 
Apol'Io. 100 ; his oracle at Delphi. 

130 ; Belvedere'. 252. 
Apollodo'rus, Greeli painter, 205. 
Ap'pian Way, 312, 435. 
Ap'jiius Clau'dius, the decemvir. 

292 ; the censor. 305. 312. 
Apu'lians, people of Italy, join Han- 
nibal, 327. 
A'qua? Sex'tiiP. liattle of, 366. 
Aqueduct. Claudian, 424, 425. 
Arabs, 505-507. 
Ara'tus, general of the Achsean 

League, 240, 242. 
Arau'sio (-shi-o), battle of, 365. 
Arhe'la. battle of, 234. 
Arca'dia, district of Greece, 79. 
Arca'dius. emperor. 460. 4S6. 
Ar€hiro€hus, Greek elegiac poet, 

13S. 
Archime'des, Greek mathematician. 

256. 
Architecture, Egyptian. 35 ; As- 
syrian, 56; early Greek. 135; of 
the Attic period, 200-202 ; at 
Pergaraum, 248 ; at Alexandria, 
255 ; Etruscan, 266 ; Roman, un- 
der the kingdom, 2S2 ; under the 
republic, 404 ; under Augustus, 
414 ; under the Antonines. 447 : 
early Christian. 477. 
Ar'chons at Athens, 121, 123. 
Areop'agus, Council of the, 121, 172. 
A'res (Mars), 100. 277. 
Arginu'sEe, battle of, 1S6. 
Ar'golis, district of Greece, 79, 114. 
Argonau'tic expedition. 86. 
Ar'gos, city of Argolis, 82, 114, 118. 
A'rianism. condemned as a heresy, 

461, note. 
Ari'on, Greek lyric poet, 139. 
Ariovis'tus, German chief. 385. 
Aristar'chus, Alexandrian critic. 

256. 

Aristi'des, Greek statesman, his 

policy. 149; ostracized, 150; al 

Salamis, 155 ; at Platiea. 15ti : 

forms the Delian confederacy. 1(>2. 

Aristocracy, early (ireek. 106 ; at 

Sparta, 115; at Athens. 121. Sec 

also Nobility. 

Aristogi'ton, Athenian tyrannicide. 

125. 
Aristoph'anes, Greek comic writer, 

210. 
ir'istotle, Greek philosopher, 218. 



.Vi'iiiin'ius, (ierman cliief. 413. 
Army. Egyptian, 32; I'ersian, 68; 
Spartan, 118; Athenian. 175; 
Theban, 192 ; Macedonian, 227 ; 
IJoman, under the kingdom, 281 ; 
under the republic, 310 ; under 
Augustus. 410 ; under Constan- 
tine, 461. See also Praetorian 
(iuard. 
Art. Babylonian. 23 ; Egyptian, 35, 
36 ; Assyrian, 56, 57 ; Mvcenrean, 
8S-91 ; early . Hellenic. 134-137; 
the Attic period, 197-205 ; Hellen- 
istic period, 248 et seq. ; Roman. 
:'.51. Sec also Architecture, Paint- 
ing, Sculpture. 
Arta|)her'nes. Persian general, 146. 
Ar'temis (Diana). 100. 
Artemis'ium (-mish'-) battle of, 

154. 
Ar'yan people. 16 ; in India, 61 ; in 
Media and Persia, 62 ; in Greece, 
81 ; in Italy. 263. 
As'culum. battle of, 305. 
Asia. Roman province, 343. 
Asia Minor, early Greek settlements 
in, 81 ; migrations to, 93 ; seat of 
early culture. 95 ; cities con- 
iiuered by Lydia and Persia. 144 ; 
freed by Athens. 165 ; conquered 
by Alexander, 231 ; new kingdoms 
in. 2."!9 ; conquered by Pompey, 
379. .See also Per,gamum, Rhodes. 
Assembly, Greek, in Homeric age. 
98 : in early city state, 104 ; at 
Sparta («/>e?/fl), 116; at Athens 
iccclcsia). under Solon, 123; un- 
der ("listhenes, 126; under Peri- 
cles. 173. 
Assembly, Roman. .S'ee Gomitia. ' 
As'sur. city of Mesopotamia, 21. 
As'sur-ba'ni-pal. Assyrian king, 54. 
As'sur-na'zii'-pal, Assyrian king, 52. 
Ass.vr'in, 21 ; its civilization. 51-58 ; 
comiuered by the Medes and Baby- 
lonians. 58 ; conquered by Tra,ian, 
441. 
Athe'na (Minerva), 100. 
Atli'ens, city of Attica, its mythical 
founder. 'Cecrops. 84 ; its early 
history. 121-127; in the Ionian 
revolt', 145 ; in the first Persian 
invasion, 145-148 ; democratic 
progress at, 148 ; becomes a mari- 
time power, 150 ; destroyed by 
Xerxes, 154 ; rebuilt by Themis- 
tocles. 160 ; becomes supreme in 
the .T^gean, 1(!1 ; head of the 
Delian "confederacy. 162 ; of the 
Athenian empire, 164-171 ; con- 
stitution under Pericles, 172-177; 
in the Peloponnesian war, 178- 
187 : new confederacy of, 191 ; 
center of Hellenic art, 197 et seq. 
A'thos, Mt., 145. 152. 
"A'treus. Treasury of," 90. 
At'talus I., king of Pergamum, 240. 
Attains III., 343. 



INDEX 



539 



At'tica, district of Greece, 79 ; 

early divisions of the people, 120: 

local tribes of Clisthenes. 12G; 

population under I'ericles, 17li. 
At'tila. king of the Huns, 487. 
Au'gustine, missionary to Britain, 

494. 
Ausustine, St.. bishop of Hippo. 

478. 
Augus'tus Copsar, emperor. 407-417. 

See also Ootavius. 
Aure'lian, emperor, 4.5.3. 
Aure'lius, Marcus, emperor, 443. 

Bab'ylon, city of Babylonia. 21 ; be- 
comes the capital, 23 ; destroyed 
by Assyria, 54 ; restored by Neb- 
uchadnezzar, 58 ; captured by Al- 
exander, 235. 

Babylo'nia, early empire, 19-27 : 
later empire, 58-60. 

Bagdad, Abbassid capital, 507. 

Basil'ica, Roman court-house, used 
as model for Christian churches. 
477. 

Baths, Roman, 432. 

Belisa'rius, general of Justinian. 
501. 

Beller'ophon, Greek hero, 85. 

Be'ma, platform on the Pnvx, 174. 

Ben'edict, St., rule of, 510. 

Bithvn'ia, kingdom in Ar.ia Minor. 
240. 

Bceo'tia (be-6'shi-a), district of 
Greece, 78; confederacy of, 101. 

Boe'thius, Latin writer, 491. 

Bon'iface, St., missionary, 511, 512. 

Book of the Dead, Egyptian, 38. 

Bou'le, Greek council or senate, in 
Homeric age, 98 ; in early city 
state, 104 ; in time of Pericles. 
174. See also Council. Athenian. 

Bovia'num. town in Samnium, 302. 

Brah'manism, Hindu religion, 61. 

Bras'idas, Spartan general. 182. 

Brit'ain, invaded by .Julius Csesa". 
386 ; Roman province, 424, 429 ; 
settled by the Anglo-Saxons, 4r4. 

Bru'tus, Dec'imus, one of the "lil)- 
erators," 395, 396. 

Brutns, Ju'nius (the Elder), 208. 
269. 

Brutus, Marcus, conspirator. .".91 ; 
assigned to Macedonia, 395 ; at 
the Jiattle of Philippi, 397. 

Buddhism, Hindu religion, 62. 

Burgun'dians, kingdom of, 493. 

Bnr'rhus. adviser of Nero. 422. 

Byzan'tlum (-shi-um), capital of the 
Eastern Roman empire, 463. 

C, abbreviation of Gains, 295. 

Cadme'a, citadel of Thebes, 190. 

Cad'mus, the mythical founder of 
Thebes, 84. 

Cse'sar, Gaius .Tulius, Roman general 
and statesman, his appearance in 
politics, 380, 381 ; in first trium- 



virate, 382 : his consulship, 383 ; 
conquest of (Jaul, 385 ; breaks 
with the senate, 387 ; war with 
I'ompey, 388 ; his triumphs and 
titles, 389 ; his legislation, 390, 
his assassination, 391 ; his "Com- 
mentaries," 403. 

"Caesars," office of, 456. 

Calig'ula (Gaius Caesar), emperor, 
421. 

Ca'liphs, successors of Mohammed, 
505. 

Calli'nus, Greek elegiac poet, 138. 

Camby'ses, Persian king, 65. 

Camil'lus. dictator, 300! 

Campa'nia. in Samnite wars, 301. 

Cam'pus Mar'tius (-shT-us), 281. 

Can'mp, battle of. 326. 

Canu-le'ian law. 293. 

Cap'itoline hill, 272, 274. 

Capitularies of Charlemagne, 520. 

Cappado'cia, kingdom in Asia Minor, 
240. 

Cap'ua, city of Campania, receives 
Hannibal, 327 ; retaken by Rome, 
328. 

Caracal'la, emperor, edict of, 451. 

Car'bo, Cn. Papir'ius, consul, 372. 

Carolin'gians (or Carlovingians), 
Prankish dynasty, 314. 

Car'thagc, Phoenician colony, 43 : in 
the I'ersian wars, 157 : conflict 
with Syracuse, 194 ; in first Punic 
war, 315-321 ; in second Punic 
war, 323-331 ; reduced to a 
Itoman province, 339. 

Ca'rus, Roman emperor, 453. 

Caryat'ides in tiie Erechtheum, 202. 

Cassan'der of Macedonia, 239. 

Cassiodo'rus, secretary of Theodoric, 
492. 

Cassius (kash'i-us), Gaius, con- 
spirator, 391 ; assigned to Syria, 
395 ; at the battle of Philippi, 
397. 

Cassius, Sp., his agrarian proposals, 
290. 

Cat'ilinr. conspiracy of, 381. 

Crrto (the Elder), censor, 339. 350. 

Cato (the Younger), leader of the 
senatorial party, 383 ; mission to 
Cyprus and return, 384 ; at the 
battle of Thap.sus, 389. 

Catul'his, Roman poet, 404. 

Cat'ulus, C. Lutfi'tius (shi-us), 
consul, 320. 

Cau'dine Forks, battle of, 392. 

Ce'crops, mythical founder of 
Athens. 84." 

Celtibe'rians. Spanish tribe, reduced 
by Rome, 341. 

(?'eltic church in Britain, 495. 

Censors. Roman, 295. 

Census classes at Athens, 123. 

Centuries, in Roman army, 280 ; in 
assembly, 281. 

Chan-one'a, battle of (sometimes 
located at Coronea, 446 or 447 



540 



INDEX 



B. c), 171; battle of (338 B. c). 
229. 

€halcid'ice, seat of Greek colonies, 

. invaded by Brasidas, 183 ; con- 
federacy of, 190 ; reduced by 
Philip, '228. 

■Ghal'cis, city of Eiibcea, 79 ; as a 
colonizing center. 109. 

Chalda^'an empire. 22 note. 

Chalons (shab-loN''). battle of, 487. 

ChampoI'lion (sham-), French 
scholar, 37. 

Charlemagne (shar'le-man), Charles 
the Great, 514-523. 

Charles Martel', at the battle of 
Tours, 50G ; mayor of the palace, 
appealed to by the Pope. 512. 

Che'ops. 30. 

€hi'os, island of the .Egean, occu- 
pied by the Dorians, 95 ; ally of 
Athens, 107. 

€lii'ton, Greek dress, 221. 

Christianity, adopted by Constan- 
tine, 459 ; opposed by Julian, 404 : 
restored by .Jovian, 405 ; its 
spread throughout the empire. 
475, 470. 

Christians persecuted by Nero, 425 : 
by Domitian, 428 ; by Marcus 
Aurelius, 443 : last persecution 
under Diocletian, 457. 

Chrys'ostom, church father, 478. 

Church, growth of its organiza- 
tion, 470 ; its culture. 470-478 : 
influence during the migrations, 
490 ; schism between the East and 
West, 500. 

Cic'ero, M. Tullius, Roman orator 
and statesman, supports the Ma- 
nilian law, 379 : suppresses the 
Catilinian conspiracy, 381 ; ban- 
ished from Rome and recalled. 
:!S4 ; attacks Antony in the "Phi- 
lippics," 395 ; his death, 397 ; bis 
writings, 404. 

Cim'bric war, 305. 

Ci'mon, tireek statesman, associated 
with Aristides, 101 ; his imperial 
policy. 103 ; his ostracism, 104 ; 
restoration and death, 107. 

Cincinna'tus, legend of, 300, note. 

Cin'na, L. Cornelius, consul, his 
despotic rule. 370, 371. 

Cir'cus Max'imus, 282, 433. 

Cisal'pine Gaul, 200 ; conquered by 
Rome, 322. 

Citizenship, at Athens, 173 ; rights 
at Rome, 284 ; extended to the 
Italians. 307, 308 ; extension by 
Caesar, 390 ; by Claudius, 424 ; by 
Caracalla, 451 ; summary. 473. 

City state, Babylonian, 22 ; early 
(Jreek, 102-105 ; earlv Roman, 
271-283. 

Civi'lis, governor of Gaul, 427. 

Civilization, first centers of, 19 ; 
beginnings of Aryan, 01 ; review 
of Oriental, 72 ; Myceua'an, 91 ; 



general character of Hellenic, 
129; Greek in the Attic period, 
197, 198 : nature of Hellenistic, 
247 ; influence of Greek upon 
Roman, 349 ; progress during 
civil wars, 402 ; in Augustan age, 
413 ct sei].: culmination under 
the Antonines, 444 ct seq.; 
Mohammedan, 507 : influence of 
Charlemagne upon. 519. Hec also 
Art. Education, (iovernment. In- 
dustry, Laws, Literature, Philos- 
ophy, Religion. 

Classes of society, in Egypt, 31 ; in 
Sparta, 115. 110; in Attica. 120; 
in Athens under Pericles. 172 ; in 
Rome under the kingdom, 279 ; 
under the republic, 354, 355 ; 
under the empire, 429, 430. 

Clau'dius, emperor. 421. 

Claudius II., emperor, 453. 

Claudius, Ap'pius, the decemvir, 
292 ; the censor, 305, 312. 

Claudius, Pultlius. consul. 320. 

Claudius Nero, consul, 329. 

Cleom'enes III., king of Sparta, 242. 

Cleom'enic war, 242. 

Cle'on, Athenian demagogue, 181, 
182. 

Cleopa'tra, queen of Egypt, sup- 
ported bv Caesar, 388 ; relatious 
with Antonv, 399 ; at the battle 
of Actium, 400. 

Cle'ruchies, Athenian colonies, 109 
note. 

Clients at Rome, 279. 

Clis'thenes, Athenian statesman, 
126. 

Cli'tus, his murder by Alexander, 
235. 

Clo-d'ca Max'ima, 283. 

Clo'dius, P., Roman tribune and 
agent of Cssar, 384 ; his death, 
387. 

Clo'vis (Clodwig, Clodovecb), king 
of the Franks. 493. 

Clubs at Athens, 223. 

Cni'dus, battle near, 189. 

Col'chis on the Euxine, 80. 

Colise'um (Colosseum), 427, 434. 

Collati'nus, colleague of the elder 
Brutus, 208. 

Colo'ni, Roman, 452, 480. 

Colonies, Phoenician, 43 ; Greek, 107- 
112; Latin, 309; Roman, 308. 

Colosse'um (Coliseum), Flavian am- 
phitheater, 427, 434. 

Colum'ban. St., missionary, 511. 

Comedy, 210, 211. 

Comitn'tus, German custom, 483, 
490. 

Coinitia (ko-mish'i-a ) Centnria'ta, 
its origin, 277 ; its importance in 
the early republic, 287. 

Comitia Curia' ta, under the Roman 
kings, 277 ; its decline in the re- 
public, 287, 304. 

Comitia Tribu'ta, rise of, 290. 



INDEX 



541 



Commerce, Phoenician, 42 ; Greek, 
108; Roman, 435. 

Commer'finm, 294, 408, 473. 

ConcVlium ple'bis, rise of, 290 and 
note. 

Congress of Corintli, first, 150 ; sec- 
ond, 229. 

Co'non, Athenian admiral. 189. 

Consl'lium prtn'cipis, 445. 

Con'stantine, emperor, 458-464. 

Constantino'ple, founded, 402. 

Constan'tius (-shi-us), colleague of 
Coustantine, 457. 

Consular triliunes (military tribunes 
with consular power), 294. 

Consuls, first appointed. 286. 

Conu'bium, 294, 408. 473. 

Corc.v'ra. island of the Ionian Sea, 
embroiled with Corinth, 176 ; 
sedition at, 182. 

Cor'dova, caliphate of. 507. 

Corfln'ium, capital of "Italica," 367. 

Cor'inth, conquered by the Dorians. 
114 ; commercial rival of Athens. 
179 ; Congress of, under Themisto- 
cles, 150; under Philip, 229; de- 
stroyed by Rome, 338. 

Corin'thian style of architecture, 
135. 

Corinthian war, 189. 

Coriolfi'nus, legend of, 300, note. 

Corn law of Gains Gracclius, 361. 

Cor'pus Jii'ris civi'Us, 502. 

Cor'sica, reduced by Rome, 321. 

Council, Athenian, of the Areopagus. 
121, 126 note, 172: of the four 
hundred and one, 122 ; of the four 
hundred. See also BouJc. 

Counts under Charlemagne, 520. 

Court organization under Coustan- 
tine. 463. 

Cras'sus, M., consul, in gladiatorial 
war, 377 ; in first triumviTate. 
382 ; his governorship of Svria' 
and death, 386. 

Crete, island of the Mediterranean. 
SO : prehistoric remains in, 91. 

Crit'ias, Athenian oligarch, 187. 

Croe'sus, king of Lydia, 64, 144. 

Culture. See Civilization. 

Cunax'a. battle at, 188. 

Cune'iform writing. 25. 

Cu'ria, collection of Roman gentes, 
276 ; municipal council, 446, 471. 

Curia'les, municipal aristocracy re- 
sponsible for taxes, 479. 

Cu'rule offices, 297, 345. 

Cyax'ares, Median king. 62. 

Cy'lon, conspiracy of, 121. note. 

Cynosceph'ala\ battle of, 335. 

Cy'rus the Great, Persian king, 64, 
68, 188. 

Cyrus the Younger, Persian gov- 
ernor of Asia Minor, 188. 

Da'cia (-shi-a), Roman province. 

441. 
Dag'obert, Prankish king, 512. 

morey's axcient hist.-^31 



Dan'a-us, mythical founder of Argos, 

84. 
Dari'us, Persian king, his conquests, 

65 ; political organization of his 

empire, 67 ; invasion of Greece, 

145-148. 
Da'tis, Persian general, 146. 
Da'vid, Hebrew king, 46. 
Debt, early law at Rome, 288. 289. 
Dec'ar€hies, established by Sparta, 

187. 
Decele'a, town in Attica, held by the 

Spartans, 184. 186. 
Decem'virs. at Rome, 291-293. 
De'cius (-shi-us) Mus. consul (fa- 
ther), 301 : (son), 303. 
Delato'n's, Roman informers, insti- 
tuted by Tiberius, 423 ; abolished 

by Nerva, 437. 
De'lium, battle of, 182. 
De'los. island of the JEgean, and 

seat of the shrine of Apollo, 79 ; 

confederacy of, 162. 
Del'phi. city of Phocis. seat of the 

oracle of Apollo, 78. 130 ; in the 

second "Sacred war," 228. 
Done. Attic townshij). 126. 
Deme'ter (Ceres), 100. 
Democracy at Athens, 127. 172. 
Demos'thenes, Athenian general, 182, 

184, 185. 
Demosthenes, Athenian orator and 

statesman, 214 : opposes Philip, 

228; his death, 240. 
Diad'oehi, successors of Alexander, 

237. 
Dicas'teries, in Athenian courts, 

175. 
Dictatorship, at Rome, established, 

286 ; of Sulla, 371-374. 
Diocle'tian (-shan), emperor, 456- 

458. 
Dionys'ia, Greek festival, 183. 
Dionys'ius (-nish'-) the Elder, of 

Syracuse, 194. 
Dionysius, the Younger, 195. 
Dionv'sus (Bacchus), M^orship of, 

140 ; theater at Athens, 205, 206. 
Domitian (do-mish'i-an), emperor, 

428. 
"Donation of Pepin." 514. 
Do'rians, 82 : their migration into 

the Peloponnesus, 93 ; their mi- 
grations to Asia Minor, 95 ; their 

lyric poetry, 139. 
Dor'ic style of architecture, 135. 
Dorp'feld, German archieologist, 89. 
Dra'co, Athenian lawgiver, 121. 
Drama, Greek, 207-211. 
Drep'anum (Drepana), battle near, 

320. 
Dress, Grecian, 221 ; Roman, 432. 
Dru'sus, M. Liv'ius. Roman tribune 

(father), opposes C. Gracchus, 

362; (son) espouses the Italian 

cause, 367. 
DuU'ius. consul, at the battle of 

Myla-, 319. 



m 



INDEX 



Duum'viri, municipal officers, 446. 
Dyrra'chlum, battle of, 388. 

Eccle'sia, Athenian assembly, under 
Solon, 12?. ; under Clisthenes, 
126 ; under Pericles, 173. I 

Ee'nomus, battle of, 319. 1 

Edlc'tum PerpC tuuni of Salvius Ju- 
lianns. 449. 

Education, Spartan, 117 ; Athenian, 
222 ; Roman, 405. 

E'sypt, early center of civilization, 
19 ; periods of its history, 29-31 : 
its civilization. 31-38 ; under the ! 
Ptolemies, 239 ; Hellenistic cul- j 
ture in, 254 ; relation to Home, , 
333 ; made a province, 401. 

ElaRal)'alus, emperor, 4 51. 

E'lamltes, their couciuest of Baby- 
lonia, 22 ; expelled bv Hammurabi, 
23. 

Ele'giac poetry, Greek, 138. 

Eleusin'ia, Greek festival, 133. 

Eleuthe'ria, Greek festival, 157. 

Elis, district of Greece, 79 ; member 
of the .l'>tolian league. 240. 

En'nius, Roman poet, 351. 

Epaminon'das, Theban patriot, 191 ; 
at battle of Leuctra, 192 ; in- 
vades the Peloponnesus. 193 ; his 
deatli, 193. 

Eph'esus, city of Ionia, 95. 

Ephial'tes, Athenian statesman, 164. 

Ephialtes, the "Judas of Greece." 
153. 

Eph'ors, Spartan magistrates, 117. 

Epic poetry, Greek, i38. 

Epicure'anism at Rome, 350, 448. 

Epicu'rus, Greek philosopher, 246. 

Epip'ohip, heights of, 184. 

E(j'ui-tes, Roman, under Servius Tul- 
lius, 280 ; an aristocratic order. 
355 ; privileges granted by Gains 
Gracchus. 361 ; status under the 
empire, 429. 

Erastos'thenes, Greek astronomer. 
256. 

Erechthe'um, temple on the Acrop- 
olis, 202. 

Erech'thpus, mythical king of Ath- 
ens, 202. 

Ere'tria, city of EubcBa, 79 ; a colo- 
nizing center, 109 ; aids in tlie 
Ionian revolt, 145 ; destroyed by 
the Persians. 146. 

Esarhad'don. Assyrian king. 54. 

Etrus'cans. people of Italy, 265 : 
early influence at Rome, 278 : in 
the second Samnlte war, 302 ; in 
the third Samnite war, 303. 

Euboe'a, island of Greece, 79 ; its 
strategic importance, 153. 

Eu'clid, Greek geometer, 256. 

Eu'menes I., king of Pergamum, 
240. 

Eumenes HI., 249. 

Eu'patrids, Athenian nobles, 120. 
121. 



Euphra'tSs, Hver of Mesopotamia, 

19. 
Eurip'ides, Greek tragedian, 210. 
Eurym'edon, battle at the river, 

163. 
Euse'bius, ecclesiastical historian 

and biographer of Constantine, 

459. 
Exar'€hate of Ravenna, 503, 504, 

514. 

Fa'bius Max'imus Cuncta'tor, dic- 
tator, 326, 328. 
Fabius Masimus Rullia'nus. consul, 

302. 
Fabius I'ictor, Roman historian, 351. 
Family, Greek, 98, 103 : Roman, 275. 
Fun'ccs, svmbol of authoritv, 279, 

286. 
Festivals, Greek, 133. 
Fcfia'lcs. Roman priests, 278. 
Finances, Athenian, 176 ; Roman, 

under Augustus, 412. 
Five Years' Truce of Cimon, 167. 
Flamtni'nus, T. Quinc'tius, consul, 

334, 335. 
Fo'rum. Roman, 274, 415, 447. 
Four Hundred. Athenian oligarchv, 

185. 
Franchise. jSVc citizenship. 
Franks, <;erman tribe. 452 : kingdom 

of, 493. 

Gabin'ian law. 379. 

(Ja'ius, Roman jurist. 475. 

(Jala'tia in Asia Minor, settled by 

the Gauls, 248. 
(lal'ba. emperor, 426. 
Gale'rius, associate of Diocletian, 

457. 
Gall, St., missionary, 511. 
Games, Greek, 131 ; Roman, 433, 

4.3'4. 
(iaugame'la, battle of, 234. 
(liaul. conquest by Caesar. 385 ; bar- 
barian kingdoms in, 491-493. 
Gauls, in Italy. 266 : their invasion 

of Greece and Asia Minor, 247 ; 

their destruction of Rome, 300. 
Ga'za, captured by Alexander. 233. 
(Je'lo, tyrant of Syracuse, 158. 
(Jens (or clan), Greek, 163; Roman, 

276. 
(ien'seric (Gai'seric), king of the 

A'andals, 488. 
German'icus, Roman general, 420. 
(iermans, their characteristics. 482 ; 

conversion of, 485 ; new kingdoms 

within the Roman empire. 489- 

495 ; Romano-Germanic society, 

495-497. 
Germanv, invaded bv Augustus, 

413. 
Gcrou'sia, Spartan senate, 116. 
(ilad'iators. their shows. 352 : their 

insurrection under Spartacus, 377. 
(Mau'cia (-shi-a). popular leader 

with Marius. 366, 3(17. 



INDEX 



m 



Gor'dlum, city of Phrygia, occu- 
pied by Alexander, 231. 

Goths, German tribe, flrst encroach- 
ment upon Rome. 452 : revolt 
under emperor Valens, 465. See 
also Ostrogoths, Visigoths. 

Government, Babylonian, 24 ; Egyp- 
tian, 31 ; Hebrew, 47 ; Assyrian, 
55 : Persian, 68 : Homeric, 08 : 
of the Greek city state. 104 ; at 
Sparta, 116: at Atliens to Clis- 
thenes, 120-127 ; under Pericles, 
172-176 ; Roman, under the liings, 
276 ; in the earlv repu])lic, 286- 
288 : after the conquest of Italv, 
306-309 ; after the Mediterranean 
conquests, 344-346 : under Sulla, 
373. 374 ; under Julius CiPsar, 
390-391 ; under Augustus. 407- 
413 ; under the .Julian emperors. 
423, 424 ; under the Antonines, 
444, 445 ; under Diocletian. 455- 
457 ; under Constantine, .461-464 ; 
review of the Roman system. 470- 
472; elements of its weakness, 
478-480 : (Jerman. 483-485 ; Ro- 
mano-Germanic, 496 : under Char- 
lemagne, 519, 520. See also 
Assembly, Boiile. (Mtizeuship, 
Comitia, Council, Kingship, Sen- 
ate, Taxes. 

CTrac'ehus, (Jaius, 360-362. 

Gracchus, Tiberius, 358-360. 

Qraffiti (grahf-fee'te) , at Pompeii, 
434. 

Grani'cus, battle of the, 231. 

Greece, its geography, 75-80 ; its 
people, 80-83; its earlv legends, 
83-86 ; its early civilization, 91. 
92 ; its early political develop- 
ment, 105-107 ; its expansion by 
colonization, 107-113 ; its wars 
with Persia, 143-158. See also 
Athens, Sparta, Thebes. 

Greek influence at Rome. 349. 

Greg'ory I. (the Great), Pope, 
509. 511. 

Gregory II., Pope. 509. 

Gregory III., Pope, 511. 

Gylip'pus, Spartan general, at Syra- 
cuse. 184. 

(iymnastics as a part of Athenian 
education, 222. 

Ha'drlan, emperor, 441. 

Ha'lys, river in Asia JNIinor, 63, 64. 

Mamil'car Bar'ca. Carthaginian sol- 
dier. 320, 323. 

Ilamit'ic people, 15 : in Egypt, 29. 

Hammiira'bi, king of Babvldnia, 22, 
23. 

llan'nibal, Carthaginian soldier, in 
second Punic war. 323-331 ; his 
alliance with Philip V., 243, 333; 
his aid to Antiochus III., and 
death. 336. 

Ilarmo'dius, Athenian tvrannicide, 
125. 



Har'mosts of Sparta, 187. 
Harus'ptces, soothsayers, introduced 

into Rome from Etruria, 279. 
Has'drubal, brother of Hannibal, in 

Spain, 324 ; at battle of the 

Metaurus, 328. 
Hebrews, 44-49. 

Hel'ena, mother of Constantine, 459. 
HelicB'a, popular court at Athens. 

123. 
Hel'las, the land of the Greeks, 75- 

80. 
Helle'nes, the people of Greece, 80- 

83. 
Hel'lenism, its influence at Rome, 

349. 
Ilellenis'tic culture, its meaning, 

247. 
Hel'lespont, crossed bv Xerxes, 152. 
He'lots, at Sparta, 116 ; revolt of, 

164. 
Helve'tii (-shi-I), conquered by Cae- 
sar, 385. 
IIepha?s'tus (Vulcan), 100. 
He'ra (.luno), 100. 
Ileracle'a, battle of. 304. 
ller'acles (Hercules), 85. 
Ileracli'djp, return of the. 93. 
lleracli'tus. Greek philosopher, 140. 
Ileracli'us, Eastern emperor, 504. 
Hercula'neum. destroyed, 428. 
Iler'mes (Mercury), 100. 
IIer(5d'otus, Greek historian, 15, 21, 

212. 
Her'uli, kingdom of the, 489. 
Ile'siod, Greek poet. 138. 
Hes'tia (Vestia), 100. 
Ilieroglvph'ics, Egyptian, 37. 
Hills, of Athens, 199 ; of Rome, 271. 
Hima'tion, Greek dress, 221. 
Him'era, battle of, 158. 
Hin'dus in India, 61. 
Hippar'^-hus, Athenian tyrant, 125. 
Hipparchus, (ireek astronomer, 256. 
Hip'pias, tyrant banished from 

Athens, 125, 146. 
Hissar'lik, site of Troy, 88. 
Hit'tltes, their kingdom in Asia 

Minor. 73. 
Homer'ic poems. 86, 96-100. 
Hono'rius, emperor, 466. 
Hor^ace, Roman poet, 416. 
Hora'tius (-shi-us) Co'cles. legend 

of. 269. 
House, Athenian. 220 : Roman. 430. 
Huns, barbarian tribe, encroach- 
ment upon Europe, 465 ; invasion 

under Attila, 487. 
Hydas'pes, battle of the, 235. 
Hyk'sOs, shepherd kings of Egypt. 

30. 31. 
Hymet'tus, mountain in Attica, 79. 

Iconoclas'tic controversv, 509. 

H'iad, the, 96. 

Illyr'ian pirates, reduced bv Rome, 

322. 
Illyr'icum, Roman province, 338. 



544 



INDEX 



Impera'tor, title of. 889. 408. 

Impe'rium, its growth, 472. 

Incorporation as a principle of 
Roman policy. 274. 283. 306. 357. 

India, 13 ; early seat of Aryan civi- 
lization. (51 ; invaded l)v Alexan- 
der. 235. 

Indo-European. .S'fc Aryan. 

Industry and Industrial arts. Baby- 
lonian, 23 ; Egyptian. 32 ; Phoeni- 
cian. 42: at Athens. 219; at 
Rome. 435. 

lo'na, seat of the Celtic church. 
495. 

lo'nla, district of Asia Minor. 80. 

lo'nians, 82 ; their migration to 
Asia Minor, 95 ; their philosophy, 
140 ; their revolt against Persia. 
144. 

lon'ic style of architecture, 135. 

Ip'sus, battle of, 209. 

Iran (e-rahn'), plateau of. 62. 

Ire'ne, Eastern empress. 517. 

Iron crown of the Lombards. 515. 

Ish'tar. Babylonian goddess. 26. 

Isoc'rates, Greek orator. 214. 

Isolation as a feature of Roman 
policy, 301, 306. 

Is'sus. battle of, 231. 

Is?7t'mian games, 133. 

Italian allies, 309, 355 ; attempt of 
(iaius (Jracchus to enfrancliise 
them, 362 ; incorporation bv the 
"Social war," 369. 

Italy, geography, 2.59-263 ; early in- 
hal)itants, 263-266 ; consolidation 
under Rome, 299-309 ; administra- 
tion under Augustus. 411 ; a 
prefecture under Constantine. 
461 ; conquered by the Ileruli. 
and by the Ostrogoths. 489 ; re- 
covered by .Tustinian. 500 : con- 
quered by the Lombards. 502 ; by 
Charlemagne, 515. 

lu'dicrs under Gains Gracchus. 362. 

.Tfi'nus, Roman deity, 274. 

.la'son. leader of the Argonauts. 86. 

.Teru'salem.destroved by the Romans. 

427. 
Jews, 44-49, 253. 
.To'vian, emperor. 465. 
.Tude'a and its civilization, 44-49. 
.Tugur'thine war. 364, 365. 
.Tu'lian, emperor, 464. 
.Jurists, Roman, 449. 475. 
.Jurors. iSfce Dicasteries, IiuUces. 
Jus gen'tium. 403, 474. 
Justln'ian, Eastern emperor. 499. 
Ju'venal, Roman satirist, 447. 

Kar'nak. city of Egypt. 35. 

Kas'sites, conquer Babylonia ; 23. 

Khu'fu (Cheops). Egyptian king. 30. 

Kingship, in Babylonia. 24 : in 
Egypt, 32 : in .Judea. 45, 46 ; in 
Assyria, 55 ; in Persia. 67 ; in 
Homeric age. 98; at Sparta. 116; 



at Athens. 120. 121 ; in early Ro- 
man state, 267-269, 276. 
Ko'ran, Mohammedan Bible, 505. 

Laco'nla, district of Greece, 79 ; oc- 
cupied bv the Dorians, 114. 

La'de. battle off. 145. 

Lam'aehus, Athenian general, 183, 
184. 

La'mian war, 240. 

Land at Rome. Sec Ager puMicus. 
Agrarian laws. 

Language and races, 15. 

Lat'ins. people of Latium. 263 ; set- 
tlement at Rome, 272 ; war with 
Rome, 301. 

La'tium ( -shi-um), 263 ; Roman con- 
quests in. 283 ; part of the Roman 
domain. ;;07. 

Lau'rium. mines at, 150. 

Laws. Babylonian. 24 ; of Draco, 
121 ; of Solon, 122 ; of Clisthenes, 
12(J, Sec also Roman law. 

Lcf/a'ti. governors of imperial prov- 
inces. 412. 

Legends as a source of history. 8 ; 
Greek. 83-86; Roman. 266-269. 

Legion. Roman, 310, 311. 

Leo III. (the Isaurian), Eastei-n 
emperor, 509. 

Leon'ldas, Spartan king, 153. 

Lep'ldus, M. ^l^millus. consul, revolt 
of, 376. 

Lepidus, M. -T^milius. triumvir. 
393, 397 ; defeated by Octavius 
without a battle, 399. 

Les'bos, island of the ^Egean, oc- 
cupied by the Dorians, 95 ; mem- 
ber of the Delian confederacy, 
167 ; revolt against Athens. 181. 

Leue'tra. battle at. 192. 

LcJC curlaia dc imperio, 277 : Cami- 
leid. 293; Julia. 396; Plavtia 
Papiria. 396 ; maicxtatls, 423. 

Library, of Assurbanipal. 54 ; at 
I'ergamum, 250 ; at Alexandria, 

I^icin'lan legislation. 295. 

Lictors. official attendants, 287. 

Life, at Sparta. 117. 118; at 
Athens. 219-223 ; at Rome, after 
the conquests. 251 ; under the em- 
pire. 432-436. 

Literature. Babylonian, 25 ; Egyp- 
tian, 37 ; Hebrew, 48 ; Persian. 
68 ; early Greek. 137-140 ; Attic 
period. 205-215; at I'ergamum. 
250 ; at Alexandria. 255 ; at 
Rome, after the conquesis, 350; 
in the later republic, 402 ; under 
Augustus. 415 ; during the early 
empire, 446. 

Liv'ia, wife of Augustus, 416. 

Liv'y, Roman historian, 416. 

Lomtiards. kingdom of. .502; en- 
croachment upon the pap.'icy, 511 ; 
<lefeated by Pepin. 513; conquered 
by Charlemagne, 515. 



INDEX 



545 



Long Walls, of Athens, built by 

Pericles, 165 ; destroyed by Ly- 

sander, 186 ; rebuilt by Conon, 

190. 
Lu'can. Roman poet. 446. 
Luc'ca. conference at, 384. 
Lu'cert's. settlement at Rome, 27.5. 
Lucre'tius (-shI-us), Roman poet, 

468. 
Lucul'lus. Roman general, .379. 
Lusitu'nians, revolt of tbe, .341. 
Luxury at Rome, 351, 430-432. 
Lyce'um at Athens, 200. 
Lycla (ITsh'i-a), Roman province, 

424. 
Lycur'gus, Spartan legislator, 115. 
Lyd'ia, kingdom of Asia Minor, 63 ; 

conquered by Persia, 64. 
Lyric poetry, Greek, 138. 
Lysan'der, Spartan admiral and 

statesman, 168, 187. 
Lys'ias, Greek orator, 214. 
Lysim'a€hus, general of Alexander. 

239. 

Macedo'nia, rise of. 225 ; relation 
to the Greeks. 226 : under I'hilip. 
227-230 ; under Alexander. 230- 
235; relation to the Greek federa- 
tions, 240-243 : first war with 
Rome, 333 ; second war, 334 ; 
third war, 336 ; reduced to a 
province, 337. 

Msece'nas, friend of Augustus, 414. 

Magna GrsE'cia (-shi-a), 80, 266. 

Magne'sia (-shi-a), battle of, 33.''>. 

Mahomet, or Mohammed, 505-507. 

Mam'ertlnes at Messana. 317. 

Man'etlio. Egyptian historian, 255. 

Manil'ian law, 379. 

Man'iple, military formation, 371. 

Man'lius. M., his defense of tbe 
Capitol at Rome, 300. 

Mantine'a, walls razed by Sparta, 
190 ; rebuilt by Epaminondas. 
193. 

Mar'athon, battle of, 146-148. 

Marcel'lus, governo!- of Sicily. 328. 

Marcoman'ni, German tribe, 443. 

Mar'cus Aure'lius, emperor, 443. 

Mardo'nius, Persian general, 145, 
146. 

Ma'rius, Gains, in .lugurthine war, 
365 ; in Cimbric war, 366 ; joins 
the popular party, 366 : in Social 
war, 367 ; driven from Rome, 371 ; 
joins Cinna in the "Marian mas- 
sacres," 371. 

Marius, Gaius (adopted son), 372. 

Mars, 267, 277. 

Massil'ia (Marseilles), 344. 

Maureta'nia, Roman province, 424. 

Maxen'tius (shi-us), rival of Con- 
stantine, 459. 

Maxim'ian, associate of Diocletian. 
456. 

Mayors of the palace, 512. 

Medes, 58 ; their empire, 61-63. 



Medu'sa. slain by Perseus, 85. 
Megalop'olis, city in Arcadia, 193. 
Meg'ara, conquered by the Dorians, 

114. 
Mem'phis, city of Egypt, 29. 
Menan'der, Greek comic writer, 245. 
Menela'us. Greek chieftain, 84, 86. 
Me'nes, king of Egypt, 29. 
Merovin'gians, Frankish dynasty. 

512. 
Mesopota'mia, or Tigris-Euphrates 

Valley, 21. 
Messa'na, town in Sicily, 317. 
Messe'ne, city of Messenia. 193. 
Messe'nia. district of (ireece, 79 ; 

occupied by the Dorians, 114 ; sub- 
dued by Sparta. 118. 
Metau'rus, battle of the, 328. 
Metel'lus, CiPcil'ius. consul, 365. 
Met'ics, resident foreigners at 

Athens, 173. 
Mlle'tus. city of Ionia. 95 ; as a 

center of colonization, 109 ; in the 

Ionian revolt, 144 ; destroyed, 

14.5. 
Mi'lo, T. Annius, opponent of Clo- 

dius, 386, 387. 
Milti'ades, Greek general, 146, 148. 
Mi'nos, mythical king of Crete, 85. 
Min'otaur, Cretan monster, 85. 
Missions, papal, 510. 
Mithrida'tes, king of Pontus, 371, 

372. 
Mce'ris, lake in Egypt, 33. 
Mohammed and Mohammedanism. 

505-507. 
Monarchy. See Kingship. 
Monasticism in the West, 510. 
Mo'ses, Hebrew lawgiver, 45. 
Mum'mius, Roman general, 339. 
Mun'da, battle of, 387. 
Municipal system of Rome. 308, 

390, 470. 
Muse'um at Alexandria, 255. 
Mu'tina, war of, 396. 
Myc'ale, battle of, 157. 
Myce'nie, city of Argolis, 82 ; ruins 

at, 89. 
Mycense'an (or Myce'nian), culture, 

91. 
My'hp, battle of, 319. 
ily'ron, Greek sculptor, 203. 
Mytile'ne, city of Lesbos. 95 ; re- 
volt of, 181. 

Nae'vius, Roman poet, 351. 

Names, Roman, abbreviations of, 

295. 
Narbonen'sis, Roman province, 365. 
Nar'ses. general of .lustinian, 501. 
Naupac'tus. I'eace of, 243. 
Navy, Persian, 68 ; Athenian, 119, 

120 : Roman, 216. 
Xax'os, island reduced by Cimon, 

163. 
Nebuchadnez'zar (Nebuchadrezzar), 

Babylonian king, 58. 
Ne'mea, games at, 133. 



)46 



INDEX 



Ne'ro. emperor. 422. 

Ner'va, emperor. -I'M. 

New Carthage, city in Spain, 323. 

Nicae'a, council of, 461. 

Nicias (nish'i-as), Athenian states- 
man, 181 ; Peace of. 182 ; in 
Sicilian expedition, 183. 

Nicome'dia, residence of Diocletian. 
4.50. 

Nile, river of Egypt, 19 ; the val- 
ley, 27. 

Nin'e-veh, capital of Assyria, 21, 
51 ; its destruction, 63. 

Nip'pur, city of Babylonia. 22. 

Nobility, at Athens. 120. 121 : al 
Rome, under the republic. 34.") ; 
under the empire, 496 ; Romano- 
Germanic, 496. .Sfce also Pa- 
tricians, Oi)ti)iuites. 

Nu'ma, king of Rome, 267. 

Numan'tia (-shi-a), town in Spain, 
341. 

Numid'ia, kingdom in Africa, 339. 

Octa'vius (Octavirrnus), nephew 
and adopted son of Caesar, ap- 
pears at Rome, 395 ; joins tbe 
senate. 395 ; in second triumvi- 
rate, 396; at battle of Philippi. 
397 ; war with Antony. 400, 401 ; 
emperor Augustus. 407-417. 

Odo-a'cer, king of the Ileruli, 489. 

Od'vssey, the, 96. 

(Kd'ipus. mythical king of Thebes, 
86, 209. 

(Enoph'yta, battle at, 166. 

Olym'pian games. 131. 

Olym'pus, Mt., 77 ; abode of the 
Homeric gods, 99. 

Olyn'thiac war. 190. 

O'mar, caliph, 505. 

Ommi'ads, Mohammedan dynasly. 
506. 

Optiiun'tes. aristocratic party at 
Rome. 358. 

Or'acle, at Dodona, 77, 81 : at Del- 
phi. 78, 130. 

Or€hom'enus, city of Bcpotia, 78 ; 
seat of Mycen;T>an culture, 9s ; 
battle at, 372. 

Ores'tes, Roman "patrician." 488. 
489. 

Or'muzd, Persian deity, 69. 

Os'cans, people of Italy, 264. 

Os'tracism at Athens, 127. 

Os'trogoths. kingdom of. 489. 

D'tho, emperor, 426. 

Ov'id, Roman poet, 416. 

Painting, Egyptian, 36 ; Assvrian. 

58 ; Athenian, 205. 
Palseop'olis. city in Campania, 301, 

.302. 
Pal'atinc hill, settled by the r.,atins. 

272. 
Pal'la. Roman dress. 432. 
Palmy'ra, destruction of. 453. 
Panathenas'a, Greek festival, 133. 



I'an'theon at Rome. 415. 

I'apacy, its growth, 508-511 ; alli- 
ance with the Franks. 512-514. 

Paphlago'nia, kingdom in Asia 
Minor, 240. 

Papin'ian. Roman .iurist. 451. 

I'armen'ides, Greek philosopher, 141. 

Parme'nio, general of Alexander, 
235. 

Parnas'sus, Mt., in Phocis, 78. 

Parr/ifi'sius (-shi-us), Greek painter, 
205. 

Par'thenon at Athens. 200. 

Par'thia. kingdom of Asia, in- 
vaded by Crassus, 386. 

Parties, at Athens, 176; at Rome. 
Sec Patricians. Plebeians, Op- 
tiiiiatrn, I'opiilarcs. 

Patricians. Roman. 279; relation to 
the plebeians, 288 et seq. ; to the 
new nobility, 345. 

Paul'lus. Roman jurist, 452, 475. 

Paullus. .Emilius. consul (father), 
at the battle of Cannsie, 326. 

Paullus. .Emilius (son), at the bat- 
tle of Pydna. 336. 

Pausa'nias. Spartan general, at the 
battle of I'lat.-ea. 156 : frees 
.T^gean cities. 161 ; his treachery 
and death, 162 and note. 

Pelas'gians, early people of Greece. 
80. 

Pelop'idas, Theban patriot. 191. 
193. 

Peloponne'sian League. 118. 

Peloponnesian war, 178-187. 

Peloponne'sus. 79 ; occupied by the 
Dorians, 93. 

Pentap'olis in Italy, part of the 
papal territory, 514. 

Pep'in (Pippin), king of the Franks, 
512. 

Perdic'cas. general of Alexander, 

Per'samura. kingdom of. 240 ; a 
center of Hellenistic culture. 
248 : bequeathed to Rome. 343. 

Per'icir's. Greek statesman. his 
political policv. 164-171 ; his war 
policy. 179 : his death. 181 : his 
oratory. 213. 

Periop'ci at Sparta. 116. 

Persecutions. See Christians. 

Persep'olis. city of Persia. 68, 69 ; 
captured by Alexander. 235. 

Per'seus. king of INIacedonia, 336. 

Perseus, slayer of ^Medusa, 85. 

Per'sia (shT-a), ancient empire, 63- 
71 : wars with Greece, 143 ef seq. : 
conquered by Alexander, 234. 235 : 
new monarchy of the Sassanid;?. 
452. 485 ; conquered by the Sara- 
cens. 506. 

Pha'lanx. Greek, 176 ; Macedonian, 
'227 : earlv Roman. 311. 

Phar'naces, king of Pontus, de- 
feated bv Caesar, 388. 

Pharsa'lus," battle of, 388. 



INDEX 



547 



Phld'ias, Greek sculptor and ar- 
chitect, 203. 

Phi'don, ruler of Argos, 114. 

Phil'ip II., king of Macedonia, 227- 
230. 

I'liilip v., his alliance with Hanni- 
bal, 243, 328 ; at war with Homo, 
333-336. 

Philip'pi, battle of, 397. 

Philip'pics, of Demosthenes, 228 ; of 
Cicero, 390. 

Philoc'rates, Peace of, 228, 229. 

Philosophy, early Greek, 140, 141 ; 
in Attic period, 215-218 ; post- 
Aristotelian, 246 ; at Home. 350, 
448. 

Pho'cis, district of Greece, 78 ; in 
second Sacred war, 228. 

Phoeni'cia (-shi-a), and its civiliza- 
tion. 41-44. 

Phra'try, (Ueek brotherhood, 103. 

Phryn'iehus, (Jreek tragedian, 207. 

Pin'dar, Greek lyrist, 158. 

Pirse'us, harbor of Athens, 150, 160, 
165. 

Pirates, Illyrian, 322 ; Cilician, 379. 

Pisis'tratus, tyrant at Athens, 124. 

Placid'ia, ruler at Rome, 488. 

Plat£p'a, city of Bc^otia. battle at, 
156; in I'eloponnesian war, 181. 
190. 

Pla'to, Greek philosopher, 217. 

Plau'tus, Roman dramatist, 351. 

Plebe'ians at Rome, early status. 
279 ; struggle for economic 
rights. 288-291 : stru^rgle for 
equal law. 291-293 ; admitted to 
the consulship, 296. 

Plin'v the Elder, Roman writer. 
447. 

Pliny the Younger. 447. 

Pnvx, hill of Athens, 199. 

Pollen'tia (-shi-a), battle of, 487. 

Polyb'itis, (ireek historian. 336. 

Polygno'tus, Greek painter, 205. 

Pompe'ii (-yi), destroyed, 428; ex- 
cavations at. 430; life at. 434. 

Pompe'ius, Gnjpus (I'ompey the 
Great), joins Sulla, 372: defeats 
Lepidus, 376 ; defeats Sertorius. 
377 ; becomes consul. 378 ; vic- 
tories in the East. 379. 380 : 
memljer of the first triumvirate. 
382 ; liecomes sole consul, 38() : 
war with Caesar, 388. 

Pompeius, Sestus, 393 ; his fleet de- 
stroyed by Octavius. 399. 

Pon'tifcx Maa^'imus, 278. 

Pon'tus. kingdom in Asia Minor, 
309. 

Popula'rca. democratic party at 
Rome. 358. 

Porsen'na (Por'sena). Etruscan 
prince. 269. 

PoscT'don (Neptune), 100; worship 
on the Acropolis at Athens, 202. 

Proefects. magistrates under Au- 
gustus, 410. 



Prce'tor percgrVnus, 403. 

PriPto'rian guard, established by 
Augustus, 409, 410 ; stationed at 
Rome by Tiberius. 424 ; reorgan- 
ized by Septimius Severus. 450 ; 
abolished by Constantine. 462. 

Praxit'eles, (ireek sculptor, 204. 

Pre'fecture, a subject city, 308 ; a 
territorial division of the later 
empire, 461. 

Proco'pius, Roman historian. 499. 

Proper'tius (-shI-us), Roman poet. 
416. 

Propylse'a, entrance to the Acropolis, 
200. 

Proscriptions, of Sulla, 373 ; of the 
second triumvirate, 397. 

Provinces. Roman, in Punic wars, 
321, 322 ; after the conquests. 
.346-348 ; under Augustus, 412 ; 
under the Julian line, 424 ; under 
the Antonines, 445 ; under Con- 
stantine. 461 ; review of the 
provincial system, 471. 

Psammet'ichus, Egyptian king. 31. 

Ptolemies, kingdom of the, 239. 

Ptolemv, Greek astronomer, 256. 

Public land at Rome, 289. See also 
Agrarian laws. 

Publil'ius Phi'Io, first proconsul, 
302. 

Pu'nic wars. See Carthage, 

Pydna. liattle of. 336. 

Pyramids, Egyptian, 30, 35. 

Pyr'rhus. Greek general, his war 
with Rome, 304-306. 

Pytkag'oras, Greek philosopher, 141. 

Qufi'di, German tribe, 443. 
(>ua»s'tors. first elected. 286. 
Quintil'ian. Roman writer, 447. 
Quir'inal hill, settled by the Sa- 

bines, 273. 
Quiri'nus, the deified Romulus, 277. 

Race characteristics. 14. 

Radagaj'sus, barbarian chief. 487. 

Rame^'ses (Ram'ses) IT.. Egyptian 
king. 31. 

Ram'nes, Latin settlers at Rome. 
272. 

Raven'na, exarchate of, 501 ; con- 
quered by the Lombards. 513 ; 
conquered by Pepin and granted 
to the Pope, 514. 

Reg'ulus. Roman general, 319. 

Religion, Babylonian, 25 ; Egyptian, 
33 ; Phoenician, 41 ; Hebrew, 47 ; 
Persian, 69 ; Homeric, 99 ; an 
element of Greek culture, 130- 
134 ; early Roman. 277 ; after the 
conquests, 349 ; decay during the 
later republic. 405 ; attempts at 
reform by Augustus, 416. See 
also Christianity, Church. 

Re'mus, brother of Romulus, 267. 

R/iodes, i-epublic of, 240 ; its cul- 
ture, 250. 



548 



INDEX 



Ric'imer, the "king-maker," 488. 

Roads, Persian, 67 ; Roman, 312. 

Roman law, codification of the 
XII. Tables, 292 ; administration 
in the provinces, o4S ; improve- 
ment under the republic, 402, 
403 ; under the empire, 449 ; codi- 
fled by Justinian, 502 ; review 
of its character, 473. 

Romano-Oermauic society, 495. 

Rome, the city, its traditional 
foundation, 266 : its i)robal)le 
origin, 271-275 ; its growth under 
the later kings, 282 ; destroyed liy 
the Gauls, 300 ; occupied by 
Sulla, 370 ; administration under 
Augustus, 410 ; sacked by the 
Visigoths, 487 ; pillaged by the 
Vandals, 488 ; seat of the papacy, 
508. 

Rom'ulus, legendary founder of 
Rome, 267. 

Romulus Augus'tulus, emperor, 489. 

Roncesval'les, battle near, 515. 

Roset'ta Stone, the key to the 
Egyptian hieroglyphics, 37. 

Ru'bicon, crossed by Civsar, 388. 

Sabel'Iians, people of Italy. 264. 
Sa'bincs. branch of the Sabellians. 
264 ; union with the Romans, 273. 
Sacred war, first, 131 ; second, 228. 
Sagun'tum, city of Spain, captured 

by Hannibal, 324. 
Saint Sophi'a, church of, 499. 
Sa'is, city of Egypt, 31. 
Sakka'rah, village of Egypt, 30. 
Sal'amis, Island of Greece, 79 ; bat- 
tle of. 154. 
Sal'lust, Roman historian, 403. 
Salo'na, seat of Diocletian's palace, 

458. 
Sal'vius .Tnlia'nus. Roman jurist. 

449. 
Sam'nitc wars. 301-304. 
Sa'mos, island of the ^lilgean, set- 
tled by the lonians, 95 ; ally of 

Athens. 167. 
Sappho (safo). Greek poetess, 139. 
Saracens, or Arabians, 505-507. 
Sardin'ia. reduced to a province. 

321. 
Sar'dis, capital of Lydia, captured 

I)y Cyrus, 65 ; burned by the 

lonians, 145. 
Sar'gon I., Babylonian king, 22. 
Sargon II., Assyrian king, 33, 47. 
Sassan'ida^. Persian dynasty. 452. 
Sa'traps. of Assyria, 55 ; of Persia. 

67. 
Saturni'nus, tribune associated with 

Marius. 367. 
Saul, Hebrew king, 45. 
Saxons, conciuered bv (Minrlemaune 

517. 
Schlie'n.aiiii, Cermnu archa>ologis(. 

88, 89. 
Science, Baliyloniau. 27 ; Egyptian. 



35 ; at Pergamum, 250 ; at Alex- 
andria, 256. 

Scip'io, Lucius, defeats Antiochus 
at Magnesia, 335. 

Scipio, P. Cornelius (father), his 
campaigns in Cisalpine Gaul and 
Spain, 324, 325. 

Scipio. 1'. Cornelius Africanus (son), 
the hero of the second Punic war, 
329, 331 ; at the battle of Mag- 
nesia, 335. 

Scipio .T^milia'nus, the conqueror of 
Carthage and Numantia, 340, 341. 

Scipio Nasi'ca, senatorial leader 
against Tiberius (iracchus, 360. 

Sculpture, Egyptian, 36 ; Assyrian, 
57; early Greek, 136; Attic 
period, 202 ; at I'ergamum, 249 : 
at Rhodes, 250. 

Scyth'ians, barbarian tribe, 63, 65. 

Secession of the plebeians, first, 
289 ; second, 292. 

Seja'nus, adviser of Tiberius, 420. 

Seleu'cida-, kingdom of the, 239 : 
its civilization, 252. 

Sella'sia (-shl-a), battle of, 242. 

Semit'ic peoples, 15, 16 ; in the 
Tigris-Euphrates vallev, 21 ; in 
Syria, 41. 

Senipro'nius, Tiberius, consul, in 
second Punic war, 324, 325. 

Senate, Roman, under the kings, 
277 ; in early republic, 287 ; grow- 
ing power after the conquests, 
345 ; weakened by (iaius Gracchus. 
361 ; restored after his death. 
364 ; under Sulla, 374 ; under 
Cfesar, 390 ; under Augustus, 408. 

Sen'eca, Roman philosopher, 422, 
446. 

Seunaeh'erib, Assyrian king, 53. 

Senti'num, battle of, 303. 

Sep'tnagint, (Jreek version of the 
Jewish scriptures, 256. 

Serto'rius, Q., colleague of Carbo, 
372 ; his revolution in Spain, 377. 

Servile war in Sicily, 341. 

Ser'vius Tul'lius, king of Rome, 268. 

Se'ti I., Egyptian king, 31. 

Seve'rus, Alexander, emperor, 451. 

Severus, Septimius, 450. 

Shalmane'ser I., Assyrian king, 51. 

Shalmaneser II., 52. 

Sicily, island, a part of Hellas, SO; 
seat of (Jreek colonies. 113 ; Car- 
thaginian attack upon, 157: 
Athenian expedition to, 183. 184 : 
supremacy of Syracuse in. 194. 
195 ; campaign of Pyrrhus in, 
305 ; seat of the first Punic war, 
317; the first Roman province, 
321. 

Sicyon (sTsh'i-on), city of the 
Peloponnesus. 107. 

Si'don. city of Phcpuicia. 42. 

Simon'ides. (Jreek lyric poet. 158. 

Sip'par. city of Babylonia, 22. 

Slavery, Jewish. 47 ; Assyrian. 56 ; 



INDEX 



549 



Greek, 172-220 ; Roman, 341, 355, 
430. 

Social customs, see Life. 

Social war, Athenian, 228 ; Roman. 
367. 

Soc'rates, Greek philo.sopher, 216. 

Soissons (swahs-soN'), battle of, 
493. 

Sororaon. Hebrew kins, 46. 

So'lon, Athenian lawgiver, 122. 

Sophists at Athens, 216. 

Soph'ocles, Greek tragedian, 208. 

Spain, Carthaginian power in, 323 : 
the two Roman provinces, 331 ; re- 
volt of the Celtiberians and Lu- 
sitanians, 340 : settled by the 
Suevi and Visigoths, 492 ; con- 
quered by the Saracens, 506 ; in- 
vaded by Charlemagne, 515. 

Spar'ta, city of Laconia, founded 
by the Dorians, 114 ; classes of 
the people, 115 ; its government, 
116; education and discipline, 
117; head of the Peloponnesian 
League, 118 : its position in 
Greece. 119; hostility to Athens. 
164 ; in Peloponnesian war, 178- 
186 ; supremacy in Greece, 187- 
190 ; conflict with the Achaean 
league, 241. 

Spar'tacus. Roman gladiator, 377. 

Sphacte'ria. island, captured by 
Cleon, 182. 

Stesi€h'orus, Greek lyric poet, 139. 

Stil'i^ho, Vandal general in the 
service of Honorius. 487. 

Sto'ic philosophy, 246 ; at Rome. 
350, 448, 475. 

Sto'Ia, Roman dress, 432. 

Stra-te'(/i. Athenian generals, 127. 
174, 175. 

Sueto'nius, Roman biographer, 447. 

Sue'vi; kingdom of, 492. 

Suffraghim, 294. 

Sul'la, L. Cornelius, Roman general 
and statesman, in Social war. 
368 ; given command against 
Mithridates, 369; marched" upon 
Rome, 370 ; in the first Mithri- 
datic war, 371 ; war with the 
Marian party, 372 ; his proscrip- 
tions, 373 ; his constitution, 373, 
374. 

Sulpician (sul-pTsh'i-an) laws, 370. 

Sy-a'grius. Roman governor of 
Gaul. 488, 493. 

Sympo'sium. Greek, 223. 

Syr'acuse, Dorian colony in Sicily, 
resists the Carthaginians, in tlie 
Persian wars, 157, 158 ; besieged 
by the Athenians in the Pelopon- 
nesian war, 183, 184 ; its su- 
premacy in western Hellas, 194, 
195 ; in the first Punic war, 317, 
318; in the second Punic war. 
328 ; joined to the province of 
Sicily. 331. 

Syr'ia. early meeting ground be- 



tween the Babylonians and Egyp- 
tians, 20. 21 ; occupied by the 
Pnoenicians and Hebrews, 41 ; 
conquered by the Assyrians, 53, 
54 ; by the Persians, 65 ; by Alex- 
ander, 235 ; kingdom of the Se- 
leucidiP, 239 ; war with Rome, 
335 ; reduced to a Roman prov- 
ince, 379. 

Tnc'itus, emperor, 453. 

Tacitus, Roman historian, 447. 

Tan'agra, battle of, 166. 

Ta'nis, city of Egypt, 30, 31. 

Taren'tum, Greek colony in Italy, 
war with Rome. 304 ; surrendered 
to Hannibal, 327 ; recaptured by 
Rome, 328. 

Tar'quins, kings of Rome, 268. 

Taxes, Roman, under the republic. 
348, 358 ; under Ca?sar. 390 ; 
under Augustus. 413. 

Tel-el-Amarna tablets, 31 note. 

Tel'lo, city of Babylonia, 22. 

Tem'pe, vale in Thessaly, 77 ; occu- 
pied by Xerxes, 153. 

Temples, Babylonian, 26 ; Egyp- 
tian, 35; Greek. 134, 200; Ro- 
man. 282, 350, 404, 414. 

Ten Thousand, march of the. 188. 

Ter'ence. Roman dramatist. 351. 

Terentil'ius Harsa, tribune. 291. 

Teu'toberg Forest, battle at. 413. 

Teu'tones. See Cimbric war. 

Tha'les. Greek philosopher, 140. 

Thap'sus. battle of, 389. 

Tha'sos, island of the .^gean, re- 
volt of, 163. 

Theater, Greek. 205 ; Roman, 433. 

Thebes, city of Boeotia. 78 ; seized 
by Sparta, 190 ; liberated by 
Pelopidas. 191 ; supremacy of, 
192 ; decline, 193 ; destroyed by 
Alexander. 231. 

Thebes, city of Egypt. 30. 

Themis'tocles, Greek statesman, his 
naval programme. 149 ; at the 
Congress of Corinth. 150 ; at the 
battle of Salamis, 154 ; rebuilds 
Athens, 160 ; character and exile, 
161. 

Theoc'ritus, Greek pastoral poet, 
225. 

Theodo'ra, wife of Justinian, 449. 

The'odore of Tarsus. 495. 

Theod'oric, king of the Ostrogoths, 
489. 

Theodo'sius (-sh)-us) I., emperor. 
465. 

Thermop'yla?, battle of. 153, 154. 

These'um, temple at Athens. 199. 

The'seils. mythical king of Athens, 
85, 120. 

Thesmoth'eUe at Athens. 121. 

Thes'saly, district of Greece. 77 ; 
early seat of the Dorians, 93. 

The'tes at Athens. 123. 

Thirty Tyrants at Athens. 187. 



550 



INDEX 



Thirty Years' Trvire, 171. 

Thoth'mes III., Egyptian king, 31. 

Tlirac'e, Roman province, 424. 

Tlirasybu'lus, Athenian patriot. 187. 

Thucyd'ides, Greeli historian, 212. 

Tibe'rius, emperor, 420. 

Tibul'Ius. Roman poet, 416. 

Tig'Iath-Pile'ser I., Asisyrian lung. 
52. 

Tiglath-I'ileser III.. 5.3. 

Ti'gris-Euphra'tes valley, 21. 

Timo'leon the Liberator, 195. 

Ti'ryus. citv of Argolis, 82 ; citadel 
of, 89. 

Tissapher'nes. Persian governor of 
Asia Minor. ISO. 

Tit'i-es, Sabine settlers at Rome, 
273. 

Ti'tus, emperor. 427. 

To'ga, Roman dress, 432. 

Tours (toor), l)attle of, 506. 

Tragedy, 206-210. 

Tra'.ian, emperor, 437. 

Trasume'nus, Lake, battle of, 326 

Treason, Roman law under Tiberius 
423. 

Tribes, in the Greek city state, 103 
the four Ionian. 120, 123: the ten 
Attic, of Clisthenes (local), 126: 
the Italic, 2f)l : in the Roman 
city state, 276 ; the Servian 
(local), 280; relation to the 
ar/cr Romanus. 307. 

Tribo'nian, Roman jurist, 502. 

Tri'bunes of the people. 290. 374. 
378. 

Trit'tvs. Attic county, 126. 

Trium'virate. first. 382 : second. 
396. 

Tro'jan war, 86. 

Troy, citv of Asia Minor, 86 ; ex- 
cavations at, 88-100. 

Tul'lus Hostirius. king of Rome. 
268. 

Twelve Tables. Roman code, 292. 

Tyrants in Greece, 106. 

Tyre, city of Ph(pnicia, 42 ; besieged 
by Ale.xander, 231. 

Tyrta^'us, (ireek lyric poet, 138. 

ITl'filas, Arian Christian, apostle of 

the Goths, 485. 
Ul'pian, Roman jurist, 475. 
Um'brians, people of Italy, 265. 



Ur, city of Babylonia, 22, 45. 
U'tica, city of Africa, 340. 

Vadimo'nis, Lake, battle of, 302. 

Va'lens. emperor, 465. 

Valentin'iau, emperor, 465. 

Valerio-Horatian laws. 293. 

Vale'rius Poplic'ola. laws of. 288. 

Van'dals, German tribe, settled in 
Africa, 488 ; conquered by Jus- 
tinian, 490, 500. 

Vaphi'o cups, 90, 91. 

Var'ro, Teren'tius, consul. 326. 

Vfi'rus, Roman general, 413. 

Ve'ii (-vi), citv of Etruria. siege of, 
300. 

Vercel'h¥. battle of, 366. 

Vercinget'orix, Gallic chief. 386. 

Ver'gil, Roman poet. 415. 

Ver'res, impeachment of, 382. 

Vespa'sian (-zhi-an), emperor, 426. 

Vestal virgins, 278. 

Vesu'vius, Mt., eruption of, 428. 

Village community, German. 484. 

Vis'igoths, invasion under Alaric, 
486 ; kingdom in Spain, 492. 

Vitel'lius, emperor, 427. 

Vol'scians, Italic tribe, 263 ; wars 
with Rome, 299, 300. 

Walls, at Athens, of Themistocles, 
160; of Pericles, 165; at Rome, 
of Se-rvius, 283 ; of Aurelian, 
453. .S'fc also Long Walls. 

Women in Homeric times, 100 ; in 
time of Pericles, 321. 

Writing. Babylonian, 25 ; Egyptian. 
37 ; Phoenician, 43, 44. 

Xanthip'pus (zan-), Spartan gen- 
eral, 319. 

Xenoph'anes (ze-) Greek philoso- 
pher. 141. 

Xen'ophon (zen'-), Greek historian, 
189, 213. 

Xerxes (zerk'sez), Persian king, in- 
vasions of Greece, 151-155. 

Za'ma, battle of, 331. 

Ze'la, battle of, 388. 

Ze'no, Greek philosopher. 246. 

Zeno'bia, queen of Palmyra, 453. 

Zetis (.Jupiter), 99. 

Zeux'is. Greek painter. 205. 

Zoro-as'ter, Persian reformer, 69. 



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The numerous maps give to every event its local habitation, 
and the pictures are reproductions of real objects, and serve not 
only to vivify the text but also to stimulate the historical imagination. 
At the close of each chapter are inserted lists of carefully prepared 
topics for intensive study, and of brief selections for collateral or 
supplementary reading. In the appendix is given a brief bibli- 
ography for a working school library, as well as a more compre- 
hensive bibliography of English history. The volume closes with 
an excellent index. 



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HART'S ESSENTIALS IN 
AMERICAN HISTORY 

FROM THE DISCOVERY 
TO THE PRESENT DAY 

By Albert Bushnell Hart, LL.D., Professor of History- 
Harvard University 

Half-leather, 8vo., 631 pages, with maps and illustrations 

Price, $1.50 

This text-book has been prepared with special reference to 
the report of the Committee of Seven, which recommended that 
United States history should be studied in the fourth, year of 
the high school. The requirements exacted by colleges for 
entrance and by the Regents of the University of the State of 
New York have been borne in mind in its preparation. 

The purpose of the volume is to present an adequate descrip- 
tion of all essential things in the upbuilding of the country, and 
to supplement this by good illustrations and maps. Political 
geography, being the background of all historical knowledge, is 
made a special topic, while the development of government, foreign 
relations, the diplomatic adjustment of controversies, and social and 
economic conditions have been duly emphasized. Much attention 
is paid to the causes and results of our various wars, but only the 
most significant battles and campaigns have been described. The 
book aims to make distinct the character and public service of some 
great Americans, brief accounts of whose lives are given in special 
sections of the text. 

With few exceptions, the illustrations are all pictures of actual 
objects, and have been chosen with great care. Besides a series of 
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and lists of references to selected books. 



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Classical Dictionaries 



HARPER'S DICTIONARY OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE AND 

ANTIQUITIES 

Edited by H. T. Peck, Ph.D., Professor of the Latin Language 

and Literature in Columbia University. 

Royal Octavo, 1716 pages. Illustrated. 
One Vol. Cloth . . $6.00 Two Vols. Cloth . . $7.00 

One Vol. Half Leather . 8.00 Two Vols Half Leather . 10.00 

An encyclopaedia, giving the student, in a concise and intelligible 
form, the essential facts of classical antiquity. It also indicates the 
sources whence a fuller and more critical knowledge of these subjects 
can best be obtained. The articles, which are arranged alphabetically, 
include subjects in biography, mythology, geography, history, literature, 
antiquities, language, and bibliography. The illustrations are, for the 
most part, reproductions of ancient objects. The editor in preparing 
the book has received the co-operation and active assistance of the most 
eminent American and foreign scholars. 

SMITH S DICTIONARY OF GREEK AND ROMAN ANTIQUITIES 

Edited by William Smlfh, Ph.D. Revised by Charles 
Anthon, LL.D. Octavo, 1 133 pages. Illustrated. Sheep $4.25 
Carefully revised, giving the results of the latest researches in the 
history, philology, and antiquities of the ancients. In the work of 
revision, the American editor has had the assistance of the most dis- 
tinguished scholars and scientists. 

STUDENTS' CLASSICAL DICTIONARY 

A Dictionary of Biography, Mythology, and Geography. Abridged. 

By WiLLL\M Smith, D.C.L., LL.D. 

i2mo, 43S pages. Cloth . . . . . . . $1 .25 

Designed for those schools and students who are excluded from the 
use of the larger Classical Dictionary, both by its size and its price. All 
names have been inserted which one would be likely to meet with at the 
bceinnin<r of classical studv. 



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MYTHOLOGY 



GUERBER'S MYTHS OF GREECE AND ROME. Illustrated . $1.50 

The sa.ne. Without illustrations 1.00 

GUERBER'S MYTHS OF NORTHIRN LANDS. Ill-ustrated . 1.50 

GUEBER'S LEGENDS OF THE MIDDLE AGES, illustrated . 1.50 

By H. a. GUERBER, Lecturer on MythoI®gy. 



These companion volumes present a complete outline 
of Ancient and Mediaeval Mythology, narrated with 
special reference to Literature and Art. They are uni- 
formly bound in cloth, and are richly illustrated with 
beautiful reproductions of masterpieces of ancient and 
modern painting and sculpture. 

While primarily designed as manuals for the use of 
classes in schools where Mythology is made a regular sub- 
ject of study and for collateral and supplementary reading 
in classes studying literature or criticism, they are equally 
well suited for private students and for home reading. 
For this purpose the myths are told in a clear and charming 
style and in a connected narrative without unnecessary 
digressions. To show the wonderful influence of these 
ancient myths in literature, numerous and appropriate 
quotations from the poetical writings of all ages, from 
Hesiod's "Works and Days" to Tennyson's "Oenone," 
have been included in the text in connection with the 
description of the different myths and legends. 

Maps, complete glossaries, and indexes adapt the 
manuals for convenient use in schools, libraries, or art 
galleries. 

Copies of the above books will be sent ^ prepaid, to a?iy address on receipt 
of the price by the Publishers : 

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New York ♦ Cincinnati • Chicago 

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A Descriptive Catalogue 
of High School and 
College Text-Books 



WE issue a complete descriptive catalogue of our 
text-books for secondary schools and higher institu- 
tions, illustrated with authors' portraits. For the con- 
venience of teachers, separate sections are published, 
devoted to the newest and best books in the following 
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ENGLISH 

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SCIENCE 

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shall be very glad to send you on request the catalogue 
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office of the Company. 



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